--- Page 1 --- - N = ro S2782782 - - 1 : 6 - 2 a - Rox gf JA BLUE COAT 3 or 39 a POWDERED - WIG - - : < FREE PEOPLE - - a 2 C COLOR in PRE-REVOLUTIONARY - 1 SAINT DOMINGUE - - a Stewart R. King S a aaas --- Page 2 --- Blue Coat Or Powdered Wig --- Page 3 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 4 --- ( a - 0e Du - 00000 Blue Coat Or Powdered Wig FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR IN PRE-REVOLUTIONARY SAINT DOMINGUE Stewart R. King THE UNIVERSITY OF GEORGIA PRESS ATHENS AND LONDON --- Page 5 --- 0 2001 by the University ofGeorgia Press Athens, Georgia 30602 All rights reserved Designed by Betty Palmer McDaniel Set in 10/13 Caslon by G&S Typesetters, Inc. Printed and bound by McNaughton & Gunn The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability ofthe Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity ofthe Council on Library Resources. Printed in the United States of America 05 04 03 02 01 C4321 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data King, Stewart R., 1960Blue coat or powdered wig : free people of color in prerevolutionary Saint Domingue Stewart R. King. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8203-2233-4 (alk. paper) 1. Saint-Domingue History- 18th century. 2. Free BlacksSaint-Domingue History. 3. Free Blacks- Saint-Domingue Economic conditions 18th century. 4. Free Blacks SaintDomingue- Social conditions- 8th century. F1923.K56 2001 972.94'00496 dc21 00-56782 British Library Cataloging-in-Publication Data available ISBN for this digital edition: 978-0-8203-4235-1 --- Page 6 --- Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction ix Part One. Tbe Colony and Its People Chapter One. The Notarial Record and Free Coloreds Chapter Two. The Land 16 Chapter Three. The People 42 Chapter Four. Free Coloreds in the Colonial Armed Forces 52 Part Two. The Free Colored in Society and the Economy Chapter Five. Slaveholding Practices 81 Chapter Six. Landholding Practices I2I Chapter Seven. Entrepreneurship Chapter Eight. Non-Economic Chapter Nine. Family Components of Social Status 158 Relationships and Social Advancement 180 Part Threc. Group Strategies for. Economic and Social Aduancement Chapter Ten. Planter Elites Chapter Eleven. The Military Leadership Group 226 Chapter Twelve. Conclusion 266 Appendix One. Family Tree of the Laportes ofLimonade Appendix Two. Surnames Appendix Three. Incorporation Papers of the Grasserie Marie Appendix Four. Notarized Sale Contract Josephe 281 for a House 283 Notes 287 Works Cited 315 Index 32I 158 Relationships and Social Advancement 180 Part Threc. Group Strategies for. Economic and Social Aduancement Chapter Ten. Planter Elites Chapter Eleven. The Military Leadership Group 226 Chapter Twelve. Conclusion 266 Appendix One. Family Tree of the Laportes ofLimonade Appendix Two. Surnames Appendix Three. Incorporation Papers of the Grasserie Marie Appendix Four. Notarized Sale Contract Josephe 281 for a House 283 Notes 287 Works Cited 315 Index 32I --- Page 7 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 8 --- Aknouibdgments The research on which this book ing from the Department was based was made possible France was generously ofHistory at the Johns Hopkins primarily by fundHopkins University, supported by the Milton S. Eisenhower University. Research in Thomas Izbicki, through its Collections Library of fthe Johns staff FofClackamas director of that division, for Division; his I am especially grateful to Community assistance with this were very helpful during the College, particularly its interlibrary project. The My editor, David Des writing. loan division, long process of turning the Jardines, was very supportive and did signal service as dissertation that was into the book encouraging during the work would copyeditor, greatly that is. Jane not have been possible improving some rather rough Curran comments, and careful without the guidance, prose. This ofmyadviser at Johns editing, throughout the process of suggestions, detailed ert Forster, Philip Hopkins, Franklin Knight. In addition research and writing, read sections of Curtin, Dominique to Dr. Knight, Robthe work, and their Rogers, Anne King, and John Michel-Rolph Trouillot, and commentary was Garrigus vice about Carolyn Fick all gave invaluable. David Geggus, preparing for my research me d'Outremer in trip to France. The exceptionally staff useful adduring my stay Air-en-Provence there. were most of the Archives The welcoming and My warm thanks to the director photographic staffin particular was professional to me attitude toward foreign and staff ofthe archives for especially helpful. Rival were myhosts scholars working in their facility. their very welcoming tality, during my stayin. Jean and Anne my stay there would have been Aix-en-Provence. Without their DurandThey have been hosts much less kind hospifor three to the American student pleasant as well as less decades, and Ijoin their other population of productive. wishing them well on the occasion "adoptive children"in Anr-en-Provence The staff of the United of their retirement. thanking them and useful logistical States Information Service in Danielle Gallo support to my mission. USIS France provided was Marseilles Public very eign Service in especiallyhelpful and lived up to the best Affairs Specialist the United States assisting this American student. I traditions of the ForConsulate in Marseilles and regret very much the closure of hope that the State Department vii --- Page 9 --- viii . Adknosuledgments and Congress will reverse this penny-wise, pound-foolish decision. The staff of USIS Paris and Deputy Public Affairs Officer James Hogan provided important assistance and access to records during the first days of my mission in Paris. JeanLuc Bechennec, my host in Paris, went far out of his way, motivated entirely by friendship, to help me get my feet on the ground in a strange city. My parents, Anne and Donald King, are to a greater extent than anybody else responsible for what I am intellectually. Their support- emotional, personal, intellectual, and financial-was crucial to the production of this book. Finally, no part oft this work would have ever seen the light of day without the assistance ofmy microfilm photographer, mistress ofthe darkroom, and darling wife, Kadijatou, to whom I owe everything. host in Paris, went far out of his way, motivated entirely by friendship, to help me get my feet on the ground in a strange city. My parents, Anne and Donald King, are to a greater extent than anybody else responsible for what I am intellectually. Their support- emotional, personal, intellectual, and financial-was crucial to the production of this book. Finally, no part oft this work would have ever seen the light of day without the assistance ofmy microfilm photographer, mistress ofthe darkroom, and darling wife, Kadijatou, to whom I owe everything. --- Page 10 --- Introduction colonial city ofCap Français, a young free black On9 August 1780, in the bustling Marie Janvier Augustin née Bencouple, Sergeant Pierre Augustin and his wife, house in the town as security to jamin, visited a notary. They had come to offer a loan of 9,000 liares." (All of their a woman of mixed race, for a one neighbors, in liures colonial unless otherwise amounts of money in this book are denominated of a livre Tournois. Each livre was stated. The colonial liure was worth two-thirds deniers. It was and in turn each sol was worth 12 apparently subdivided into 2osols, actual coin, with a dizzying variety of Spanish, a1 money of account rather than an in the colony, helpfully transEnglish, and French currency actually circulating almost all notarial acts.) The amount of lated by the notaries into liures colonial in arrived African male the was about four times what a newly the loan to Augustins ofa a small coffee farm in slave cost at the time. The loan was the price, apparently, forward that Augustin of Saint Domingue, for itis from this date the countryside farmer, instead ofperruquier, Or wigbegan to style himselfhabirant, or gentleman residence from the city to the outlying district maker. He also changed his official ofLa Souffrière in the parish ofl Limbé. to the colony as a slave while in Africa and brought He was born, apparently, unknown master, who had trained him as a wigvery young. He was freed by an his freedom out ofthe proceeds ofthis very maker-itisp possible thathep purchased with some resources and parlayed lucrative trade. He married a free black woman and apparently conservice, valuable trade, rural and urban landholdings, military of some importance in free colored society siderable personal gifts into a position black and, worse yet, probably a bossale, ofCap Français in 1780. Racially, he was a ofthe racial hierarchy ofthe black, and thus he was at the bottom or African-born laborer but by the 1780s was clearly in the upper colony. He started as a slave The house he pawned in 1780 adjoined anreaches ofthe free colored aristocracy. owned by him and leased to a white other one, of more or less equivalent value, shows him or his wife as proprietors offour man. The 1776 cadastral survey ofCap described as rented to a white in this act lots in Cap Français. The one apparently rental income of 1,500 liures per at that time as having a potential was evaluated of what Pierre Augustin himself must have cost year (somewhere in the vicinity ix as a slave The house he pawned in 1780 adjoined anreaches ofthe free colored aristocracy. owned by him and leased to a white other one, of more or less equivalent value, shows him or his wife as proprietors offour man. The 1776 cadastral survey ofCap described as rented to a white in this act lots in Cap Français. The one apparently rental income of 1,500 liures per at that time as having a potential was evaluated of what Pierre Augustin himself must have cost year (somewhere in the vicinity ix --- Page 11 --- x . Introduction marked him as a cut Status as an babitant livres and still his arrival in Saint Domingue)? ability to raise 9,000 upon herd, to say nothing ofhis above the common uninvolved in the transaction. He stood as godfather to have significant capital as well as financially successful. witness at the Augustin was socially free coloreds, was a regular for wills numerous, apparently unrelated, militiamen young and their daughters, was executor other charmarriages ofunrelared fellow and exhibited many ofthe ofchildren for the community, and guardian person in that society? in the colacteristics of a important successful free person of African ancestry famAugustin was not the only rural seat was the home ofthe Laporte first A few miles away from his new who arrived sometime in the 1720S, ony. Laporte, a young Frenchman racial lines were not SO clearly ily. Louis to the colony. In those days, white wife died, leavbrought the family name thought much ofit when, after his him four more surdrawn. Therefore, nobody married a free black woman. She gave with other ing him one child, he next four generations this family, mingled in the children, and over the most successful groups of planters viving families, became one of the an increasingly discrimimixed-race Français. Quietly circumventing rode fine mountains south ofCap and slaves in several parishes, France, legal regime, they owned plantations their children to be educatedinl natoryl dressedi in imported fabrics, sent and fellow planters. Nohorses and lived like their white neighbors of the Laporte clan and in most other ways doubt by 1780 that any member body would have been in any contract, on deserved the label of babitant.* was the signing oft the marriage for the Laporte family Elizabeth Sophie, A high point: between the patriarch's young granddaughter, Madelmon. 5 The wife 24 January 1785, man from Tulle, in France, namedJean and a horse to the and a young (white) articles, two slaves, her bed and dresser, future, but his possesbrought her personal have been a young man with a the The marriage. The groom must did not rate any description in contract. climate had sions at the time of the marriage though, was a white skin-the racial Louis the groom did possess, of the 1720S, and Laporte's one thing since the easy-going days land a white husband than harshened considerably have found it harder to advantaquarteron granddaughier must She did not surrender all for a racially she had. contracts, her mother and grandmother common in free colored marriage of dissolution match, though. In a pattern propertyi in case geous liures of the community effects she brought retained the right to 5,000 in addition to the personal ofthe marriage by divorce Or death, the modwith her. the lives of the free coloreds of Saint Domingue, It focuses on the two This book explores before the great Revolution of 1791. This study, ern Haiti, in the years and Elizabeth Sophie Laporte. represented by Pierre Augustin groups she had. contracts, her mother and grandmother common in free colored marriage of dissolution match, though. In a pattern propertyi in case geous liures of the community effects she brought retained the right to 5,000 in addition to the personal ofthe marriage by divorce Or death, the modwith her. the lives of the free coloreds of Saint Domingue, It focuses on the two This book explores before the great Revolution of 1791. This study, ern Haiti, in the years and Elizabeth Sophie Laporte. represented by Pierre Augustin groups --- Page 12 --- Introduction : xi based as it is on colonial ofthe 1790S in the colony. documents, cannot pretend to explain the ceed from a solid However, an of complex events ing decades. grounding in the social understanding and economic those events must proIn conditions of the addition, an precedto understanding of the role comprehend the society of Saint offree people of color is vital functioned as an intermediate Domingue. Free coloreds in in order black and white. class, standing between slave slave societies buffer between Sharing characteristics ofboth and free and between them. Recent groups, they served as a portance of this class to the scholarship on slave societies has bridge or Free people of color in smooth functioning of the underlined the imferent places. the colonial Caribbean plantation system.s Much of the literature filled a number of drawn a strict border between on free people of color in the niches in difBritish colonies, the free the "rural" and "urban." n In Caribbean has cipally in service coloreds tended to concentrate Jamaica, as in the other from a role jobs. Legal and social in towns and worked as a farmer restrictions kept them, for the prinslaves in Jamaica slave-owning formed producing for the most part, these de facto a nascent peasantry, but export market. 7 Maroon limited freedmen and their fellows in the there were few links number of free coloreds towns. in between seem to have concentrated were able to obtain land Similarly, in St. Kitts, a ber of free coloreds in the towns. In Grenada, rural areas, but most free lived in the a substantially coloreds in the towns, but countryside than in the city. greater numers, almost the rural free coloreds Whites outnumbered they operated peasants for the most part. Although ofGrenada were small farmtoms restricted typically on places of fewer than described as plantation free colored 25 acres.8 In Brazil, laws owners, ing areas where many oft them advancement in urban business, and cusseems to have been lived during the especially in the minin the lower a fairly vibrant urban free colored colonial period. Nonetheless, there have been involved reaches of the retail and skilled trades. population with a strong role this degree in mining or farming or other Free coloreds do not seem free coloreds had a rural to to were "small" place as occupations anything like "exceptional" cases of free colored plantation managers, and producing areas of Brazil, mining there grew small amounts substantial numbers of entrepreneurship. free In the sugarthe mills that of sugar as lavradores de cana, but coloreds owned land and ofwhites. permitted control of the trade the larger plantations with Asin the case were almost countryside in Brazil ofJamaica, the most notable exclusively in the hands was the group offree sugar revolution quasi-free of the coloreds in the that there as an example of a quilombos Taking Cuba was a strong place outside the before the role seems to have community of rural free plantation complex, we find been that ofa free coloreds. In the early days, peasantry. As the plantation their system expanded the trade the larger plantations with Asin the case were almost countryside in Brazil ofJamaica, the most notable exclusively in the hands was the group offree sugar revolution quasi-free of the coloreds in the that there as an example of a quilombos Taking Cuba was a strong place outside the before the role seems to have community of rural free plantation complex, we find been that ofa free coloreds. In the early days, peasantry. As the plantation their system expanded --- Page 13 --- xii . Introduction workers, and the free coloreds became agro-industrial farmers.0. As the across the island, however, fell into the hands ofl flarge white sugar limited free colored land in the countryside legal or customary strictures plantation complex strengthened, with slaves until land- and slaveholding. difficulting general to form alliances While free coloreds foundit ofs such an alliance often affected governmental ofe the fear in colonies that were expethe time Femancipation, populations grew rapidly coffee revolutions. Colopolig.l1 Afican-descended transformation ofthe sugar and colonies with growing riencing the agricultural leaders of white society, in these to limit the nial governments and African ancestry, seemed to be determined As a reof people of control over slaves. populations which free coloreds had unsupervised more as with frequency of those colonies became homogenous sult, the free colored populations the role of urban worker, small craftsperson, the plantations grew, drifting toward entrepreneuf, at best. small landminor and peripheral agricultural free coloreds served as a or on the other hand, urban small commerce In Saint Domingue, the ranks of the peasantry, dominated especially in holding class, filled roles in the colony's administration, and trades, and filled important two distinct internal leadership from groups. the planter the area of security. They produced Laporte and her relatives come slave On the one hand, Elizabeth rural landholders with substantial families who were mostly not always, people elite. These were colored planters were generally, although was most characterworkforces. The free ancestry. The one thing that business ties to African and European and of mixed was that they had strong personal managers of istic of them as a group and others. They were mostly successful whites. They were whites, their own relatives sometimes more effective than most with whites were their propeny-inded for financial support, but their contacts African anceson whites those who were ofp pure not dependent oftheir self-image. Even from this group found that an important part relationships with whites. Many them important adtryl had close personal contacts with white relatives gave Holding their social and financial users of their capital, for the most part. had values vantages. They were conservative for the long term, these planter elites and developing their land in France. onto similar to those ofwhite landholders who did not owe their and attitudes Pierre Augustin represents a group these were twoOn the other hand, The differences between groups both perto white relatives (if any). contacts with whites, status had many feweri important a difference in mentality. fold. The second groupl economic. In addition, there was much more entresonal Or familial and but used their land and slaves attitude of the seiThese people owned plantations elites. In place of the conservative than the planter that of the modern capitalist agricultural preneurially they exhibited gneur oft the ancien régime, did not owe their and attitudes Pierre Augustin represents a group these were twoOn the other hand, The differences between groups both perto white relatives (if any). contacts with whites, status had many feweri important a difference in mentality. fold. The second groupl economic. In addition, there was much more entresonal Or familial and but used their land and slaves attitude of the seiThese people owned plantations elites. In place of the conservative than the planter that of the modern capitalist agricultural preneurially they exhibited gneur oft the ancien régime, --- Page 14 --- Introduction . xii and managed it for and sold land much more freely some planter elites businessman. They bought stability. In addition, although the urban business profit rather than long-term the second group dominated urban interests, had important since almost all families community. leadership, is referred to as the "military" They used their contacts This group leaders in the colonial military. their" "network'i in had members who were both whites and free coloreds, colonial as military, and with other military members, Therefore, study oft the work. ofthe planter elites'kin groups. part of this place role in that institution, is an important free coloreds' COLORED IN THE MILITARY THE FREE for several reasons. First, colored colonial military is important and financial gain Study of the free route for social advancement of African anmilitary service was a significant from slavery to the plantocracy. Men social and colored society, at all levels for upward in some of the usual requirements of fellow servicecestry who did not possess ahead through building networks and mareconomic mobility could get officers. Access to credit, technology, free coloreds and white military service could give men, both through these networks. In addition, and did serve in the colonial kets was enhanced Although whites could have found the finandirect financial advantage. families in the colony would not New white military, established white ttobe attractive.1 had come to for yservice auficiendyimporat cialincentivest militarys to need these benefits, who perhaps were in a position and had little time or paimmigrants, ofbecoming wealthy planters volunteered the island in the hopes The free colored planter elites occasionally racist stereotience for military service. for patriotic reasons Or to confront them expeditionary corps awaiting for overseas had more important opportunities The miliHowever, they frequently) service in peacetime a priority. types. life and did not make military often their careers in an ecoin civilian of free coloreds, though, began service attractive. As nataryl leadership group the financial rewards of military did not share nomic position to fnd who intended to remain, they tives of the colony (for the most part) wealth and a return to France. dream of quick because the white ruling the whites' distracting colored military is also important have been the Study of the free for their security. In fact, this may leaders. on free coloreds ofview ofthe colony's class depended ofthe class, from the point armed forces, most important function likely to serve in the colonys Free blacks Free coloreds were disproportionately soldiers than their white colleagues. much more effective militia companies and they were made up more than half oft the colony's less than half of mixed race were considerably Or persons although free coloreds by the end of this period, distracting colored military is also important have been the Study of the free for their security. In fact, this may leaders. on free coloreds ofview ofthe colony's class depended ofthe class, from the point armed forces, most important function likely to serve in the colonys Free blacks Free coloreds were disproportionately soldiers than their white colleagues. much more effective militia companies and they were made up more than half oft the colony's less than half of mixed race were considerably Or persons although free coloreds by the end of this period, --- Page 15 --- xiv . Introduction oft the colony's free male cers ofthe rural police, the population. The rank and file and Free coloreds made markhauste, were exclusively colored Inoncommissioned offiraised in Saint significant contributions to three after mideentury the force that Domingue. Two oft these fall outside major expeditionary forces War that went to Cartagena in 1697 and the time period of this never went a force raised study, still active in the overseas, but many of the veterans during the Seven Years' Savannah period covered. The third of these were the during American expeditionary force, expeditions by this work and was Revolution, was raised which attacked especially the an important event in the during the period covered lar free colored military group. The French self-definition of free coloreds, regiment, the government considered success of the free colored Chaseurs-Royatux de raising a regusisted recruitment contingent in the Saine-Domingue, after the end of the War to this regiment, and the Savannah expedition, but coloreds of American government the recolor served in Independence. dropped idea at the as well as on French regular French Army units, both Nevertheless, in Saint many free people of In addition, Navy ships. Domingue and abroad, seas participation in the military, and lation expeditionary forces recruited from especiallyin the during France's among Saint high-profile overclaim to equal many colonial wars, Domingue's colored status with whites and provided free coloreds with popuproved their patriotism and to refute white racist a way to lay mind of Republican France civic virtue, values that were to stereotypes. Coloreds Saint in later years, resonate in the Domingue's defense. After the through their energetic public became clear to the authorities that anti-militia unrest of the mid contributions to armed forces, the free colored whites were unwilling to 1760s, when it Opinion makers role became especially serve in the colony's that went to Savannah urged service in the free colored important. the colored in 1779, the part ofthe expeditionary population as a way Chaseun-Volontaitrese de corps position in society. The ofenhancing their Saint-Domingue, on were majority of collective as well as colored, and the troops enlisted in Haiti for individual tal ground Chaseurn-Volontaites, made this expedition strength ofthe expedition. up almost one-third raising and training this force, During the period when the ofthe toerans of former free colored officials, the leadership of the government was to the free colored expeditions all repeatedly stressed expedition, and vetthe individual community as a whole and the the value ofs service volunteer. These potential sons oft the planter elite, and arguments were especially: attractive advantage accruing to Volontaires. many members ofthis to the educated group served in the However, after the defeat Chasseursthe Chasseurs around the at Savannah, the French high Caribbean in small command distributed groups as garrisons. Some members the toerans of former free colored officials, the leadership of the government was to the free colored expeditions all repeatedly stressed expedition, and vetthe individual community as a whole and the the value ofs service volunteer. These potential sons oft the planter elite, and arguments were especially: attractive advantage accruing to Volontaires. many members ofthis to the educated group served in the However, after the defeat Chasseursthe Chasseurs around the at Savannah, the French high Caribbean in small command distributed groups as garrisons. Some members --- Page 16 --- Introduction . XV Free coloreds at home in Saint active duty for more than three years. conscription. remained on mistreatment and feared possible the AfricanDomingue resented this seeming military participation provided On the other hand, free colored with an important pool of fexperienced socipopulation of Saint Domingue their differences with colonial descended the time came in 1791 to resolve have laid great stress leaders when studies of the Haitian Revolution for the cadre by violence. Previous as a training ground ety ofthe Chaseun-Voloncaines: ofthis conon the importance Originally an investigation of only five armies sofigr-idol the names oft the revolutionary: part of this study. However, wars nection was to be an important participants in the revolutionary who Chaseun-Volontaires who were certainly Chavanne; Pierre Augustin, mulatto rebel Jean-Baptiste and later presihave come to light: Louvertures army; black general innkeeper in Toussaint Limonade served as an officer L'Eveille; mulatto colonel in the Haiti Jean-Frangois lieutenant dent ofindependent Fabien Gentil; and a mulatto other famous names and revolutionary captain named Gautier. None ofthe records as Santo Domingo garrison in 1803 up in the notarial who did Pétion, Rigaud-turned militiamen often cited- - Christophe, However, several pre-revolutionary in the revolutionary Chaseun-Yolontaines but who later served in the Savannah expedition records ofToussaints not serve Unforrunately, the personnel forces kept armies appear in the records. in the archives, ifindeed Toussaint's de Saint-Domingue are not some Armée de Saint-Domingue Armée Leclerc's expedition incorporated in 1801, and the names of a few any records. of Toussaint's chiefs surrendered names that are a part of this units after some from which the few arhundred soldiers have survived, free coloreds served in the revolutionary: 13 However, many prewar that their often extensive prestudy come. here contradicts the assumption those armies, as well as to the mies, and nothing was an important asset to forces that experience and Bonapartist war military English, French Royalist, locally recruited Spanish, parallels opposed them. when its sources run out. It presents to This book, however, stops in 1791, without alleging Or attempting prove with to the revolutionary period boc, the reader may say, perhaps and analogies connection. Post boc, ergo propter free colany causal work is merely a social history ofthe pre-revolutionary this is in proporsome justice. This here to the military role of group oreds. The attention devoted service to the group as a whole. tion to the importance of FREE COLORED SOCIETY of insurrection that was to bring the colony color the eve ofthe great slave free persons of In 1788, on there were at least 21,813 Saint Domingue to independence, may say, perhaps and analogies connection. Post boc, ergo propter free colany causal work is merely a social history ofthe pre-revolutionary this is in proporsome justice. This here to the military role of group oreds. The attention devoted service to the group as a whole. tion to the importance of FREE COLORED SOCIETY of insurrection that was to bring the colony color the eve ofthe great slave free persons of In 1788, on there were at least 21,813 Saint Domingue to independence, --- Page 17 --- xvi . Introduction come from the official with 27,723 whites. 14 These figures because more free in the colony, compared understate the free colored population of the colony where census and most likely lived in remote areas liberty papers coloreds than whites, proportionally, addition, free coloreds with irregular that difficult to count. In Thus, we can assume they were reason to avoid the census taker.15 of the total free popumight have had good made up at least half the free coloreds of Saint Domingue Revolution. the start of the A few white planters lation by 1791, to the colony's economy. were abFree coloreds were important Many ofthe top-level planters in Caribcontrolled the great wealth ofthe colony:4 from the metropole investing businesspeople, or nobles contained a large proportion of sentee landlords, the second rank of planters actually livbean sugar. However, of these were among the wealthiest planters made their free coloreds, and some free colored families, like the Laportes, the colony's their Many transformed ing on plantations. strides in the 1720S and 1730S, as sugar for their daughters first economic mulatto families then pursued marriage imbalance of These old advantage oft the gender economy. newly arrived whites, taking dowries to build relations with with promising pool and the attraction oflarge the and wealthy group the white immigrant family strategy resulted in powerful in Saint Domingue whites. This long-term elites, who were well-installed families came here referred to as the planter In the 1760s and 1770S, these by the middle of the century. and much larger wave of fortune-hunting society pressure from a new coloreds of all social levels, had under increasing These new arrivals, unlike free white immigrants. in the colony. and to seek their forvery weak roots Saint Domingue in the 1760s 1770S to France. Many whites came to did not; all dreamed of returning wealthy Forextune."' 17 Some found it, others stories were dozens of poor whites. success Maubonne Alongside the few rage-to-riches (free colored rural policemen) Etienne without a ample, the maréchauste cavaliers "unknown white man, aged 14 to 15, Bernard Despines found an matter near the town ofMirebalais and the road in a pool of fecal who debeard," n lying beside The policemen called a surgeon, in the morning of 2 January 1779. ofmisère (poverty). He was buried anonyearly fellow had died termined that the young not one was mously in the local churchyard.' burials enumerated for this study, in which of free colored of the society Out ofhundreds much better integrated part Coloreds were a residents of the colony were officially anonymous. whites. Colored from thinking of ever they lived than were poor des Noirs regulations in France, investments discouraged, by the Police had deep roots as well as substantial living in the metropole, and most had a place in the society, connections the Even the poor free colored at least some prospects. in colony,." white as well as black, and with other Creoles, in which of free colored of the society Out ofhundreds much better integrated part Coloreds were a residents of the colony were officially anonymous. whites. Colored from thinking of ever they lived than were poor des Noirs regulations in France, investments discouraged, by the Police had deep roots as well as substantial living in the metropole, and most had a place in the society, connections the Even the poor free colored at least some prospects. in colony,." white as well as black, and with other Creoles, --- Page 18 --- Introduction : xvii from misery to who succeeded in advancing and land free coloreds in this society their careers with slave Many of the gentleman farmer began Then, they typically the powdered wig purchase or donation by a patron. They planted acquisition, either through they had more entrepreneurially. next step could began to use what little resources more fully in the market. The cash crops and began to participate investment in land and a business there. in many move to the city and success in the city, be a free colored family gained who had sucAs the Saint Domingue in rural land. The entrepreneur call the military reinvested their profits ofwhat I cases they however, was typically a member ceeded by this route, less dependent on leadership group. achieved success by other means that were who joined this group The planter group but slower. The people and safer, and slaves through urban entrepreneurship got their startup capital-land would them during the time under study relative Or patron. This permit from a white for the export donation or inheritance viable farm producing a small but economically a of slow accreto begin to operate Further success would be process market with a number of slaves. of the military group. than whites rather than the aggressive entrepreneurship were much more likely tion and military group proprietors their estates, even at the top ofthe Both planter oft the management of more efficient, both by reto personally take charge oversight meant that they were to fraud or miseconomic scale. Direct services and by limiting losses OI even (ofducing the cost of management cligible for nobility, important officcholding, from the land. In management. Not being had less to attract them away paid residence in France, they conservative ceconomicbehaviorsg ficially) among the planter group especially, such as the War of American Indepenaddition, during periods of downturn, from 1778 to 1783). Perhaps as off for them French extended elites, were dence (in which the participation even extent the planter leaders, and to an greater their and consea result, the military the value of property willing to look to long-term Because of these genermuch more distracted by short-term profits. of and quently were less easily there was a steady flow fcapinal--land successful investment strategies, ally the hands of the free coloreds. importance, since slaves -into social development ofthe greatest races. The This fow of capital was a in the balance of power among the it held the seeds of profound change imposed a dizzying variety of discriminatory of the colony free colored social advancement. white administration or punish wear, in an attempt to discourage ofclothing free coloreds could regulations included limitations on what sort they could own Or disRegulations they could buy, what sort ofweapons never rewhat sort of carriages they could practice. The colony's government There was, howplay, and which professions coloreds to own land and slaves, though. stricted the right of free This fow of capital was a in the balance of power among the it held the seeds of profound change imposed a dizzying variety of discriminatory of the colony free colored social advancement. white administration or punish wear, in an attempt to discourage ofclothing free coloreds could regulations included limitations on what sort they could own Or disRegulations they could buy, what sort ofweapons never rewhat sort of carriages they could practice. The colony's government There was, howplay, and which professions coloreds to own land and slaves, though. stricted the right of free --- Page 19 --- xviii . Introduction or will land and slaves restrict the right ofwhite patrons to give white class to because the planter ever, an attempt This was always a dead letter their free colored relatives to free coloreds,2 intermediaries and often trusted the discriminatory needed free colored managers. In any case, the core than white hirelings as plantation rural areas, especially outside more have been least galling in tended to legislation would This is where free colored planters areas in the colony. ofcoffee cultivationi in the colonystartsugar-growing advantage ofthe growth slaves to economicongregate, taking less capital and fewer produce ing in the 1750S. Coffee required attractive to free colored planters. urban small cally, making it even more free coloreds formed most ofthe white. Most Alongside the rural entrepreneurs, wholesale businesspeople were and artisan class. Almost all retail market was predominantly business also white, but the smaller in the large retail traders were coloreds, mostly women, predominated for their daily free colored. Free and quasi-free regardless of color, shopped markets where most people, operated the small shops (although open-air free coloreds typically needs. Meanwhile, had white partners). in the skilled trades, sometimes they came to the colony with qualifications and had no inSome poor whites to live a life ofleisure as planters The few white but many of them were hoping or masons in the colony. as boatmen or carpenters to be in business principally terest in working activei in the colony seemed of free craftsmen who were substantial fee in cash or in years master for a for their trainin order to train colored journeymen, were slaves, whose masters paid free. Thus, free labor. Sometimes their apprentices skill found it easier to become with such a valuable ing, but a slave the skilled trades. on useless worncoloreds also dominated occasionally struggled and although poorwhites as habitants, or planters, In the countryside, always identified themselves as such in the records ofland, they identified out pieces to produce: a cash crop. Peasants crucial areas of the economy helped at least pretended Dominating these three were all free coloreds. part of the colony. make free coloreds an essential THE CLASS OF FREE COLOREDS INTERNAL DIVISIONS WITHIN as urban coloreds were as often rural agriculturists while then, free for the export market, In Saint Domingue, were planters producing the artisans. As farmers, some in areas that had not yet experienced filled the ranks of the peasantry related to sugar and coffee production. others transformations: from subsistence farming full force ofthe agricultural in this study came ofland, Many of the soldiers who appear by on less than a hectare Some ofthese families were getting backgrounds. FREE COLOREDS INTERNAL DIVISIONS WITHIN as urban coloreds were as often rural agriculturists while then, free for the export market, In Saint Domingue, were planters producing the artisans. As farmers, some in areas that had not yet experienced filled the ranks of the peasantry related to sugar and coffee production. others transformations: from subsistence farming full force ofthe agricultural in this study came ofland, Many of the soldiers who appear by on less than a hectare Some ofthese families were getting backgrounds. --- Page 20 --- Introduction . xix ofchildren or older relaif there were any number system much, which was real misère (poverty) typically did not use the notarial Poor free coloreds of manumissions. tives to support. reach, with the significant exception a transacits was out of their Or whites would notarize as price though, wealthier free coloreds in the case of the military leadOn occasion, Sometimes, especially) then, because of the tion with poorer neighbors. strategy. Itis difficult, of the free this would be part of a patronage about this lower stratum ers, of the sources used, to say much constraints free coloreds. Some were people of color. middle class of emHowever, there was also a substantial whites. Some were professional ofwealthy their relatives. domestic employees or dependents white proprietors, often managers for absentee or small planters. Many ployees- - plantation ambitious independent tradesmen since Others, however, were the book has a good deal to say, especially all other things slave owners. About these, than whites, were more likely to use the notarial system was would free coloreds were people whose title to property and questionable sales contracts being equal. In particular, all doubt by notarizing deeds both due to racial nail down their claims beyond often had the weakest of titles and the free colored middle class of land and prejudice and poverty. their ambitions and acquired plenty some had realized hierarchy approached Of course, of the free colored landholding the mass of slaves. Families at the top white planters and far surpassed of the standard of the wealthiest felt themselves the equals the living these free colored planter elites the Revolution, not whites. Some of of this class fought during their right as propand representatives but for white planters, of people of African descent, for the general equality of the free colowners to be a part plantocracy. often treated the Saint Domingue a erty society have considered them Studies ofthe colony's French official regulations also from slaves. group. Certainly whites and oreds as a unitary social caste, separate from in prejudice, to more or less homogenous stain) of slavery was attached, public to the free people (indelible related A tache inefagable observers noted21 The legal regime of racial division in their color, as many and, like many a legal regime of color was very complicated twisted beyond recognition in actual practice. the race and other times and places, was the first codification of famous Code Noir of 1685 represents French colonization The When it was published, although in the French colonies.2 old. In Saint Domingue, color system more than 50 years colony was in the Caribbean was already still not officially French, the French was in the Lesser Antilles the main island ofHispaniola The other French colonies free coloreds in beginning to grow conomically. The number of slaves and were even more highly developed. actual practice. the race and other times and places, was the first codification of famous Code Noir of 1685 represents French colonization The When it was published, although in the French colonies.2 old. In Saint Domingue, color system more than 50 years colony was in the Caribbean was already still not officially French, the French was in the Lesser Antilles the main island ofHispaniola The other French colonies free coloreds in beginning to grow conomically. The number of slaves and were even more highly developed. --- Page 21 --- XX . Introduction French possessions was define their place in the growing, and French colonial written laws. status-obsessed society of ancien administrators felt a need to The Code Noir régime France through coloreds. Observers was actually quite liberal in its ofblacks in the have often cited it to treatment ofboth slaves and free liberal French colonies as demonstrate supposed better provisions oft the Code were opposed to the English ones. 23 treatment eighteenth century proceeded; superseded in many Cases However, the masters and in other cases, they by harsher laws as the The French government officials alike. were simply ignored by slave in type from the legal system treated free persons of color on them.. A few wholly white and the slave, and as a special caste, separate African legal provisions made special imposed special legal restrictions ancestry and those of mixed distinctions between a unitary caste under the law. The background, but mostly the free those ofwholly ordinate to whites. intent of the laws was to coloreds were Many observers kecp free coloreds subthis relatively of the colony's society, both at the time have unitary view of a society and later, have posited the existence ofa polarized along racial caste accepted with some sharp division between free black lines.24 Others undiferentiated docaumentary support- - and have and free mulattowhole. It is gone on to treat each cially as this was the tempting to see the distinction in subgroup as an at the time. 25 However, almost-universal practice racial terms, esperican and mixed-race many families, wealthy ofobservers, and both white and colored, such as Toussaint individuals. Even some poor, included both wholly Af Toussaint's Louverture, still had close people of entirely African former master relationships with ancestry, and cut offf from Bayon de Libertat. Some white patrons, like fails to deal with any white relatives. A racial people ofmixed race were the real complexity of the calculus based purely on poor Another method lofanalysis society. ancestry also mulattos were divides the free colored hence, what wealthy, as the group along class lines. is really a social class reasoning goes, while most free blacks Most with this answer is that it is division looks like a racial split. were poor; their social class in colonial very difficult to classify The problem the racially designated Saint Domingue. Social and individuals or families as to be the social class caste of free people of color was leconomic mobility within and well identity of a Pierre Augustin? He very high. What would colonial connected, but he was born in was, as we have seen, racial hierarchy. He Africa and was thus at the wealthy bottom and yet rose and certainly started on the bottom of the This work divides achieved. socioeconomic ladder at the into the two the free coloreds, or those who groups discussed above, the appearin the notarial planter elite and the military archives, group. Au- free people of color was leconomic mobility within and well identity of a Pierre Augustin? He very high. What would colonial connected, but he was born in was, as we have seen, racial hierarchy. He Africa and was thus at the wealthy bottom and yet rose and certainly started on the bottom of the This work divides achieved. socioeconomic ladder at the into the two the free coloreds, or those who groups discussed above, the appearin the notarial planter elite and the military archives, group. Au- --- Page 22 --- Introduction . xxi gustin belonged to the the city's militia and a military leadership. He was a ited many ofthe other veteran ofthe Savannah expedition. noncommissioned officer in nomic ties with characteristics ofthis group: In addition, he exhiburban whites, an entrepreneurial attitude fewidentifabler personal or ecocomponent ofhis assets. toward as well, valuing it fori its However, he clearly owned capital, and the strong demonstrating social cachet as well asi its propertyi in rural areas This characteristics that are more ability to produce profits, thereby group confounds both class and conservative as well. society. Their social influence color analysis ofcolonial cant, was undeniable. Saint although not Their Domingue cases. quite up to the standards economic power was They were not of the signifividuals or families did really a middle class in the planter elite group in most class nota advance conventional sense. to finally arrive from poverty That is, indias members of through an sons rising to join the the respectable aristocratic entrepreneurial middle military planter elite group did planter elite. Pergroup on their way to the not exhibit the achieved the greatest topin most cases. characteristics ofthe the characteristics economic and social like Military group members who the differences: of planter elites. Distance success, from Augustin, exhibited few of and who military group families who slavery does not seem to were farin time and had had their money for a explain planters. At the same time, generational status from slavery did not long time been born slaves but who planter families included mutate into tary group. Color is did not exhibit the many individuals who had families had white also not a reliable guide to characteristic behaviors of the milia majority of those relatives, but many also had group membership. Most in the pure black members. planter numbers of persons of mixed military group were pure black, there Although Members ofboth race. were significant advance socially and groups manipulated similar markers of social nomic plane was economically: The primary difference in class in order to Free colored planter aggressiveness in trading the basic behavior on the ecothem, elites tended to capital goods: land and using them to acquire capital slaves. was better to be legitimize a claim to the goods and then a small, stable social status hang onto come enormously babitant than to take a risk ofbabitant. For them, it as many white wealthy. Free colored military leaders offailing in order to bewith a view entrepreneurs. However, were not nearly as to reselling them. They they were more willing to reckless freedom than the planters. would speculate in land with acquire slaves more entrepreneurial when They were more willing to in much greater There were also doing SO. engage trade and were these two leadership many non-economic markers ofsocial class or at least the groups had different status. Members of ability and relationships to these willingness to sign one's name to an official markers. Literacy, document, is Free colored military leaders offailing in order to bewith a view entrepreneurs. However, were not nearly as to reselling them. They they were more willing to reckless freedom than the planters. would speculate in land with acquire slaves more entrepreneurial when They were more willing to in much greater There were also doing SO. engage trade and were these two leadership many non-economic markers ofsocial class or at least the groups had different status. Members of ability and relationships to these willingness to sign one's name to an official markers. Literacy, document, is --- Page 23 --- xxii : Introduction a very good guide to the observer Real literacy skills need not attempting to ascertain an individual's Toussaint Louverture, for correspond with public use of those status. name in the 1770s. example, almost certainly could skills, of course, never signed However, as a farmer at least write his own When he any of the notarial acts in which barely he meriting the title of babitant, he in the became a high-ranking public appeared in the 1770s and 1790s, he signed official 1780s. that could be acts. Public for Life"- AtRar-oamurCairaer Travel claimed by an upwardly literacy, though, was a mark to France was another mobile free colored. of status made the trip, often in the face of way to climb socially, and free coloreds everybody else knew about it. restrictive legislation, were who had Possession ofstatus quick to make sure fine weapons, and goods- -such as imported. clothing, status. expensive horses- was also a wigs, military Observers at the time were useful way of uniforms, as knowledgeable and skilled united in describing the proclaiming one's Petty officeholding, horsemen. wealthy free coloreds ored public, and even both civilian and military, was alsoi had held actual officers' many whites, had a special respect for important. The free colcree made the officer commissions in the colored militia free colored men who their wealth and corps white only. They were units before a royal deFree colored society otherindicators placed them below community the leaders even when helped hold even respected top ofthe economic scale, What together the military noncommissioned. officers, and one called the structure leadership group. officeholding tional identification, and one lived in (case, of defining one's many other subtle magasin, or maison), occupastatus. distinctions were also Overt important adherence to moral codes ways marker defining status within the ofthe dominant group was one colored family's strategy for social group. Marriage was a crucial veryimportant important marker of status. promotion, and of part of any free These two legitimacy children marriage and family structure groups differ in was an Religious to achieve family sharply the way they used piety was an goals. white society. Free coloreds, important component of tool, as we can see by their particularly members ofthe "respectability" as defined by and use ofreligious planter elite, also used this through their formulas and explore the assumption of minor church offices. boilerplate in notarial acts mentality of the free All these factors changed as one crossed the line coloreds and the way in which help us to An important variable between this mentality and the most in the mentality subgroups. and of personal striking difference between the two group identification offree coloreds, relationships with whites. Members leadership of groups, was their level the military leadership group respectability" as defined by and use ofreligious planter elite, also used this through their formulas and explore the assumption of minor church offices. boilerplate in notarial acts mentality of the free All these factors changed as one crossed the line coloreds and the way in which help us to An important variable between this mentality and the most in the mentality subgroups. and of personal striking difference between the two group identification offree coloreds, relationships with whites. Members leadership of groups, was their level the military leadership group --- Page 24 --- Introduction . xxiii close relationships with whites. tended to have no active family or other personal or family relationships Free blacks as well as mulattos who had strong patronage to share the values of the with whites seem to have found themselves more likely regardless of skin color or economic status. colored planter group, was the menagères, or free A remarkable example of this phenomenon These women were often housekeepers (and frequently lovers), ofwhite planters. and economic ranks of free blacks and came from the lower social free generally who their freedom thanks to their colored society. Many were freedwomen gained and their children, with their white masters. Nonetheless, these women, often contact economic success, and when they did, they very often achieved remarkable elite adopted the values and behavior of the planter group. of whites, but who had sigEven free coloreds who were not family members the planter elite business with them, fall among nificant personal and relationships ofthe genToussaint Louverture provides a noteworthy example class. The future with whites was key to groupi identification among eralization that personal contact solid relationship with Toussaint was a beneficiary of a patronage free coloreds. de Libertat. He demonstrated the conpowerful white plantation manager Bayon to command the slave rebel servative values of the planter elite even as he rose His role within the French Empire. forces and led the colony to near-autonomy his behavior was influenced by the same suggesting that in 1791 was contradictory, associations with whites. Although free coloreds with important factors as other fiasco, the first violent intervention ofthe free Toussaint sat outt the Ogé-Chavanne the slave uprising was elite class, his first reaction to August 1791 colored planter Cap Français. Toussaint's rede Libertat and his family to safetyin to escort Bayon one for some time in the early lationship with the slave rebels was an arm's-length rebel leaders by the end ofthe rising. However, he was secretary to one ofthe notarial acts days a literacy that he did not admit in of September (thus demonstrating to lead troops in the field until before), but he did not begin made only a few years and during his short tenure as ruler of an Throughout the revolutionary wars revolu1792. Toussaint revealed himself as a half-hearted undivided Saint Domingue, the elimination of slavery but sought to pretionary at best. He never wavered on different form. He fought Napoleon's atserve forced labor on the plantations in a but always rejected an direct metropolitan rule on the colony tempt to reimpose His title alone demonstrates his objecout-and-out declaration ofindependence. for Life." tives;instead ofpresident or emperot, he styled himalrGesmer-Genmal Haitians under the boots after his arrest and the radicalization of many It was only Dessalines and Christophe and their supporters, of Leclerc that the purs et durs, tore the white out of different social class than Toussaint, springing from a very destruction of the plantation system (although the tricouleur, acquiesced in the to reimpose His title alone demonstrates his objecout-and-out declaration ofindependence. for Life." tives;instead ofpresident or emperot, he styled himalrGesmer-Genmal Haitians under the boots after his arrest and the radicalization of many It was only Dessalines and Christophe and their supporters, of Leclerc that the purs et durs, tore the white out of different social class than Toussaint, springing from a very destruction of the plantation system (although the tricouleur, acquiesced in the --- Page 25 --- xxiv . Introduction altered form), and created an it in the national period in an even they tried to save independence movement. explicit is in order. This work deals a cautionary note in this work Before beginning this examination, The people who appear the extent with social mobility. could have been leaders in upto a considerable mobile, those who were or African people SO are those who were of the mobility in question was upward; status freheavals to come. Most and in any case declining economic often had no place to go but up, ceased to appearin the economic meant that the individual trend ofthe econquenty (but not always) source of this work. The general caused by the records that form the principal under study (temporary dislocations of in the time lift many boats. The reader omy was upward Independence aside); rising tides in mind that most individWar of American stories that follow must keep social or economic the Horatio-Algeresque did not experience any significant slaves between uals of color in this society Domingue imported roughly 850,000 26,400 mobility. The colony ofSaint in the period under study averaged roughly the War of 1629 and 1791.34 Importations account the years oflow importations during in was about even taking into population 1788 a year, Independence 27 The African-descended ofcolor. Such a negative rate American 27,000 free persons from Afslaves and approximately numbers ofthose imported 450,000 growth means that mind-numbing or two. For every African Pierre ofnatural issue, frequentlyi yin the first year the record as having accumurica died without Bambara, who appears in unknown "Pierres" and Augustin or Jean-Baptiste there were thousands of home, or ifthey lated some wealth and prestige, diseases in a land far from who died ofr mysterious natural lives in the cane fields. the "Jean-Baptistes" they sweated out their The principal source is were "lucky," work is a discussion ofthe sources. Outremer ofthe NaChapter I ofthis now heldin the Section useful socialnotarial archives ofSaint Domingue, Notarials are a very oaths, Archives of France in Aix-en-Provence. must not only witness tional in the French system, as the notary of statements made historical source but must also attest to the veracity in accordance with as in the English system, and ensure that contracts are framed contracts to death in notarized documents contain everything from marriage the law. The notarial archives papers and accounts ofimportant sales of slaves to the incorporation especially on family structures, inventories, some important evidence, the curés of the colbusinesses. In addition, maintained rather haphazardly by other aspects of came from parish registers from the Section Outremer illuminated Collection Moreau de Other documents the ony. Domingue's free coloreds, especially the world of Saint records of the colonial administration. basic facts about the St. Méry and the personnel and 4 is to give the reader the and The purpose of chapters 2, 3, the analysis of free colored economic and actors needed to understand places especially on family structures, inventories, some important evidence, the curés of the colbusinesses. In addition, maintained rather haphazardly by other aspects of came from parish registers from the Section Outremer illuminated Collection Moreau de Other documents the ony. Domingue's free coloreds, especially the world of Saint records of the colonial administration. basic facts about the St. Méry and the personnel and 4 is to give the reader the and The purpose of chapters 2, 3, the analysis of free colored economic and actors needed to understand places --- Page 26 --- Introduction . xXV social behavior that follows. in the latter case Chapter 2 considers physical ity. focusing on agriculture as the and economic Chapter 3 takes up colony's principal geography, Chapter 4 describes the demography of free coloreds on the economic activforms island. Domingue. It analyzes the ofmilitary service open to free of all shades and classes military as an institution in which coloreds in Saint eral (as well as whites). This served free coloreds information, since the chapter ony's free coloreds. In military as an institution was appears here, under gena sense, the SO important to the riculture, the principal business chapter parallels the extensive colcolored military leaders of the planter elite, in description is ofagWith taken up in chapter II. chapter 2. The group offree chapter 5, the work becomes coloreds in the a study of The four colony as a whole as revealed economic and social activity offree chapters that follow by the sample ofnotarial leadership groups, which provide a context for the documents. and the economic concludes the work. discussion of free colored consideration and non-economic value Chapter 5 focuses on of this chapter is the ofslaves to free coloreds. An slaveholding Chapter 6 concentrates attitudes of free important The on the free colored as coloreds toward their slaves. principal business of the a landholder and a slaves, who are examined in colony was plantation businessman. this economic value, chapter 5, land was agriculture, and along with oreds. land had a required for this In order to understand non-economic value, business, Besides of colonial Saint how the free colored especially strong for free coleconomic value Domingue, we must understand community related to the world land had to them and the both the economic and Chapter 7 concentrates on ways they nonof the free colored entrepreneurship. One manipulated oft the these values. were successful upper class was their success as marked characteristics through patient, businessmen. were aggressively conservative, accretion of However, some Thus entrepreneurial and sought resources, while others and chapters 5, 6, and 7 study the way free high-risk, high-gain strategies. non-economic values of the coloreds land: slaves and land. basic elements of manipulated the economic been the complex The continuing theme of this capitalist entire enterprise on the isadvancement and interelacionships between free coloreds' part oft the work has cial value is economic security. twin quests for more marked, Chapters and 9 turn to social be completely divorced. although, ofcourse, social and areas where the SOthree because they These chapters have a broader economic value can never non-economic consider a range of ways in which focus than the preceding markers of social free ers of social status, including status, Chapter 8 looks at a coloreds broad manipulated ing, and color and its literacy, piety, range ofmarkofficial officeholding, material component of social description. Chapter 9 focuses culture, clothcial advancement. advancement and on free on the family as a The chapter also covers the free coloreds' family strategies for SOcolored family as an institution areas where the SOthree because they These chapters have a broader economic value can never non-economic consider a range of ways in which focus than the preceding markers of social free ers of social status, including status, Chapter 8 looks at a coloreds broad manipulated ing, and color and its literacy, piety, range ofmarkofficial officeholding, material component of social description. Chapter 9 focuses culture, clothcial advancement. advancement and on free on the family as a The chapter also covers the free coloreds' family strategies for SOcolored family as an institution --- Page 27 --- xxvi : Introduction as far as they are illuminated by the sources and looks at internal relationships, used here. framework that this book proWe then come to part three, the new analytical identifiedin Saintin the form ofa comparison ofthe two leadership groups inposes, society. The first of those groups, the planter elite, Dominguan free colored and her peers, is the subject of chapter IO. cluding Elizabeth Sophie Laporte classes offree colored society, the the other halfofthe ruling Chapter II explores and his comrades. Many free colored military leadership group of Pierre Augustin in their lives. Only a few, though, in the military at some point men participated of their strategy for financial and social made military service an important part advancement. and advancement that was not SO intimately The military was a means to profit route to the top favored by the by whites as was the traditional tied to patronage were markedlyl less likely to perform planter elites. Those in the military! leadership the elites. Aside from notarial acts with whites than were planter business or family these leaders had different attitheir relative independence from whites, though, with other free coloreds than did tudes toward capital and different relationships the planter elites. in this had one or more members who were Although almost all families group served. However, they were leaders, obviously not everyone in this group ties and military social family and pseudo-kin all intimately tied into a cohesive group by and toward other groups in the shared the same set of attitudes toward capital society. which summarizes the major findings of This work concludes with chapter 12, the militaryin their blue this investigation of the two principal leadership groups, coats and the planters in their powdered wigs. --- Page 28 --- S12AS12A912 006 PART ONE The Colony and Its People --- Page 29 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 30 --- G2 9) CHAPTER ONE The Notarial Record and Free Coloreds To understand this book, it is based. In addition, the nature and important to understand the data on which it is function of the notarial important facts about both the colonial system illustrates some of free people of color in that society of Saint Domingue and the place notarial system of the colony, society. Therefore, this first chapter considers the Notaries in the French primarily by examining notarial documents. system, both portant government officials who ensured pre-revolutionary that and modern, were imwith the law, which helped to contracts were framedi lina accordance tracts. The notaryhad tol be guarantee the legally binding nature of those conto witness in the prepared to testify to facts that he had been called performance of his duties. In the upon ony generally accepted notarized statements practice, law courts of the colthe notary in person. as factual without needing to call upon Notaries have existed in the French legal ministrative reforms of the made system since the Middle Ages, but adtorians. 1770S their rich archives available to Starting in 1776, notaries were required to make colonial hisregisters and to file them with the a duplicate copy ofall their notarial acts from before this royal archives. Some duplicate copies exist of service executed by the period. for However, making these copies was a chives contain notary an additional fee. Thus, the special only those acts executed by people with pre-1776 notarial arpreserving a duplicate record of their transactions. extra money to spend on records surviving in the North and West This makes the few notarial suspect in terms of their provinces from before 1776 somewhat representativeness. and to file them with the a duplicate copy ofall their notarial acts from before this royal archives. Some duplicate copies exist of service executed by the period. for However, making these copies was a chives contain notary an additional fee. Thus, the special only those acts executed by people with pre-1776 notarial arpreserving a duplicate record of their transactions. extra money to spend on records surviving in the North and West This makes the few notarial suspect in terms of their provinces from before 1776 somewhat representativeness. After the 1776 edict, all notarial acts --- Page 31 --- 4 . The Colony and Its People all executing such acts were subject to the were, in theory, preserved, and persons better than others at obeying the 1776 fee for the second copy. Some notaries were series. Nonetheless, it seems law, and SO some lacunae exist in the documentary the front line of royal government in that almost all of the post-1776 files of these, the colony, have survived. notarial acts and 719 other primary documents. The sample consists of 3,520 ofe eight notaries from six parishes This represents all notarial acts in the registers of color was either a principal actor or a major participant. in which a free person of all notarial acts preserved in the archives This sample includes about 4 percent for this period. The parishes are: port and the center of the most the colony's principal I. Cap Français, notaries Jean-François Doré and highly developed sugar-growing area (the Jcan-François Bordier, jeune) commercial center also in the north2. Fort Dauphin, a smaller port and area (the notary André Leprestre) ern sugar-growing divided into a coastal sugar-growing area and a 3- Limonade, a parish were the home of many people highland coffee-growing area. The highlands of color (the notary Jean-Louis Michel) and market center for the newer Port-au-Prince, the colony's capital 4West province (another notary surnamed Michel, and less highly developed in his records) who did not use his personal name de Sac, an area containing both Croix des Bouquets, also known as Cul 5- and coffee plantations (the notary Renaudot) sugar isolated rural community in the central mountains, pro6. Mirebalais, an coffee, which was a stronghold ducing livestock and indigo as well as some notaries Lamauve and for people of color during the Haitian Revolution (the Beaudoubx). of the notarial system, such as the miliSome free coloreds were frequent users times in the Magny dit Malic, who appears forty-eight tia leader Jean-Baptiste few items to notarize, and the average fresample. Most free coloreds had only a that each notarial document of appearance is under thrée. Remembering distinct free quency and usually more, main actors, approximately 4,000 had at least two, of them free coloreds, appear in the sample along individuals, almost 75 percent with 4,197 slaves. notarial system, such as the miliSome free coloreds were frequent users times in the Magny dit Malic, who appears forty-eight tia leader Jean-Baptiste few items to notarize, and the average fresample. Most free coloreds had only a that each notarial document of appearance is under thrée. Remembering distinct free quency and usually more, main actors, approximately 4,000 had at least two, of them free coloreds, appear in the sample along individuals, almost 75 percent with 4,197 slaves. included at least one participant from a family that Ofthe 4,239 documents, 958 those individuals or families with the "economic elite" of free coloreds, was among liures. Members of the military three acts in the sample evaluated at over 10,000 and members of the planter elite leadership group executed 493 of the documents, --- Page 32 --- Notarial. Record and Free Coloreds . 5 The leaders and a few planter families were figured in 539- Quite a few military in 2,072 ofthese documents, group economic elite. Free blacks participatedi (many documents had parnot part ofthe mixed race in 2,639, and whites in 2,132 free persons of least two racial groups). from 1776 to 1789 in ticipants from at a complete series ofrecords or, in the The notaries selected preserved who was active throughout these - either one notary where one seems to have suceach of parishes two notaries, did a lot ofCap Français and Mirebalais, the Each notary case sometime during period. were the only ceeded to the other's practice three in the two rural parishes by ofbusiness with people of fcolor-the in areas that were dominated the period under study ofthe high proportion of ones active throughour notaries were chosen because deof color. The urban ofcolor (ranging from IO -50 percent people business that was done with people their the notary and year). in certain types ofbusipending on urban centers seem to have specialized official position as Notaries in the for example, had another the of perOne notary in Por-au-Prince, goods ness. of vacant successions, administering His notarial busithe colonial administrator without natural heirs in the colony. who died intestate and which were almost exclusively sons dominated by the affairs of those estates, his records did not form a porness was single white men. For this reason, district of Cap Français and did those of young, Another worked in the port The only person tion of the sample. merchants trading with French ports. Ogé. of his business with leader Vincent most clients was the future revolutionary with free people of ofcolor among his regular incidental and secondary contact in both of Both of these notaries had their principal clients. The notaries were sellers and buyers from free colored communities color, as worked the most closely with the those cities who As a check on this selected instead. skew the sample. choice has the potential to unnaturally in the notarial archives. This contributed records ofher research free coloreds before nopossibility, a colleague were acts performed by this The documents from her sample with the free colored community. Comparing here associated the who appear taries not generally used in this work showed that people whole. group with the sample of the free colored population as a are broadly representative THE NOTARY AS BUSINESSMAN was commission, the notary in Saint Domingue an Alrhough the holder of a public his clients. A notarial office resembled by the fees paid by (notaire général) and jufinancially supported law office, with two notaries, a senior of clerks to make out copsightenth-entucyl and a number partner, in attendance, nior (son confrere) appear taries not generally used in this work showed that people whole. group with the sample of the free colored population as a are broadly representative THE NOTARY AS BUSINESSMAN was commission, the notary in Saint Domingue an Alrhough the holder of a public his clients. A notarial office resembled by the fees paid by (notaire général) and jufinancially supported law office, with two notaries, a senior of clerks to make out copsightenth-entucyl and a number partner, in attendance, nior (son confrere) --- Page 33 --- 6. The Colony and Its People always signed the docuneeded. Since the senior partner are here reies of the documents as in the archives under his name, notaries the name of the ment, and they are indexed firms are referred to by the and individual ferred to in singular, come to their resisenior partner. office, or send for him to to witness. Clients would come to the notary's other factual matter for him whenever they had a contract or waiting time, and other expenses, dences, charge a basic fee plus travel, The notary would in the colony. the much the same way as an attorney about 20 lirures for period in a notarial act averaged ifthe act was The basic fee for executing added the notary's travel expenses, the case of wills To this was generally occurred in under study. office. This frequently traveled executed outside the notary's deathbed. Notaries also frequenty on the testator's acts took hours or days executed or updated be divided up. In addition, some a per inheritances were to Notaries charged when in the case of disputed inheritances. climate and perhaps the to execute, especially depending on the economic 300 liures, which varied widely notarial acts approached diem, The total costofsomes them more abilityofthes actors to pay. render the notary who handled deceased's inheritances might ofthe and complicated account a deathbed will, aninventory of division of the than 1,000 liures, takinginto locations, and one or more acts was conperhaps in several escalate even more if the division possesions, the heirs. Fees might heirs in France fought provisions property among if, for example, the white to his colored housekeeper tentious in some way significant possessions time to in will giving for his appeari ofa a deceased planter's would then be able to charge and children, as the notary by these fees, court as a witness.! of the purchasing power represented plus 22sols To give an understanding were paid 105 liures peryearp 1,800 and soldiersint the Chasseun-Volontairese male slave cost between private subsistence allowance; a new farmland in Limonade 6 deniers a day the market; a carreau of good lirures, depending on notarial act was not a trivial expense. 2,500 liures. 2 Thus, executing a of economic transaccost about 300 the notarial system for a wider range for their posFree coloreds used in order to gain greater security value of than did whites, it is argued, and to enhance the social tions discrimination users sessions in the face of growing the free coloreds were enthusiastic ecoWhatever the explanation, kinds of acts, with varying their property? of different notarial system, for a wide range oft the nomic and social objectives. THE NOTARIAL DOCUMENT with all the informulaic document, modern French notarial act is a very in a set manner. These formulas The and objects recorded formation about subjects Free coloreds used in order to gain greater security value of than did whites, it is argued, and to enhance the social tions discrimination users sessions in the face of growing the free coloreds were enthusiastic ecoWhatever the explanation, kinds of acts, with varying their property? of different notarial system, for a wide range oft the nomic and social objectives. THE NOTARIAL DOCUMENT with all the informulaic document, modern French notarial act is a very in a set manner. These formulas The and objects recorded formation about subjects --- Page 34 --- Record and Free Coloreds . 7 The Notarial laid out in legal manuals when they were already the formulas date to the eighteenth century, fill in.4 Textbooks notwithstanding, and blanks to Saint Domingue than in today's with boilerplate less well established in colonial would include the name, were considerably The ideal act, in 1780 or today, and, in the case of free French legal practice. and residence for each actor, of free status. A place ofbirth, parents' names, mention of their color and proof this would persons of color in the colony, should also appear. In the case ofland, the ofthe object sold or surveyor, describing full description ofthe report ofthe arpenteur, public and a summary ofland uninclude a summary of the buildings on the land, ownership history boundaries, a description Finally, the recent Similar cultivation and crops that were planted. that the seller has valid title. der ofland should appear, to prove would describe movable property of the piece in somewhat less detail, to have been to provide information, perhaps The total effect seems all these features. such as slaves or personal property. In reality, no single act contained about the contents to the purchaser. the reader an idea a guarantee example in extenso, giving 4-) (A representarive is contained in appendix of this notarial document, ACTS OF NOTARIAL CLASSIFICATION notariat, constudy ofthe French ancien régime overly Jean-Paul Poisson, in his epochal notaries. He made a subtle and perhaps in his sidered the types ofacts recorded by family matters and economic issues distinction between distinction between, say, twentieth-century made in Paris.s Making a sharp to an typology of notarial acts of a limited partnership in manage the minds contract and the establishment that did not exist a marriage creates a false dichotomy probably transaction, more indigo plantation The marriage contract was an economic ofan ofthe people ofthe time. different in kind from the sale undeveloped and expensive, but no touched the family in a personal way; permanents the sale ofland less they ofurban land. Similarly, were perhaps profound, plot of landholding Thus, a notary though the social implications the of a daughter in marriage. the doculike in kind to giving at the same time, and were certainly and cold economic space actors. lived in both personal illuminate many facets ofthe lives oftheir in other words, ments in the registers to be notarized were transactions or, of these The majority ofdocuments In Saint Domingue, about 60 percent of of sale, rental, or donation. included slaves (with many, acts included land, while almost 45 percent included livestock, with an OCtransactions sorts of capital goods), a few idea of the course, featuring both notarized. Table I gives a general the basic movable property sale being documents which forms casional documents in the sample ofarchival types of book. and resolutions of dissource for this in other words, marriage contracts The family acts or, --- Page 35 --- 8. The Colony and Its People TABLE 1 Acts Used in Research for This Book, by Type Documents in Sample cfNotarial PERCENTAGE OF NUMBER OF TYPE OF DOCUMENTS ALL DOCUMENTS DOCUMENT 3,520 Notarial Acts Transactions (sales, rentals, and 2,122 donations)" 1,406 (67%) Sales Transactions 459 (22%) Rental Transactions 257 (12%) Donations Family Acts (marriages, wills, etc.) Parish Register Entries (baptisms, marriages, funerals) Page 35 --- 8. The Colony and Its People TABLE 1 Acts Used in Research for This Book, by Type Documents in Sample cfNotarial PERCENTAGE OF NUMBER OF TYPE OF DOCUMENTS ALL DOCUMENTS DOCUMENT 3,520 Notarial Acts Transactions (sales, rentals, and 2,122 donations)" 1,406 (67%) Sales Transactions 459 (22%) Rental Transactions 257 (12%) Donations Family Acts (marriages, wills, etc.) Parish Register Entries (baptisms, marriages, funerals) Census Enumerations Military/Criminall Reports 4,229 Total and other documents selected from the six target parishes. All Source: Sample of 4,229 notarial acts from each who handled the notarial business of documents preserved by the one or two notaries selected. In parish addition, parish registry entries and other the free persons of color in that parish were the notarial archives were included in the sample. documents related to persons identified through transfer of slaves. (57%) included transfer ofland and 907 (43%) included Of these, 1,212 the most informative notarized docuinheritances and the like are among and recputed detailed inventories of an individual's property ments; both often contain oft time. Other common types of notarized ords of expenditures over a long period business partnerships, notadocuments in the sample were acts of manumission, criminal complaints. rized sets of orders to business agents, and police reports or FREE COLOREDS IN THE NOTARIAL DOCUMENTS notaries generally referred to No official rule ever required it, but Saint Domingue term used notaries le or la nommée ("the so-called"), a by people of color as nommé social class or to those accused ofo crimes. The in France to refer to anyone oflower Saint (and it always proused for whites in this sense in Domingue term was rarely the reader when it was used in this sense). Almost duces maximum confusion in called sieur (or dame or demoiselle) so-and-soin all whites in Saint Domingue were reserved for the gentry. A numalthough in France these titles were notarial acts, directives required that people of color be ber of colonial and royal government some other color-based label) described by their racial status (mulâtre or negre or in all acts. anyone oflower Saint (and it always proused for whites in this sense in Domingue term was rarely the reader when it was used in this sense). Almost duces maximum confusion in called sieur (or dame or demoiselle) so-and-soin all whites in Saint Domingue were reserved for the gentry. A numalthough in France these titles were notarial acts, directives required that people of color be ber of colonial and royal government some other color-based label) described by their racial status (mulâtre or negre or in all acts. --- Page 36 --- Record and Free Coloreds : 9 The Notarial. in official practice (dicexecute notarial acts. A change executOnly free persons could that all free persons ofcolor records or in 1778 required tated by the local authorities) proof of their free status (baptismal notarial or parish acts present then to be taken note ofin the act. of ing which was in the of all of patent manumission), than others performance the less notaries were more punctilious the colored person, Some The wealthier and more powerful would appear in these requirements. status and dates of liberty or baptism a famlikely it was that his or her cue for the modern reader is to construct a Sometimes, the only born in France was most likely the register. of a mulatresse libre and a man as but, say, son tree-the in the records anything ily he never appeared quarteron libre even though habitant of Limonade." to execute no- "Sieur Louis Laporte, than their white neighbors of of color were more likely Some free people Free people were for very small transactions. sign of tarial acts, and some acts sales ofland worth a few hundred livres-a all doubt. executed notarial acts for their ownership beyond color but also oftheir desire to legitimate liures, and 238 were for less than their povertyl sale, 1O2 were for less than 500 to ChasseursOfi 1,404 acts of sale to obenotarizedbelonge ofland The record forlowest-valued who bought a wedge 1oooliores. Julien dit Evian of Mirebalais, from Jacques Jaquet dit Volontaires veteran in the town of Mirebalais case is not stated, feet wide at its widest point fee in this 2I August 1787 for 63 liores. The notary's land sales were, in principle, to Bambara on 7 15 livres. 6 While all at least have been at least and slaves, but it must small sales of moveable property There be the subject of a notarial act, Not so for the free colored community. whites, were rarely notarized. livestock or other moveable property, among of sale of slaves and even basic sale price. are dozens of acts of as much as IO or 20 percent ofthe which were notarized at a cost of color may be overepresented transactions with or among people that the notarial archives give Forthis reason, At the same time, this means the free colored in the notarial archives.. the lives of humbler people among broader information about whites alone were to be considered. were often community than they would if the time ofsale (actes de vente privée) or not notarized at was to be resold Acts that were when the object in question had to be literate regularized after the fact-usually at least one participant Of course, to use this procedure, acts tend to be idiosyncratic. willed. and spelling in these private obtain a notarial act, since -although grammar were the cheapest way to Fees for this Such ex post facto notarizations of the private act in his register. had only to make a copy in-office acts of fsale. Occasionally, the notary below the standard rate for of of the act service were often sale is the same as the date deposition the notary's the date on the act of private that the actors were simply bypassing themselves. into the notary's files, suggesting writing out the bill of sale their expenses by on able to identifyinscribes and reducing these documents depends being Much of the analysis of to Fees for this Such ex post facto notarizations of the private act in his register. had only to make a copy in-office acts of fsale. Occasionally, the notary below the standard rate for of of the act service were often sale is the same as the date deposition the notary's the date on the act of private that the actors were simply bypassing themselves. into the notary's files, suggesting writing out the bill of sale their expenses by on able to identifyinscribes and reducing these documents depends being Much of the analysis of --- Page 37 --- IO : The Colony and Its People dividuals and family als, especially relationships over a number of times, these freedmen, were identified in notarial documents. Many names were spelled acts onlyt yby first individuby different surnames differently from act to names. Someregulation or appellations in different act. Others were identified "drawn of1773 required that all acts. A colonial from the African idiom. "7 persons of fcolor, when freed, be government ing the family name ofa white. Free persons ofcolor were given a surname this edict was almost In the Case oflegitimate forbidden from bearored Raimonds Funivenaly-ignored, offspring ofwhite ofA Aquin although Garrigus people, the edict; their white, changed the spelling of their suggests that the colfamily an illegitimate white legitimate father spelled his name name in response to last name. They would father, notaries would sometimes Raymond. In the case of that the also occasionally use the use a modified form of the person was "known as" or father's last name with ently the case with Luce Rasteau "formerly called"by that name. a notation All this confusion in the above This was with names document. apparals. However, parish ofr Fresidence makes it difficult to follow the tary specified the actor's was almost universally. career ofindividuindicate the number residence in a subunit within included. Often, the nounit. A detailed of free adults of color in each the parish. Census records but discussion ofthe parish and a couple of examples demographyd voffree coloreds frequently by subin the notarial record suffice to show how an individual's appears in chapter 3, assume that the free black despite this problem. In rural Haut du career can be traced Louverture oflater referred to as "Toussaint Cap, it seems safe to the Revolution fame. We know that Breda" was in fact Toussaint and that he came from Louverture was known as census of 1775 shows five free black the Breda plantation at Haut "Breda" before which wouldincludel adult males du Cap. The at least Hautdu Cap. 9 living in the one other of these Although the census does dependances du Cap, would suggest that he men appeared in notarial nots give their names, du Cap. too was a former slave on the acts as "dit Breda," > which However, his personal name Breda sugar personal name today in was Blaise. plantation at Haut some, Haiti, was not Toussaint, although a common particularly those whose liberties particularly common before escaped the census takers, had not been 1791. Although numbered the de we would have to officially that registered, mayhave jure free by an presume the de facto likely that there was another Toussaint overwhelming majority to make it free outBy similar logic, it is dit Breda. statistically Therese, free black, reasonably certain that Marie from her sisterin living in the Savane district Zabeth, sister of Marie black, 1780, is the same as Marie ofLimonade, who bought a living in Savane, who sold Elizabeth, wife of slave A detailed breakdown a half-carreau field to her Andre Poupart, free ofLimonade's census figures by sister Marie in 1778. 10 subparish has not survived, make it free outBy similar logic, it is dit Breda. statistically Therese, free black, reasonably certain that Marie from her sisterin living in the Savane district Zabeth, sister of Marie black, 1780, is the same as Marie ofLimonade, who bought a living in Savane, who sold Elizabeth, wife of slave A detailed breakdown a half-carreau field to her Andre Poupart, free ofLimonade's census figures by sister Marie in 1778. 10 subparish has not survived, --- Page 38 --- Record and Free Coloreds . II The Notarial but the whole of Limonade toof the figure for the Savane, 277 free perSO we cannot be sure oflAcul du Nord counted only with the neighboring parish gether habit of giving the same sons ofcolor in 1780.1 confused in families by the linchpins Names could often become The Laportes ofLimonade, are an name to more than one individual. family tree appears in appendix I, the personal elite of Limonade, whose with this family was ofthe planter One of the challenges of working racial classification from outstanding example. individuals, ranging in bore the name fact that there were six separate four generations, all of whom indiand spread across referred to different white to mulatre notaries helpfullybuti Kinconsistendy some can be identified Louis Laporte. The s the "younger," n or the "elder," and are a few acts referviduals as "father," "son, their color, if stated. But there of their wives, or unclear. The white patriarch, by the names whose precise identity remains was named ring to Louis Laporte families (and at least one concubine), who had two (legal, sequential) liked the name. were left open to Louis, and must have often stated, but just as often they in relationships were to the seller, Louis Daguin, Family widow Daugin's precise relationship stated. This was a mercy question. The in appendix 4, was clearly what the relationship the act quoted in its entirety who often left the reader to guess who sold a piece on the part oft this notary, the nine persons surnamed Fagneau reference was made for example, ofthe was between, 12In the case Fagneaus, the 1776 edict ofland dividedinto seven pieces. that was performed before of division of their inheritance by various Fagneaus to an act in the archives. Other acts performed the nine individand that is therefore not the identification ofthree of all brothers and other times, however, permitted other six, who were at nieces and nephews of the owners ofthe land uals in this case as of their deceased parents, the former and they were sisters and principal heirs three nieces and nephews was dead, The mother of the did not make the precise relationin question. The notary in the first act acting as her heirs. down. When the white ships clear. whites are even harder to pin harder than Family relationships to of African descent, things are no was married to the parent of the mother gets obfuscated. parent sometimes the African ancestry French law, and sometimes usual-although their children under This was seen "Natural" fathers could recognize children of African ancestry. relatives in they did in the case of illegitimate white testator had no close legitimate esin wills where the after the death of a white father, occasionally executed by the children relationship France. Often, acts wills, would baldly state the family his lifemarriage contracts and admission, at least officially, during pecially the father made no such father remained officially unknown even though case, however, the time. In the most common -although their children under This was seen "Natural" fathers could recognize children of African ancestry. relatives in they did in the case of illegitimate white testator had no close legitimate esin wills where the after the death of a white father, occasionally executed by the children relationship France. Often, acts wills, would baldly state the family his lifemarriage contracts and admission, at least officially, during pecially the father made no such father remained officially unknown even though case, however, the time. In the most common --- Page 39 --- 12 . The Colony and Its People where possible, fathers have been identified even after his death. In these cases, used a formula phrase in acts of by other means. Notaries in the North province s allowance. By donation: "to take the place of a pension wiagère, or living expense to colored children were supposed proFrench common law, fathers ofillegitimate The Code Noir required such child supvide an annual allowance to their children. an act of donation in of a fine. 13 Wherever a white man performed port on pain woman and her natural children some capital goods which he gave a free colored or in the rarer cases where an actual -land or slaves-"in lieu ofpension viagère, identified as the that donor has been provisionally annual allowance was pledged, even white men, to colored women father ofthose children. All donations by men, several cases in which the colored instrumental-there are were not SO directly direct ofthe white donor. These cases family was almost certainly not the offspring friends ofthe attributable to patrons, relatives, or poverty-stricken, are most likely care of his offspring for him. In the queswhite father taking dead, or neglectful acts in which the mother and possible father appeared tionable cases, the numberofa economic relationship has served as a guide to together and the intimacy of their presumptive identification of illegitimate fathers. between individuals cannot be In some cases, of course, the family relationship and bearing the same established. Persons coming from the same parish unclear definitely than not related, but the relationships are often surname are more likely is unclear, the term "relative" or "prefrom the notarial record. Ifthe relationship sumed relative" appears. PARISH REGISTERS relationships is the parish registers. A selection One method of clarifying family in the sample has been consulted. The oft the parish registers for the six parishes reconstruction through the parish regis- "new social history" technique of family social history, was not possible for Saint ters, common in ancien régime French lack of vital identifying information in Domingue free coloreds because of the the registers ofacts. As with the notarial acts, parish many of the parish register date and place ofbaptism, and other inten failed to include the parents' names, French parish priest would formation on a free colored person that a metropolitan In the notarial acts, the rehave considered essential in any parish register entry. known but the parish clues to connect an actor with a family, searcher can use other The registers do not permit the proregister acts are generally fairly terse. parish study, SO this book simply duction of any sort of general census or demographic from the notarial records was an acnotes acts in which a person already identified demonstrate family and pseudo-kin tor. Thus, the parish register acts served to free coloreds already part of the study. relationships among formation on a free colored person that a metropolitan In the notarial acts, the rehave considered essential in any parish register entry. known but the parish clues to connect an actor with a family, searcher can use other The registers do not permit the proregister acts are generally fairly terse. parish study, SO this book simply duction of any sort of general census or demographic from the notarial records was an acnotes acts in which a person already identified demonstrate family and pseudo-kin tor. Thus, the parish register acts served to free coloreds already part of the study. relationships among --- Page 40 --- Notarial. Record and Free Coloreds : 13 The baptism, burial, and marriage. registers are one ofthree types: Acts in the parish the following elements: Of a admitted, All acts contained at minimum child, the mother, the father, ifknown actors in most Baptisms: The names ofthe Residences were noted for the primary and noted and at least two godparents. exemption was granted by the bishop This restriccases. In any case, unless a special outside their parish ofr Fresidence. a could be baptized for to pass" lightin the act, nobody intended to make it harder parents the home parish of tion seems to have been it also made it easier to determine skinned baby as white, but fathers were more likely to acknowledge was also itinerant free coloreds. Illegitimate acts. some record than in notarial Godparenthood child and parparenthood in the baptismal relationships for both for establishing patron-client sizable bequests for their godchilvery important persons often contained their upon marent. Wills ofwealthy made significant gifts to godchildren of and often of that held the community dren, godparents was a sort glue of the military leaderor riage majority. Godparenthood especially in the case of members In the case ofthe people of color together, blood kinship ties in many cases. as white who lacked strong its links to white society ship group, helped reinforce of their free colored relaplanter group, godparenthod kin turned out at the baptisms and this and other for illegitimate fatherhood, grandparents Godfatherhood can also serve as a cloak the father of a child was. tives. used to determine who that Julien Raimond was one oft the signposts of the bourgeois morality data show that Marriages: Marriage was part coloreds claimed they upheld. The Of course, and other defenders ofthe free much higher rate than whites. to married in the colony at a white men were married free coloreds and some ofthe colony's contained at there were few white women, Marriage acts in the parish registers the parwomen who remainedi in France. and of several witnesses. Often, comthe names of the bride and groom Prenuptial children were least were named, even if not present. were expensive. ents of the couple free coloreds. Marriage celebrations SO that their mon, especially among poorer to the date of their baptism, also an listed, with a reference of witnesses was They were always could be recorded. The presence of covert status and suggestive new legitimate relationships perhaps of their mulatto important marker of patron-client fathers attended the weddings the rewhite fatherhood. Many white to the couple. A dead giveaway to s and gave liberal gifts "an advance on inheritance." sons and daughters described as lationship is when the gift was explicidy of whites in the wedding party demonEven if not stated SO baldly, the presence Howstrated links with white society. of the deceased and a witness appeared. more inBurials: Often, only the name in the community, much names if the deceased was a prominent person Place and date ofbaptism, ever, him or her would be included. with signaformation about and even a list of official mourners, children, and spouses, of parents, and gave liberal gifts "an advance on inheritance." sons and daughters described as lationship is when the gift was explicidy of whites in the wedding party demonEven if not stated SO baldly, the presence Howstrated links with white society. of the deceased and a witness appeared. more inBurials: Often, only the name in the community, much names if the deceased was a prominent person Place and date ofbaptism, ever, him or her would be included. with signaformation about and even a list of official mourners, children, and spouses, of parents, --- Page 41 --- 14 . The Colony and Its People at elite funerals. Usually, the priest would note tures, were all common ingredients unction, which measured how close he whether the deceased had received extreme about the piety of the indiOr she lived to a church and also indicated something vidual or ofhis or her family. also include the names of the petty officials Church Offices: The parish registers and syndics, or vestrymen. In several or ushers, of the church-the margowilleurs, barred from civil officefree people of color held these offices. Although cases, commissions by various royal decrees ofthe mid-cighteenth holding and military like military noncommissioned ranks, a century, lower church offices remained, demonstrate and reaffirm social in which prominent free colored men could were way true oft the rural parishes in the sample, which status. 14 This was particularly of Sainte-Suzanne, in dominated by free people of color. The chapel or subparish of free coloreds, and some of the mountains of Limonade, had a large population the vestrymen were coloreds. OTHER DOCUMENTARY SOURCES other collections of official papers in the Archives NaThere are a number of Aix-en-Provence that illuminate in some way tionales Françaises d'Outremer in The or court clerk's ofof free of color during this period. Greffe, the lives people These include pleadings, deposifice papers, are available for all the jurisdictions. civil and criminal, that came before and decisions in cases, both tions ofwitnesses, they are poorlyi indexed and offer the various courts of the colony. Unfortunately, refer. Sometimes, view of the court cases to which they only a very fragmentary document.5 Criminal court depositions by a notarial act would refer to a Grefe were especially useful in undermarécbausée officers describing police activities of free colored rethe role and structure of that force. A few examples standing service appear in the criminal court registers. sistance to military of Cap Français have survived. Several cadastral, or land-ownership, surveys street location and estimated especially useful, identified the properties by One, of color could be idenrental value. From these, land owned byindividual persons since it described owners tified and evaluated. This survey was particularly helpful the mapping of of by racial category, permitting and often occupants properties free colored and white neighborhoods. archivist of France toward the end Finally, Moreau de St. Méry, who was both colonial documents, included a collector of French ofhis career and an inveterate of of color in his voluminous pergood deal ofitems related to the question people much to that an archivist archives. Although it would perhaps be too suggest sonal from the archives for his personal library, of France would actually steal documents tified and evaluated. This survey was particularly helpful the mapping of of by racial category, permitting and often occupants properties free colored and white neighborhoods. archivist of France toward the end Finally, Moreau de St. Méry, who was both colonial documents, included a collector of French ofhis career and an inveterate of of color in his voluminous pergood deal ofitems related to the question people much to that an archivist archives. Although it would perhaps be too suggest sonal from the archives for his personal library, of France would actually steal documents --- Page 42 --- The Notarial Record and Free Coloreds . 15 documents in the Moreau de St. Méry papers that there are a lot of government archives. For example, there are reare not in their correct locations in the regular in the military records, commenports from the Savannah expedition that are not the years, and from various colonial officials throughout tary and correspondence firm's files. Plenty of useful snippets ofinformation can cases from his own legal Moreau de St. Méry by the diligent and unhurried be culled from the Collection researcher. CONCLUSION colonial archives offers a wealth of evidence on the The material preserved in the Because ofthe propensity ofthe caste to lives offree people of color in the colony. humble means are reprethe notarial system, even free coloreds of relatively use offree coloreds' names and the sometimes slipsented. The issue of the mutability many researchers from shod habits of Saint Domingue's notaries have deterred in identifying individtrying to use this resource in the past, due to the difficulty and observation of other uals from document to document. However, with care individuals through a seidentifying details, itl has been possible to track particular ofinformation in parish regries of notarial and other documents. The spareness in this study. A certain however, defeated attempts to use them extensively isters, from officials and poof"anecdotal" evidence, such as reports government amount the and the fascinating variety of material licemen, travel books written at time, the mentalité of whites that Moreau de St. Méry collected, help the reader grasp and to some extent that offree coloreds as well. the mentalité oft the free colItis through their behavior that we best appreciate on behavior is revealed in detail in the notarial acts they performed oreds. That this that the itselfbecomes an imconceivable occasion. It is in way system every of the society. The trust that free coloreds placed portant clue to the functioning as their property was often protected in legalisms-at trust that was not misplaced, the role oflaw and the imporby the system against white aggresor-ilustrates in the society. framed and issued paperwork tance oflawfully --- Page 43 --- CHAPTER TWO The Land the mother of history. This chapter looks at the Geography, on Hispaniola, which was the actors in this book play out their parts. First, places that are the stage on of the island as a whole. Next, it turns to the geit explores briefly the geography for consideration, beginning with ography of each of the parishes selected special This is in the two of French settlement in the area. supplemented a brief history a look at economic developments in that city's units dealing with the major cities by Then, each unit considers the cities, hinterland during the eighteenth century. of geography- 1 public and in the parish both in terms physical towns, Or villages utilities--a and in terms oft the services- governmental, private buildings, streets, there. The notaries come under the heading of cultural, and commercial- offered the reader meets the notary (or notagovernmental services. Thus, at this point selected for study. Last is a consideration, ries) from that parish whose papers were geography of that parish during the pefor each parish in turn, of the economic ofthe rural on agriculture. focusing, especiallyi in the case parishes, riod 1776-1791, is to look at each parish in terms ofits place The purpose of this organization Places in this colony can be looked at hierarin the economy of the larger colony. under the heading of cultural, and commercial- offered the reader meets the notary (or notagovernmental services. Thus, at this point selected for study. Last is a consideration, ries) from that parish whose papers were geography of that parish during the pefor each parish in turn, of the economic ofthe rural on agriculture. focusing, especiallyi in the case parishes, riod 1776-1791, is to look at each parish in terms ofits place The purpose of this organization Places in this colony can be looked at hierarin the economy of the larger colony. services at the top and those offering chically, with those offering more complex selected for study contain basic production at the bottom. The six parishes merely the economic center of the colony, and Port-autwo large cities, Cap Français, areas with capital. There are two flourishing agricultural Prince, its administrative in the northeast and Croix des Bouquets just small market towns, Fort Dauphin rather remote rural areas, Mirenorth of Port-au-Prince. Finally, there are two the north. Limonade was a very balais in the West province and Limonade in with the free coloreds sugar-growing area, but the notary dealt primarily profitable --- Page 44 --- The Land - 17 living in the southern nificant sugar cultivation. part of the parish, a remote mountainous These three area without siglected to control parishes from the north and three for regional from the West because its free coloreds differences. The South province were sebeen are the province is not some discussion of subjects ofJohn covered here the picture drawn regional differentiation Garrigus's dissertation. 1 There has in this book within the The sample contains differs to some extent from colony, and certainly both regions. geographically and economically what Garrigus found. comparable parishes from THE ISLAND Hispaniola is located in the Greater portion controlled by France until Antilles between Cuba and ern third of this island. the Revolution ofi Puerto Rico. The part ofthe Greater Spain controlled the remainder 1791-1804 of takes up the westand thus downwind Antilles, is toward the leeward end the island, Hispaniola, ofthe Lesser of the to Hispaniola Antilles. A Antilles island chain must, therefore, first pass the voyage by sailing ship from navalinterception. In peacetime, smaller islands and Europe end of the Caribbean Saint Domingue's location run the risk of was somewhat meant that moving toward the downwind more cargoes to and from in the Lesser Antilles- time-consuming and expensive than for Europe or Africa neighbors. Guadeloupe, the smaller colonies Martinique, and their The landscape of Saint English-controlled vided by ranges of mountains Domingue is characterized by several areas of plains. First, in that reach up to 2,000 meters. small plains ditween Cap economic importance There are five main the valley Français and Fort Dauphin, which anyway, is the Plaine du Nord ofthe. Artibonite is on the northern bequets with an arm River, the Plaine du Cul de Sac coast. Next are Léogane, all extending north along the around Croix des from on the central bay of the coast to Archaye, and the area around BouSaint-Louis to Les colony. Finally, the The French side Cayes and Torbeck lies southern plain of the along the southern extending is divided into a large island, like many of the larger coast. falls ofover number of microclimates. islands of the two meters, while Small areas might Caribbean, semi-desert conditions. only a few kilometers get annual rainarea, at the Some of the drier flat land away cactus and scrub signal soil unfit eastern end of the Cul de also has saline soil, and for agriculture. The Sac, large salt lakes render in one first to be hit by the plains that received heavy and the surrounding quired considerable sugar revolution, whereas those regular rains were the investment in irrigation regions with less water reinfrastructure before they could be climates. islands of the two meters, while Small areas might Caribbean, semi-desert conditions. only a few kilometers get annual rainarea, at the Some of the drier flat land away cactus and scrub signal soil unfit eastern end of the Cul de also has saline soil, and for agriculture. The Sac, large salt lakes render in one first to be hit by the plains that received heavy and the surrounding quired considerable sugar revolution, whereas those regular rains were the investment in irrigation regions with less water reinfrastructure before they could be --- Page 45 --- 18 . The Colony and Its People National border FARES ATLANTIC OCEAN Provincial boundaries Parish boundaries "Port de Paix Kn "Bombarde North aCap Francais Grande Limonader "Fort Dauphin Riviere BAY OF PORT AU PRINCE Petite Riviere (Saint Marc Verrettes OFS SPANISH SANTO DOMINGO COLONY sase West - LArchale Mirebalats Jéremie" Croix des Bouquets South Petit Goave . Aoogane Port au Prince Les Cayes St Louis du Sudi Jacmel Cayes Jacmel CARIBBEAN SEA N W E S MAP1. The Colony ofSaint Domingue exploited. They lagged behind somewhat in the race to plex, but as the eighteenth century join the plantation comit was lacking. advanced, irrigation supplied the water where The. Atlantic slave trade supplied the labor, vation ofsugar. The great agricultural making the plains ideal for the cultilution, which affected almost all of the transformation: island referred to as the sugar revoDomingue during the first halfofthe colonies ofthe Caribbean, hit Saint eighteenth 7,000 tons in 1714 to 43,000 tons in century. Production climbed from its peak in 1786.2 1743, 77,000 tons in 1767, and 86,000 tons at Dense tropical forests covered the mountains that sugar-producing plains up until the middle of the surrounded and divided the eighteenth century. Sharp relief ution, which affected almost all of the transformation: island referred to as the sugar revoDomingue during the first halfofthe colonies ofthe Caribbean, hit Saint eighteenth 7,000 tons in 1714 to 43,000 tons in century. Production climbed from its peak in 1786.2 1743, 77,000 tons in 1767, and 86,000 tons at Dense tropical forests covered the mountains that sugar-producing plains up until the middle of the surrounded and divided the eighteenth century. Sharp relief --- Page 46 --- The Land . 19 and shallow soils made them unsuitable for slaves made their homes in the sugar cultivation. In addition, runaway security threat to the defended mountains, and although they presented no serious mountains. Around plains, they were a hindrance to settlement in the fee cultivation, midcentury though, with the introduction settling the mountains became oflarge-scale cofony's government dealt with the threat from the economically attractive, SO the colcases, the authorities liquidated them marons, the maroon slaves. In most ish colony by or drove them across the border to the military force, but in some cases, Spanwith the slaves that remained in force until government officials made treaties In the coffee boom, a second the Revolution. supplemented the period ofgreat economic growth that followed sugar boom, the plantation and tween 1750 and 1780. This coffee boom complex occupied the highlands beofthe century; its effects are was the great economic event ofthe middle in the System. p3 For discussed in Michel-Rolph Trouillot's article "Motion example, in the Sainte-Suzanne district 1770S whole regions that had been beyond the ofLimonade, by the fore became heavily populated and civilized frontier a few decades beThe coffee boom was exceptionally wealthy. which in some cases important to free coloreds for two reasons. First, they already occupied, land, Even if they were not landholders in the suddenly became much more valuable. the hordes ofambitious white mountains, they had an advantage over coffee boom. young men who came to the colony to cash They were already on the scene, with in on the and thus had an easier time local contacts and starting coffee farms. knowledge, lower startup cost than did sugar cultivation, Secondly, coffee farming had a ofpreparation of the land, as well as less requiring fewer slaves and less work oreds, with less capital than the white sophisticated machinery. Thus, free colparticipation in the new boom. planters, were not necessarily barred from to be heavily populated Consequently, the mountainous coffee areas by a newly wealthy class of free coloreds. came Although, as noted, rainfall can vary widely from land, in general, the high mountains received place to place within the isclimatological feature ofnote sufficient rain for coffee. Another the heavily was the relative absence of destructive populated areas of the colony. The storm hurricanes in westward in this area, and the southeastern track generally heads northHaiti, is lightly settled and coast of the colony, and of modern sula, and oft the Spanish mountainous. The mountains of the southern the portion of the island, break up storms peninpopulated central and northern plains. The before they reach the northern and southern Bay of Port-au-Prince, between peninsulas of the island and Gonâve, is an enormous protected shielded by the Isle de la tory have had a strong effect on the anchorage. Only a few storms in recorded hisThis is in sharp contrast heavily populated West and North to the experience of neighboring, and provinces. competing, Santo , and oft the Spanish mountainous. The mountains of the southern the portion of the island, break up storms peninpopulated central and northern plains. The before they reach the northern and southern Bay of Port-au-Prince, between peninsulas of the island and Gonâve, is an enormous protected shielded by the Isle de la tory have had a strong effect on the anchorage. Only a few storms in recorded hisThis is in sharp contrast heavily populated West and North to the experience of neighboring, and provinces. competing, Santo --- Page 47 --- 20 . The Colony and Its People damage from of which suffered severe and repeated Domingo and Jamaica, colonial each period. into three provhurricanes during the was divided administratively at Port-auThe colony of Saint Domingue West, headquarered with its North, with its capital at Cap Français, as a whole, and South, inces: also the capital of the colony which were then Prince, which was was subdividedi into quartiers, small market Each province most with a center at Les Cayes. number of parishes, Les are further subdivided into a varying with the exception of Cayes, The provincial capitals, and outweighed town at its center. offered a wide range of services greatly point described below. They both from an economic and an administrative a court the other towns around them central places for their quartiers hosted The parishes designated as towns than their subordinate ofview. and were usually more important had little more than a church and a (sénéchausée) towns, like Limonade, centers that parishes. Some parish like Mirebalais, were! locallyimportant market square, whereas others, parishes. the business of the drew business from surrounding agriculture, and business of the colony was plantation and getting their produce The the needs of the farmers ofa town was its port towns and cities was supplying characteristic world market. Thus, the most important also took place in towns, especially to the amounts of manufacturing in agrior market. Small labor was generally more profitably employed own manuthe larger ones. However, needs were satisfied by the colony's Only the most pressing from France OI elsewhere. culture. manufactured goods were imported but most oft the colony's factures, and many to non-French colonies, barely tolThere were some (illegal) exports There was an active (and produce fowed to the metropole. Santo Domingo, with Spanish ranchagricultural across the border with Spanish and cash. erated) trade cattle and horses for Dominguan produce desired control over their masters ers trading administrators and their metropolitan trade at a couple The colony's smugglers by concentrating and sought to exclude successful and contributed the economy This effort was partially geography of major ports in each region. of the major cities. However, aneconomic presence is lined with protected to the overwhelming efforts, as the coast ofthe island but there conspired against these southern coasts have extensive reefs offshore, At each such chorages. The northern and a through the reefs. can bring ship As places that a skilled pilot times by a small village. are many that was occupied in colonial OI Dutch freighters, place, there is a landing for clandestine trade with English as the sites shipping trade, carrying well as serving for the intra-island This were important to and from the major ports. these embarquadsires of sugar and other cargoes coloreds to breaki into business, for the bulky hogsheads avenue for free the local shipping trade was another but it was not an activity for risk-averse. a small initial investment, it required places that a skilled pilot times by a small village. are many that was occupied in colonial OI Dutch freighters, place, there is a landing for clandestine trade with English as the sites shipping trade, carrying well as serving for the intra-island This were important to and from the major ports. these embarquadsires of sugar and other cargoes coloreds to breaki into business, for the bulky hogsheads avenue for free the local shipping trade was another but it was not an activity for risk-averse. a small initial investment, it required --- Page 48 --- The Land . 21 the other hand, was quite difficult, within the colony, on trade. The colony's governLand transportation oft the intra-island shipping Within the plains, these increasing the importance to build roads and bridges. were often little ment made various attempts whereas in the mountains, they roads were at risk from floods, a tracks. each region to develop more than rough within the colony permitted will be considered This isolation of regions For this reason, each parish personality. very distinct geographic separately. CAP FRANÇAIS Cap Français was fertile northern coast of the island ofHispaniola, It was, says Moreau Located on the in the colony at the time under study. its luxury, the largest urban area in fact, the principal seat ofits wealth, will always de St. Méry, the colony's "capital and finally, that place which geography it must be rethe greatest commercial city, "4 Moreau de St. Méry was, in the colony." local institutions, make the most important in Cap and a member ofvarious does not exaggermembered, a lawyer in practice ofboosterism. However, he and his analysis might be suspected the colony. the of the city to twenty years before ate the importance dates back to before 1676, tolFrench settlement at Cap France and Spain and granted Spanish made peace between Treaties notwithstanding, French TreatyofRyswicks French inhabitants oft the island.5" and it was in 1676 eration to the subordinates' lived on the main island, then called Bas du people and their African established a parish at what was time was Port-dethat the Catholic Church settlement on Hispaniola at the from the Cap. The center of French across the Tortuga Channel kilometers to the west and directly the Isle de la Tortue. Port-de-Paix Paix, 70 and buccaneer base on and both were wellimportant French port each other against Spanish attacks, favored by the pirates and Tortuga supported the small, maneuverable vessels harbors suited to protected century. forts and cannon, is considerably oft the seventeenth while not so easily defended by to the needs ofl larger merCap's harbor, and thus more suited the hinterland belarger than that of Port-de-Paix cargoes. In addition, vessels needed to haul agricultural for being mountainous chant suitable agriculture, in the middle Port-de-Paixi is not particularly the other hand, is located yond well watered. Cap, on from Limbé to the Spanand not particularly du Nord that stretches 70 kilometers the ocean and the oft the large Plaine from 15 to 25 kilometers wide between land on ish frontier and varies unbroken stretch of good agricultural seasonal mountains. This plain, the largest by many streams and receives French side of the island, is watered the to haul agricultural for being mountainous chant suitable agriculture, in the middle Port-de-Paixi is not particularly the other hand, is located yond well watered. Cap, on from Limbé to the Spanand not particularly du Nord that stretches 70 kilometers the ocean and the oft the large Plaine from 15 to 25 kilometers wide between land on ish frontier and varies unbroken stretch of good agricultural seasonal mountains. This plain, the largest by many streams and receives French side of the island, is watered the --- Page 49 --- 22 . Tbe Colony and Its Pcople heavy rains. Its soil at the much of the flat land beginning of the At the end of the was a seasonally replenished cighteenth flood century was very fertile, as ofits seventeenth century, plain. colony on the mainland France gained international Empire began to change. ofHispaniola. The role of the recognition had attempted to Governors as far back as Bertrand colony in the French A brieftobacco encourage the development ofr d'Ogeron and other boom in the 1660s lost out to market agriculture on (1665-1676) the island.6 ofthe crops were tried, with varying Chesapeake Bay was colony due to the degrees of success. The production. Indigo province of Saint introduction of sugar. The enormous success By Domingue dates from the sugar boom in the North mideentury, most ofthe suitable beginning of the and by the late eighteenth land in the North was under eighteenth century. fully mature century, the flat country around sugar cultivation, colony's commercial sugar-producing area. Thus, Cap Cap Français was a capital, is a good Français, in addition to the well-developed sugar region. In example of an important market being Prince, where sugar production this, it provides a good contrast town in a by the 1770S. was important but had still with Port-auThe mountains not reached its of the North apogee ing too sharp relief and province were unsuitable for remained more orl less lacking the deep fertile soils ofthe sugar cultivation, havbeing left to a scattered uninhabited by* "civilized". colonial plains. Therefore, they population of society until scratching out a living on the herders, hunters of wild midentury, these people were free, margins of society, and cattle, peasants this work. The reader will or quasi-free, coloreds and thus fall runaway slaves. Many of ment had not see, in Mirebalais, a within the purview of yet completely been parish where this Because of the coffce boom surpassed in the 1770S and stage ofdevelopusers ofthis land in the northern 1780s. were mostly forced mountains, the former west, into the northern south, into the Spanish marginal quarter of the peninsula where agriculture was not part oft the colony, or settled plantation century, the vicinity of Cap, SO strong. Byt the third plies. This colony, well within the highland and lowland, had is again unlike the West borders > with become a outside the "plantation province, in which of"civilization," all that imcomplex," substantial pockets independent free coloreds. potentially home to maroon slaves existed This flourishing or poor but portant city in any case. agricultural A hinterland would have made to the sugar and coffee good deal ofits urban activity Cap Français an imated to be the major business. Beyond this, though, was connected directly island, it was the metropolis ofthe colony. Located Cap Français was well situwould make landfall closest major port to the place where on the northern side of the in the colony. Ships ships coming from France traveling to Port-au-Prince or the older coloreds. potentially home to maroon slaves existed This flourishing or poor but portant city in any case. agricultural A hinterland would have made to the sugar and coffee good deal ofits urban activity Cap Français an imated to be the major business. Beyond this, though, was connected directly island, it was the metropolis ofthe colony. Located Cap Français was well situwould make landfall closest major port to the place where on the northern side of the in the colony. Ships ships coming from France traveling to Port-au-Prince or the older --- Page 50 --- The Land : 23 Petit Goâve would have to round the northern peninport towns of Léogane or Gonâve in often-Auky winds. Ships returning to sula and traverse the Bay of La ocean north of the Turks could make their way to open Europe from Cap Français could strike up the coast of Cuba to catch and Caicos Islands. Alternatively, they would not have to run the GulfStream more or less directly. In either case, they the Gonâve. Moreau de St. Méry's description of risk of a voyage across the Bay ofLa was on the direct route to the to the colony makes clear that Cap Français Atvoyage were more reliable in the open and from Europe." 7 The trade winds generally the west or south of the island. lantic than they were in the constricted waters to for the entire colony, where Thus, Cap Français served as a transshipment port ships from France and goods would be unloaded from the large ocean-crossing boats for carriage to more southplaced aboard smaller, more nimble intra-island erly ports. described as "the Paris of the Antilles" for its The city of Cap has often been the booster Moreau de amenities and cosmopolitan spirit, and not just by urban that "Cap-Français is built in stone St. Méry. The Baron de Wimpffen comments there is, in the spirit that reigns there, relative to the other towns [ofthe colony] architecture; that is, that the spirit difference that one observes in their the same house to a ruinous shack (barraque)."s ofthe one is to the other as a solid [maisonlis member with Moreau de St. Méry Colonial commentator and diarist (and fellow des Lozières called the city "the of the Cercle des Philadelphes of Cap) Baudry Paris of our island." the of fconstruction ofboth pubThese observers commentedi in part on solidity fire in in the city. A decree imposed after a devastating lic and private buildings to be in stone, and this edict seems to have been 1753 required all new construction The notarial record supports this widely respected, even in poorer neighborhoods. transactions of urban of the same size, 64 impression: for samples approximately whereas only 13 in Port-au-Prince real estate in Capinvolved masonry buildings, near the waterfront, apdid. The streets, at least in the wealthier neighborhoods stones. Moreau been as certain notarial acts refer to pavement pear to have paved, "consecrated to commerce" were paved down de St. Méry said that those streets for while the sides of the street the middle to provide a gutter and passage Port-au-Prince carts, or any of the other covered in This was not true of were gravel.0 mud was everywhere, and cities of the colony. When it rained in Port-au-Prince, choking clouds of dust arose at every step. when it was dry, the city ofCap nonetheless was the site While not the official colonial capital, had a nice building, public buildings. The Conseil Supérieur of many important of the colony took over on the frequent occasions when which the administrators in times ofwar, it was most efficient they took up residence in the town. Especially , or any of the other covered in This was not true of were gravel.0 mud was everywhere, and cities of the colony. When it rained in Port-au-Prince, choking clouds of dust arose at every step. when it was dry, the city ofCap nonetheless was the site While not the official colonial capital, had a nice building, public buildings. The Conseil Supérieur of many important of the colony took over on the frequent occasions when which the administrators in times ofwar, it was most efficient they took up residence in the town. Especially --- Page 51 --- 24 . The Colony and Its People The best port and most impressive in Cap. one of leaders to congregate of the Régiment du Cap, for the colony's as well as the barracks the were lofortifications in the island, permanently stationed on island, the two colonial infantry regiments at the western end of town. which is what cated at the foot oft the mountain, the convent ofthe Sisters ofCharity, to the the western hills was often forwarded fines Also on in the North province. Courts ofbequests. It was passed for a hospital the house was also a frequent recipient (buriMaison de Charité, and volume in the colony's vital statistics hospital; it rates its own a fairly large edifice, at least als) records. ofCap was a large and reasonably impressive built in 1774, The parish church facade, decorated with statues, in stone, the outside. Ithad a fine masonry to build entirely from raised for its construction was insufficient in Like many things in but the money the interior was still wooden 1788.11 could wait. portion of and the underpinnings SO a goodly facade was the important part, a bishop, probably the colony, the cathedral. The colony was never assigned were mission Cap did not have a and elites. The parishes oft the colony then Cathe relief fofcolonial officials until 1763, to for the most part by regular dengy-Jentits validated the existence churches, served The presence of a parish church whereas othpuchins and Dominicans. white colonists were Protestants, Quite a few ofthe to a small but active Jewofa community. anti-clerical. Still others belonged especially after the ers were fashionably outreach to the slaves was minimal, spent Mission and white communities ish community. both colored Jesuits were thrown out. Nonetheless, their (Catholic) churches. a result considerable time and money improving construction in Cap was in part the ofboth public and private center. While never The solidity administrative of the the fact that the city was an important was the residence of Cap Français nonetheless The capital of the colony, intendant, from 1761 onward.12" titular the governor and in the colony until it was chief fofficers of government, was one of two courts ofappeal the colony's elite as Conseil Supérieur ofCap Conseils Supérieurs were seen by were insuppressed in 1787. The two system. The parlements The in the metropolitan the century. having the status ofparlements absolutism in eighteenth of noble opposition to royal the Conseils as their defenders against struments ofSaint Domingue saw laws with all the pomp of a white plantocracy Conseils registered edicts and that the members the govemment. The Moreau de St. Méry points out the same in France. the right to wear provincial, parlement de Port-au-Prince were given decree in 1788.13 (This ofthe Conseil Supérieur parlements by royal ofthe coinsignia of rank as were metropolitan intended to make up for the suppression restablished a mark of respect, perhaps the 1788 act, which was and the belated restoration by for the entire island lonial courts in 1787 giving it responsibility only the Conseil of Port-au-Prince, au de St. Méry points out the same in France. the right to wear provincial, parlement de Port-au-Prince were given decree in 1788.13 (This ofthe Conseil Supérieur parlements by royal ofthe coinsignia of rank as were metropolitan intended to make up for the suppression restablished a mark of respect, perhaps the 1788 act, which was and the belated restoration by for the entire island lonial courts in 1787 giving it responsibility only the Conseil of Port-au-Prince, --- Page 52 --- The Land . 25 The doings ofthe Conseil Supérieur under the close supervision oft the governor.) of Moreau de St. Méry. He was an atin the reports du Cap figure prominently before this body, soitis necessarily overrepresented torney who argued many cases active court. Cap produced only a in his collection, but it seems to have been a very Port-au-Prince, for this period.' 14 few less notarial registers than the official capital, source for what we know The Cap notaries whose records were the principal BorDoré andJean-François about free colored society in the area,Jean-François district. They attracted much dier jeune, both had offices in the central business their studies. Doré, inthan their share ofCap's free colored population to more in the mountain canton of Sainte-Suzanne, terestingly, was an absentee planter from which many of the LimoLimonade, an area dominated by free coloreds his widow returned to the in this book come. After his death, nade representatives local grande dame. She was homestead in the mountains and became a prominent few white women of the planter socially important since she was one of the very area. Bordier all the colored planter elite ladies of this coffee-growing class among brothers who served as notaries in Cap. The elder jeune was the younger of two SO there is little from his brother died shortly after careful record keeping began, time seems to have brought archives in the sample. Doré's death at about the same of the the Bordier, as he inherited a large proportion more business to younger his client base. Cap free colored population as services. There was a theater, with perforCap provided a full range of urban of the society would gather three times a week, where the cream colony's mances but only on the floor or the third to see and be seen. Free coloreds were present, stockholders and had a (paper) rank of loges. The theater was supported by fifty livres in 1771. Season tickcapital of150,000 liures and an annual budget of 235,752 The theater seems to have ets for a couple were 550 liures, exclusive ofbox rental.5" been the heart of Cap's social and business life. members who Associated with the theater was a library, with eighty subscribing of the Cercle des Philaannually." 16 The library was also the home paid 421 piastres Moreau de St. Méry was a member. It was this organidelphes de Cap, of which ofthe island. Moreau zation that hatched the idea ofwriting a general encyclopedia des colonies the which resulted in his Loix et constitutions de St. Méry took on task, and Description. de la partie frand'amérique, Description de la partie espagnole, the colony. invaluable tools to the modern researcher studying coçaise, life of the colony was centered in Cap and was energetic by The intellectual and some works were printed in the city, lonial standards.' 17 Cap had a print shop, skilled workers in the the economic difficulties of finding and retaining but given in France anything not needed at once. colony, it generally was cheaper to print the was the home of the oldest and Newspapers, of course, were topical, and city Description. de la partie frand'amérique, Description de la partie espagnole, the colony. invaluable tools to the modern researcher studying coçaise, life of the colony was centered in Cap and was energetic by The intellectual and some works were printed in the city, lonial standards.' 17 Cap had a print shop, skilled workers in the the economic difficulties of finding and retaining but given in France anything not needed at once. colony, it generally was cheaper to print the was the home of the oldest and Newspapers, of course, were topical, and city --- Page 53 --- 26 . The Colony and Its People américaines. The in the colony, the Affiches in Portpublished newspaper was officially headquarteredi most frequently in Capin 1764 and format and most frequent Affiches began publication but it published its largest au-Prince starting in 1768, the colonial period. interest- runaway editions in Cap throughout coloreds read the announcements oflocal in the Affiches, as Presumably, free the like. Certainly, they were advertisers the eyes slaves, estate sales, and ofrunaway slaves as seen through to have Jean Fouchard in his study ofCap seems reported by. advertisers." 18 The rest ofthei eintellectuallife record ofany free colored ofthe newspaper: proposition. At any rate, there is no the members of the inbeen a whites-only Cercle des Philadelphes. Certainly, the at the were among most prominent participating scientific Chambre de TAgriculture need not apply. The "intelAuential and the Afican-descended coloreds by the white planters in the colony; the law, had been closed to free the lectual" professions, medicine and educated in France, but racial prejudice by intelfree coloreds had been work alongside whites in an 1760s. Many made it difficult for them to 1770S would have the most powerful lectual sphere. also tended not to live alongside The atThe free coloreds of Cap areas of the city for the most part. toward the whites. Free coloreds lived in outlying closest to the waterfront and recproperties were of and notarial tractive, and valuable, of the cadastral survey 1776 of buildings northern end ofthe town. Analysis further south and west, the occupants and the area ords suggest that as one got of Petite Guinée, le Carénage, areas for darker.' 19 The neighborhoods south toward the plain were popular grew proper leading did not own downoutside the city gates This is not to say that free coloreds show that investmenti in free colored settlement. both survey and notarial records But it would fact, coloreds. town property-in common strategy of ambitious commercial property was a actually occupying one ofhis properties and to find a free colored proprietor This line was both unmarked be unlikely unmarked boundary line. of the wealthiest east and north of an and his mother lived in the midst ofwhite Vincent Ogé Free colored mistresses semi-permeable. on the Place de Clugny. white neighborhoods. and whitest neighborhood their residence inside predominandly by the governmen certainly made appears to have been practiced No strict housing discrimination modest than ment in Cap. colored area, as one might suspect, were more some ofthe Houses in the free linhabited byt the wealthy whites. However, substantial. For those in the neighborhoodi neighborhood were still quite St. Simon, near houses in this dark-complexioned Pierre Medor dit Ange, at 22 rue in masonry example, the house occupied by was built completely of town but in a mixed neighborhood, the center inside predominandly by the governmen certainly made appears to have been practiced No strict housing discrimination modest than ment in Cap. colored area, as one might suspect, were more some ofthe Houses in the free linhabited byt the wealthy whites. However, substantial. For those in the neighborhoodi neighborhood were still quite St. Simon, near houses in this dark-complexioned Pierre Medor dit Ange, at 22 rue in masonry example, the house occupied by was built completely of town but in a mixed neighborhood, the center --- Page 54 --- The Land . 27 ATLANTIC OCEAN Cap Francais Haut duCap Embarquadaire de Limonade Acul" St Louis, Saipepaumonate SA Plaine du Petlie Limonade Nord Anse Bois de Lance Trou duel Terrier FortDauchin? Sle Suzanne Nord Rouge Grande Rivièra Dondon. Vallière Quanaminthe National border Relief (meters) Parish boundaries N SPANISH COLONY W OF SANTO DOMINGO MAP2. The North 10 15 201 Km Province and was estimated for tax Many free coloreds were fearful purposes in 1776 as being worth tentation or luxuryof spending on what might 1,800 liures a year. 20 1760s and 1770S-but especially given the plethora of have been seen as OSstyle and were nonetheless interested fsumpruarylaws passed in the enjoying the fruits of their in adopting a limits, and economic comfortable lifeespecially in the success. This was also possible in rural "appropriate" possible, within areas like neighborhoods of the port cities. somewhat greater license Limonade, where It was The to indulge themselves prominent free coloreds parish of Cap included a small than their urban fellows. enjoyed overlooks the city was part of the underi its hinterland. The ing area ofHaut du Cap, home administration, as was the small mountain that dependances (rural ofToussaint dit Breda, the future village and farmdependencies) of Cap contained Louverture. The one sugar plantation, the fa- areas like neighborhoods of the port cities. somewhat greater license Limonade, where It was The to indulge themselves prominent free coloreds parish of Cap included a small than their urban fellows. enjoyed overlooks the city was part of the underi its hinterland. The ing area ofHaut du Cap, home administration, as was the small mountain that dependances (rural ofToussaint dit Breda, the future village and farmdependencies) of Cap contained Louverture. The one sugar plantation, the fa- --- Page 55 --- 28 : The Colony and Its People respectable 104 carreaux in consisting of a quite Breda, home to Toussaint, about 1,500 carreaux producing mous number of small farms totaling economic imporsugar cane, and a urban market.21 The population and food crops for the nearby small in proportion, however. tance of these areas was quite LIMONADE Français. Mosoon after Cap settled the coastal region of Limonade exploration has suggested, Frenchmen and modern archacological settlement in the New reau de St. Méry reports, been the site of the first European the wrecked Santa that the parish may have where Columbus left the crew of and the fort of Navidad settlement in the late seventeenth World, his first voyageThel French of the rest of the sugar-growing Maria during centuries followed the pattern early eighteenth de Lihinterland of Cap Français. near the village ofl fEmbarquadaire of the Limonade's parish church was located of an urban center in any sense but the church was not really part the was a fertile plain, supportmonade, two-thirds of parish furiously on word. Instead, the northern and their slaves, almost all working from Cap, dense of masters 12 kilometers ing a population Because the parish was located only In the late eighproduction. services in their vicinity. sugar farmers did not require many urban de Limonade, with a narrow and these ofEmbarquadaired through teenth century, the small village to his surprise) deep-water passage in the dangerous (as Columbus discovered traveling to Cap and other ports in had occasional inter-island ships a free colored military veteran, the reef, There was a tavern, kept by ofHaiti, Henry Christophe. North province. future ruler of the northern part rate the honorific dewhich labored the the local notary enough to None of the structures impressed act. coloreds called scription maison in any notarial small district or village offree the road to Cap, there was a today: are widely scattered, Along Haitian peasant communities at the time, however, the Savane de Limonade. of"village." n French peasants the Sahardly rating the description their fields. Iti is unclear which pattern de and walked to community; Moreau lived close together the settement was a poor 23 These were peasant vane followed. In any case, an active police presence." - perhaps St. Méry noted that it "required flat but for some reason living on land that was relatively Most pieces of fland seem to have proprietors, for sugar cultivation. all around soil salinity- y-unstitable about two hectares. The sugar plantations records around one carreau, or and the notarial been market for any excess food production, the of the Sathem furnished a of someone climbing from poverty occasionally contain the traces was a poor 23 These were peasant vane followed. In any case, an active police presence." - perhaps St. Méry noted that it "required flat but for some reason living on land that was relatively Most pieces of fland seem to have proprietors, for sugar cultivation. all around soil salinity- y-unstitable about two hectares. The sugar plantations records around one carreau, or and the notarial been market for any excess food production, the of the Sathem furnished a of someone climbing from poverty occasionally contain the traces --- Page 56 --- Tbe Land . 29 vane. An example would be Marie eral timesin this work, Zabeth, the widow The southern although her rise was Poupart, who appears sevthird of the parish, which followed by an equally mountainous and was not stretched to the spectacular fall. boom ofthe 1760s turned economically important until coffee Spanish frontier, is tral community, the southerly canton arrived. The coffee lishment ofa seemingly at least as ofSainte-Suzannei into another a chapel, subordinate important as the coastal cennew status. to that at Limonade villages. The estabBoth proper, in 1783 marked this chapel and church babitant and merchant could provided the opportunity for farmers and meet and make deals for weekly markets where This is the peddlers sold their produce retail in future harvests while sort of rural market that dozens or hundreds smaller world, including Haiti. Iti is can still be seen in ofsmall stalls. vided in the an essential urban service, most of the developing Limonade's parish. one of the few that was Limonade small towns did not offer much pronotary, in the way of tion. He provided Jean-Louis Michel, seems to have been urban services. The who did not legal services to those resident on his babitatravel members of the northern regularly to Cap, Limonade part of the parish. The including the humble free community of the southern affairs of the (mostly free coloreds of the population, while mountainous area made up the largest colored) coffee planters most of their wealthier, had farther to go to part of his records. This how notarial business get to the big city and much other locally. Aside from thus did legal or notarial center ofa guartier, governmental business took services, it is unclear ince, and thus which was the administrative place in the parish. Itwas the of this atleast in theory the seat division between and court are not in the ofastnnbauuts orlocal parish provhave been active archives in court. The records Limonade during the period under Aicen-Provence, and it does not seem to have been study. Many appear to The argued before the purely local matters quartier was also a courts at Capin the from talion formed by the military division, and the commander first instance. companies from Grand of the militia batMarmelade, and Limonade Rivière, Agriculture, was resident here. Quartier Morin, Dondon, tion that combines though, was the major business ofthe much like data on the parishes ofLimonade parish. A census recapitulaLimonade and and l'Acul du was used in this area in directly adjacent to it, gives Nord, a parish The the time under study. some idea ofhow the land majority of the land under was in coffee. There were cultivation in the two reaux per operation. 212 distinct coffee parishes, 10,600 carreaux, This picture ofr numerous, plantations, for an average of 50 carsmall operations is consistent with ofthe much like data on the parishes ofLimonade parish. A census recapitulaLimonade and and l'Acul du was used in this area in directly adjacent to it, gives Nord, a parish The the time under study. some idea ofhow the land majority of the land under was in coffee. There were cultivation in the two reaux per operation. 212 distinct coffee parishes, 10,600 carreaux, This picture ofr numerous, plantations, for an average of 50 carsmall operations is consistent with --- Page 57 --- 30 . The Colony and Its People business in St. Domingue as a whole. There were what we know of the coffee of the two parishes, with an average of plantations in the lowland areas 59 sugar indicating the strong position of sugar 80 carreaux per plantation, a high average livestock, and food crops were minor plantations in the North province. Indigo, sectors in this parish.? 24 of indigo, and coffee repThe figure for carreaux used for the cash crops sugar, extent of planwith that crop, and not the entire resents only land actually planted provision grounds, buildings, and tations (which would include fallow, pasturage, ofcarreaux in food crops and pasture apother noncrop uses). The reported figure in which food Or livestock was parently reflects only cash-crop farms (habitations) farms in the mountains as well as Thus, small subsistence the primary product. Or coffee plantations are probably not provision grounds and pasture land on sugar reported accurately. the importance of the parish coffee Nonetheless, these data demonstrate great producing food crops for There were very few large operations and sugar crops. The commitment oft the the market, and there was effectively no pastoral industry. cash in tropical staples is clear. parish to cropping FORT DAUPHIN than Limonade, and a little more indepenA little bit farther from Cap Français of Fort Now called Fort dent, was the small port city and farming area Dauphin. road that even today is of the town lies 46 kilometers from Cap along a Liberté, boasts a large harbor in which oceangoing ships doubtful quality. Fort Dauphin described the repair of a substantial find refuge. Moreau de St. Méry can easily The harbor is well protected against French naval vessel in 1778 in this harbor.25 from enemy attack at the time storms from almost any direction and was protected of reef across the harbatteries of artillery. However, a number of patches by two ships to enter, and the difficulty of overbor mouth made it risky for oceangoing of the colony meant that a large urland travel between Fort Dauphin and the rest ban center never had the chance to grow here. small settlement serving the town of Fort Dauphin in the 1780s was a Instead, and coffee-growing areas, as well as playing a the needs ofthe surrounding sugarmilitary threat from the Spanish side role in the defense of the colony against any that Fort Dauphin was of the island. The proximity to the Spanish colony meant trading center. also a reasonably energetic substantial. In 1788, there were 390 urThe town ofFort Dauphin was relatively In when urban land was ban lots.? 26 The free population in 1780 was 560.271 general, conceded by the govthe lots were often subdivided. They were originally sold, coffee-growing areas, as well as playing a the needs ofthe surrounding sugarmilitary threat from the Spanish side role in the defense of the colony against any that Fort Dauphin was of the island. The proximity to the Spanish colony meant trading center. also a reasonably energetic substantial. In 1788, there were 390 urThe town ofFort Dauphin was relatively In when urban land was ban lots.? 26 The free population in 1780 was 560.271 general, conceded by the govthe lots were often subdivided. They were originally sold, --- Page 58 --- The Land . 31 but in fact urban lots usually served individuals and were taxed as units, same Or different persons. ernment to structures, owned by the in the town. The as the site of several separate have been at least five hundred buildings but none were Therefore, there must Grand Rue was said to be tree-lined, On the were wide, and the toises, or 300 feet, on a side. streets was large: 50 n according to paved. The central marketplace churches of Saint Domingue, was one of the "finest parish square Moreau de St. Méry2 the river and is surrounded by wetlands. the ocean and and this may The town lies between environment from the earliest days, of the unknown forits hostile disease an example It was settlement. Moreau de St. Méry gave Léon regihave served to slow around Fort Dauphin: in 1782, the Spanish of1,440 men healthful nature ofthe "air" soldiers out of a total strength one lost 17 officers, 3 cadets, and 647 as it is now called, remains ment there.s" To this day, Fort Liberté, while in garrison malarial areas on the island. of Fort Dauphin boasted of the most persistent border market. The market means a A border town peddlers stocking up on small manufactured and cattle than its share of wandering free colored) horse more the side, Spanish (often official purgoods to sell over on Spanish Spanish military or colonial border with their stock, and the occasional on the other side of the traders The large Spanish garrison chasing for his men. supplied. devoted to have been less than perfectly trade, was primarily seems while enlivened by cross-border business at the local noThe town's market, regions. The people doing kilometers of the the adjacent farming within two dozen to serving farmers who lived the late eightary were, for the most part, was developing rapidly during the marin the region The of center. Since agriculture brisk in the local market. prosperity business was teenth century, of the of the town. French military presket was at the root prosperity benefited from a sizable frontier and the the town's economy the other side of the Additionally, oft the Spanish garrison on meant that the coloence. The presence harbor could hold oceangoing ships force. A goodly part of fact that Fort Dauphin's defend the city with an important of the had to taken with descriptions nial government chapter on the parish is up have a prominent Moreau de St. Méry's of these installations The architecture. Plans and drawings in Aixc-en-Provence. military Fortifications des Colonies papers with naval arin the Dépot des by two batteries place as described, name. Built in mouth of the harbor was protected, the fort that gave the town its stone In addition, there was with low but thick tillery pieces. piece of military architecture, of eighteenththis was a substantial to the best principles 1735, cannons, built according no army in the world walls and powerful Given a sufficient garrison, which would century fortress engincering. without a time-consuming siege, could have taken Fort Dauphin ifications des Colonies papers with naval arin the Dépot des by two batteries place as described, name. Built in mouth of the harbor was protected, the fort that gave the town its stone In addition, there was with low but thick tillery pieces. piece of military architecture, of eighteenththis was a substantial to the best principles 1735, cannons, built according no army in the world walls and powerful Given a sufficient garrison, which would century fortress engincering. without a time-consuming siege, could have taken Fort Dauphin --- Page 59 --- and Its People 32 : The Colony disease environin lives given the challenging a few have been very expensive also were with fortifications: probably The outlying areas peppered at a break in the reef, and ment in the parish. there was a small battery was another small kilometers down the coast, of the Massacre River, there of these at the frontier, at the mouth were the only regular garrison right A few artillerymen to secure them battery of four guns. could provide the mass of men necessary When forts, but the local militia du Cap was only two days' march away. the and the Régiment and local regulars during in an emergency, more troops to the colony raised a rural area in the goverment sent their base was built in Trou du Nord, crisis ofthe Seven Years' War, in which the of Fort Dauphin. House, the quartier also boasted a Government The court of Fort The town of Fort Dauphin and the sénéchauste held court. the harbor was quartier's militia commander its records have survived. Because France. active, and with Dauphin was quite the town occasionally traded directly illicit) with suitable for oceangoing vessels, there was considerable trade (mostly In addition, as a frontier town, there was an admiralty court, a royal treasurer, were colony. Therefore, The notaries of Fort Dauphin the neighboring accountants and managers. source for this parish, André and other royal served as the principal had the most contact busy. The one whose registers He was chosen because he and Leprestre, was one among many. ofhis records from 1777 to 1788 has survived, with free coloreds, a full sequence active notaryin town. Plaine du Nord sugarhe was the most lies the eastern end of the great the rain as the area Outside of the town is not SO well served by of This end of the plain Investors with plenty growing area. is somewhat more difficult. rivers to make sugar around Cap, and agriculture to use the water from several as their pricapital built irrigation systems stuck to dry cultivation of findigo boom possible; other planters the of the coffee cultivation mountains were experiencing beginnings ranches still commary crop. The food-producing farms or livestock in the 1770S, and many simple for access to the best land. practiced in peted with the coffee planters the wider variety of agriculture illustrates a larger proportion The census compilation Fort Dauphin sported and lots as opposed to Limonade. of land in coffee, Fort Dauphin in food crops, a smaller proportion Specifically, ofits arable land in the more settled landscape ofLimonade. averherding than found while 118 coffee plantations more averaged 70 carreaux apiece, and over 3,000 carreaux in 31 sugar plantations carreaux in food crops aged a mere 21. There were 748 where the tropi30 agricultural area pasturage. a central place for a peripheral - Fort Dauphin A frontier town, established their dominance- which is the cal cash crops had not yet completely atmosphere of the West province, the frontier shared in some ways sketches. subject ofthe next set of averherding than found while 118 coffee plantations more averaged 70 carreaux apiece, and over 3,000 carreaux in 31 sugar plantations carreaux in food crops aged a mere 21. There were 748 where the tropi30 agricultural area pasturage. a central place for a peripheral - Fort Dauphin A frontier town, established their dominance- which is the cal cash crops had not yet completely atmosphere of the West province, the frontier shared in some ways sketches. subject ofthe next set of --- Page 60 --- The Land * 33 Pte. Rivière National Relief (meters) Parish border boundaries - P 10 15 20Km Verrettes N W Mirebalais" Lascahobasi S LArchaie Bay of Port au Prince Les Fredoches, Thomazeau Rere Sase % Croix des Bouquets OF SPANISH COLONY Bizoton 6 Port au 6 Enfants SANTO DOMINGO Prince e Perdus, & Fonds Parisien, LaCharboniere, e Jacmel Cayes Jacmel MAP 3. The West Province PORT-AU-PRINCE Port-au-Prince was the titular the time of this capital of the entire study and was the central colony of Saint province actually contained place of the Domingue at comes from the fact the most easterly point in the West province. The West that it is the most colony-t the name West westerly area on the island ever settled by Perdus, & Fonds Parisien, LaCharboniere, e Jacmel Cayes Jacmel MAP 3. The West Province PORT-AU-PRINCE Port-au-Prince was the titular the time of this capital of the entire study and was the central colony of Saint province actually contained place of the Domingue at comes from the fact the most easterly point in the West province. The West that it is the most colony-t the name West westerly area on the island ever settled by --- Page 61 --- 34 . The Colony and Its People the Spanish. The century. The Spanish first occupied the site the village ofXaragua soon became ofPort-au-Prince in the interloper trade, and the an important sixteenth in Santo Domingo settlement was ordered smuggling entrepôt for When early in the seventeenth abandoned by the French colonists first century. authorities enteenth century, they settled entered the Bay fertile plain ofl at Léogane, Grand orfort-au-Pince, in the late sevof Léogane at the root of the Goave, and Petit Goave on Léogane is rather small, island's southern the larger, although drier, however, and rapidly filled with peninsula. The plain de Sac. This plain plain exists north ofthe old plantations. A much in the colony. The was settled extensivelyi in the Spanish town site, called the Cul site 1730S as the a battery was built, ofPort-au-Prince itselfwas not sugar boom took hold needed a protected mostly at the expense of the settlers reoccupied until 1742, when chosen, harbor closer than Petit of the Cul de more or less equidistant Goave. The site proved Sac, who growing areas. To the south and between these two fortuitously suitable for coffee east potentially quite rich sugarthe production in those ofPort-au-Prince are high ocean for those days, and the was mountains, quite the province, settling in the mountains, As the city an obvious outlet to these Port-au-Princes economic value coffee boom of the hit changes, the town was further 1760s ond-largest city in the grew rapidly from its birth to become enhanced. the Thanks to scribes the growth colony by the period under study. capital and sec- [maisons). By 1761, ofurbanization: in the capital. In Moreau de St. Méry deOnly three there were 392, with an estimated 1751, there were IOO households years later, there were rental value 748,983. By the 1776 census, the 683 maisons with an estimated of$41,672 livres. tal value was up to 987,390 number ofhouseholds had risen rental value of million livres. 31 liures; by 1788, there were to 787, and the torents. Ofcourse, that last figure shows 895, with a value ofover However, it also the effect of three ban land and the rapid demonstrates the profits available from wartime inflation on Some of the growth of the city in this period. investment in urdences. Each maison buildings counted were commercial of subordinate would probably be composed of property rather than resistructures, In a main house and ings that are not counted addition, the city contained a couple This explosive here. numerous public buildPrince growth did not make for was a rude frontier town careful city in The aristocratic whereas Cap planning; fact, Port-au- "32 observer Baron de Français was a cultured and camp. However, there Wimpffen described solid city. baron was some effort at the city as a "vast Tartar the suggested. The streets were laid out in planning, contrary to what the downtown area at least, to this a precise grid, which good paved in the 1750S when the day. They were 60 to 70 feet wide they follow, in city was first laid out, and had been except for a sewer down the fact, Port-au- "32 observer Baron de Français was a cultured and camp. However, there Wimpffen described solid city. baron was some effort at the city as a "vast Tartar the suggested. The streets were laid out in planning, contrary to what the downtown area at least, to this a precise grid, which good paved in the 1750S when the day. They were 60 to 70 feet wide they follow, in city was first laid out, and had been except for a sewer down the --- Page 62 --- The Land . 35 howwas not maintained, Moreau de St. Méry notes that the pavement while dust plagued passersby middle. the streets when the rains came, in the earthquake ever, and mud filled in the town were damaged houses in the dry season. Most buildings reconstructioni in stone, SO most private wood ordinancef forbade more used of1770, and a city Builders who were prosperoust comwooden structures. Wood was a cheap and plentiful were one-story with stone foundations. century, but its extensive frame construction at the end of the eighteenth to the appearmodity in Saint Domingue doubtless contributed material in Port-au-Prince use as a building that struck all observers. to culture, alance ofi fimpermanence Port-au-Prince had some pretensions Portbeauty aside, There was a theaterin] Architectural advanced in this area as was Cap. SO performances though it was not old section of town, which gave biweekly to au-Prince, located in the director of the theater absconded Jamaica However, in 1765, the the institution fell on hard times. in the 1760s. costumes, and it appears that for policing the with the props and was made responsible The commander of the military garrison were cut back to once a week. The and performances the three days of Carnival actors and administrators, its hall for public balls; apparendy, on PortComédie rented out 34 There seems to have been no restrictions could afford, to especially remunerative.: have wanted, and were who might au-Prince's free colored population and the theater, as there were in Cap. name in his notarial acts attend who did not use his personal was the most Michel, the notary book's principal source on Port-au-Prince, He was one whose records form this with the free colored community. ofthe city's notariesi in dealing were government employees active of notaries, many ofwhom Por-au-Prince of a veryl large contingent and transactions for the most part. notarizing official documents surviving in the archives. number of notarial registers was the colony's has the largest activity is due to the fact that Port-au-Prince de St. Méry did his best Much ofthis legal although Cap booster Moreau importance. capital beginning in 1751, "real" capital because ofits economic and it make the case for Cap as the were resident in Port-au-Prince, to of the colony It was from here that However, the administrators serious issues were referred. their court that the most colonial autonomism was to and upheld his authority against insolent plantthey represented the king fractious local militia commanders, whites, upby, in their view, and poor as represented and councilors, surly uncooperative A considerable judges the slave population. ers, pretentious and the sleeping giant, with serving the various institupity free coloreds, was involved institutions proportion of the city's population demands of the various governmental of solThe Two regiments tions of royal government. during the period under study. at times supported two print shops service, inhabited Port-au-Prince recruited in France for colonial diers, ious local militia commanders, whites, upby, in their view, and poor as represented and councilors, surly uncooperative A considerable judges the slave population. ers, pretentious and the sleeping giant, with serving the various institupity free coloreds, was involved institutions proportion of the city's population demands of the various governmental of solThe Two regiments tions of royal government. during the period under study. at times supported two print shops service, inhabited Port-au-Prince recruited in France for colonial diers, --- Page 63 --- and Its People 36 . The Colony and the Régiment the Légion de Saint-Domingue Admiralty during the period under study: with the barracks were the prisons, of Port-auInterspersed civil. The civil prison de Port-au-Prince. of Marine) and d'Armes, now the (maintained by the Ministry site, just west of the old Place was also Prince still stands on the same Haiti's state prisoners. Port-au-Prince and still houses which received patients Champs de Mars, military and one civilian, the hospitals, one oldest institution in city, home to two large The hospital was, in fact, the Goave originally from all over the island. neighboring town ofPetit buccaneers operating out ofthe the foothills to the south. as the the site of the city from found lits water. The downtown founded it overlooking that Port-au-Prince It was also in these foothills flowing streams. Apparently, other than intermittendy built area had no water source The city administrators wells in the stony soil was impracticable. in the hills south of town, setdigging water from two springs their flow, in aqueducts that transported the springs in order to protect These forest reaside the woodland overlooking on the island. ting legislation the COexample of Fanti-deforestation example of continuing an early trees left in the 1980s, another serves still had some and legacy in modern Haiti. and active, both as planters lonial free coloreds were numerous Moreau de St. Méry, some Port-au-Prince's When the city was established, says were reserved for free urban landlords. of the powerful negociants character, they seem lots behind the seafront quarters character. n35 Whatever their moral sell as the excoloreds "of good moral to develop and rent Or up the lots offered to them, of the city's core. The astoundto have snapped their once-peripheral land part can often be seen in panding city made from these early concessions profits some of them gained ing agricultural and the notarial record. did contain significant Grand Rivière de Unlike Cap, the parish ofPor-au-Prince extended northward to the the city. The parish and south about 15 kilometers. wild land outside north of town, well suited to la Cul de Sac, about IO kilometers is flat and relatively fertile land, held several Along the coast in both directions south bank of the Grand Rivière incultivation. In particular, the district to the southeast of town was sugar A considerable the parish borders exlarge sugar plantations. In fact, in this direction, met the cluded in the limits of the parish. coast of the island where they Noir than halfway to the southern -Montagne tended more This land is extremely mountainous and the peaks of the parish of Cayes Jacmel. is more than 1,700 meters high, overlooking Port-au-Prince border between the parishes ofPort-au-Paince which form the this mounChaine de la Selle, meters. Early in the colony's history, The marons Jacmel, exceed 2,500 and runaway slaves. and Cayes farmers, hunters, tainous area was home to peasant ast of the island where they Noir than halfway to the southern -Montagne tended more This land is extremely mountainous and the peaks of the parish of Cayes Jacmel. is more than 1,700 meters high, overlooking Port-au-Prince border between the parishes ofPort-au-Paince which form the this mounChaine de la Selle, meters. Early in the colony's history, The marons Jacmel, exceed 2,500 and runaway slaves. and Cayes farmers, hunters, tainous area was home to peasant --- Page 64 --- The Land . 37 threat to the colony's security in the of the Chaine de la Selle were a significant launched them. Finally, in all futile, were against 1750S, and numerous expeditions, to tame the highlands, and the marons the 1760S and 1770S, coffee growing began Coffee had not, however, conout or made their peace with the colony. were wiped as it had the mountains of quered the mountains of the West nearly as thoroughly and wilderness still and small peasant holdings, stock raising, the North province, had a share of the land. sense would dictate, that Although Moreau de St. Méry says, and geographical the data in the census compilaPort-au-Prince was a significant agricultural area, which is the next parish Port-au-Prince and Croix des Bouquets, tions combine some idea ofthe farming business in the considered. The census compilation gives but they were rather small by the two parishes. There were 68 sugar plantations, each. There were only 27 coffee planstandards ofthe northern plain, at 54 carreaux as the principal busiof 60 carreaux each. Cotton appears tations, with an average in view of the labor-intensive nature of that ness of five plantations, interesting with more than 2,600 without cotton gins. Food crops were very important, crop while pasture took up 2,500 acres ofland.3 in carreaux, with coffee coming in a distant second even Thus, the focus was on sugar, vibrant with under cultivation. The coffee sector was, nonetheless, terms ofland ofland devoted to food gardens and pas27 large producers. The large amounts Limonade, demonstrate the when compared to Fort Dauphin and especially and ture, of the rural economy in these areas, though. Subsistence transitional nature way completely to production for small-market garden farming had not yet given an export market. CROIX DES BOUQUETS ofCul de Sac, after the valley in which Originally created in 1687 under the name that ofPort-au-Prince upon it lies, the parish Croix des Bouquets was subsumedin under its modern name in 1750, the founding of the city. The parish reappeared about IO kilometers incenter relocated from the coast to a point with the parish development of the city ofl Port-au-Prince, the land. In order to ensure the rapid were forbidden to establish any inhabitants of the parish of Croix des Bouquets howtheir church. This regulation was generally ignored, other installations near a respectable small urban cenand the village ofCroix des Bouquets grewinto Rivière. ever, from Port-au-Prince on the banks ofthe Grande ter about 12 kilometers in the Americas, the urban amenities were not As in many provincial towns The town boasted a half-finished church, strikingly presentin Croix des Bouquets. ofl Port-au-Prince, the land. In order to ensure the rapid were forbidden to establish any inhabitants of the parish of Croix des Bouquets howtheir church. This regulation was generally ignored, other installations near a respectable small urban cenand the village ofCroix des Bouquets grewinto Rivière. ever, from Port-au-Prince on the banks ofthe Grande ter about 12 kilometers in the Americas, the urban amenities were not As in many provincial towns The town boasted a half-finished church, strikingly presentin Croix des Bouquets. --- Page 65 --- 38 : The Colony and Its People residences and other buildand a few hundred private all supposed to be delivered a considerable: marketplace, other than the religious, were for the whole peings. Official services, one notary remained in residence but owned and sO only resided in town at Port-au-Prince, Mâitre Renaudot. He apparendy Michel in Limonade, Renaudot riod under study, nearby. Like Mâitre to the nearby some farmland in the valley business did not take them regularly the free served principally those whose inhabitants of the parish and especially large city, and so the more humble dominate his records. wide, considerably widerthan coloreds ofthe Cul de Sacis about 25 kilometers coastal parishes to the north and The valley around Léogane or Archaye, the the sea at Barahona in the flat lands all the way across the island to meet than eisouth. The valley runs Sac considerably drier, however, cultivacolony. The Cul de valleyis especially sugar the Spanish coastal parishes, and agriculture, lakes in the middle ofthe ther of the neighboring There are threelargel lakes is quite tion, is possible only with irrigation. and even the soil around these the valley but the water in them is salty, The hills on the northern side of valley, useful only for pastureland. is very dry. The streams sterile and and that whole side of the valley the Grande Rivière, proget very little rainfall, mountains to the south, especially when the security running from the high in the valley. It was only in the to agriculture works 1750S vide the water necessary permitted extensive irrigation the time situation and level ofinvestment conquered the Cul de Sac. During society that sugar growing really to this and the region's and 1760s the sugar boom was new region, under study, then, ofboom times. in the sugar boom, was still in the grip ofCroix des Bouquets participatedi farmSome of the free coloreds in the economy ofneur-anbeistencet still struggled to survive contains the single most whereas others Croix des Bouquets owned by the ing and stock raising that precededit. free coloreds, a sugar plantation were and valuable piece of land owned by farms. Social tensions high, to as well as some of the poorer free coloreds' desire Daugé family, makes specific reference to wealthy at least one notarial act defensible.7 were not far away, and make their residences maroons of the Pic de la Selle insecure place Of course, the ferocious made Croix des Bouquets a very famous maroon bands a number of free colored other, less the maroons, however, there were the river, keeping for planters. Besides flat land away from with in the hills and on the less-suitable These people might have looked farmers their cattle. their places à vivres or herding and their success as plantation owners. deon the great planters for alternate leadership groups, some envy rise to the need with whites; it is This social tension gave markers that reflected association valuing the traditional status made Croix des Bouquets a very famous maroon bands a number of free colored other, less the maroons, however, there were the river, keeping for planters. Besides flat land away from with in the hills and on the less-suitable These people might have looked farmers their cattle. their places à vivres or herding and their success as plantation owners. deon the great planters for alternate leadership groups, some envy rise to the need with whites; it is This social tension gave markers that reflected association valuing the traditional status --- Page 66 --- The Land . 39 come from most notable free colored militaryleaders useful tool for that several ofthe the military was a no surprise At the same time, of course, and surly underlings. Croix des Bouquets. themselves from both maroons the planters to protect MIREBALAIS lies the parish ofMiremountains to the north ofCroix des Bouquets farmers held even greater Beyond the small free colored herders and scratch Cul de Sac for strabalais, where these at the same time as the as The French settled this parish to the Spanish border. However, sway. having to do with its proximity the was withdrawn, tegic reasons faded in the eighteenth century, the garrison only economic the Spanish threat and herdsmen became parish's and the small farmers, hunters, distant in the colony, not only support. one oft the most remote parishes the sea. The parMirebalais was but also isolated from centers of the colony the largest in the colony. from the population of the Artibonite River, the part of ish is located at the headwaters fertile and well watered. Access to Spanish to the rest The valley of Mirebalais is Lascahobas is relatively easy, but travel Hinche and the island through difficult. of the French colony is quite with free populations never exceeding a wide of Mirebalais was small, of access, it offered The town because of the difficulty court, during the 1780s. However, Mirebalais was its own quartier, with a sénéchausste that seem of urban services. of homes and other buildings range and a number of That is, a fine church in masonry, towns in terms construction. and measured up to other provincial stone foundations to have most of the better houses having was made out of few houses were in stone, while the average building almost uniand wooden plank construction, beams. Buildings were ovens bricks between wooden structural Or shops), rather than by logs Or earth (huts) Or magasins (warehouses versally described as cases the border with the big-city term maison. benefited from its location on colonists Like Fort Dauphin, Mirebalais attracted Spanish traders. Some Spanish to colony. Its market local women. The border appears the Spanish and several married the wilderness than it was decided to stay longer, and goods here in both to people have been more porous settled north. were unFort in the and the notaries ofMirebalais at Dauphin service was notarial, more notarOne important city Mirebalais produced Croix busy for such a small urban population. rural parishes- -Limonade, usually ofthe other three predominantlys Beaudoulx and Lamauve, ial acts than any Dauphin. The notaries chosen, des Bouquets, and Fort the wilderness than it was decided to stay longer, and goods here in both to people have been more porous settled north. were unFort in the and the notaries ofMirebalais at Dauphin service was notarial, more notarOne important city Mirebalais produced Croix busy for such a small urban population. rural parishes- -Limonade, usually ofthe other three predominantlys Beaudoulx and Lamauve, ial acts than any Dauphin. The notaries chosen, des Bouquets, and Fort --- Page 67 --- 40 . The Colony and Its People Given the size ofMirebalais' series of records across the time period. or 63 percent ofthe free present a full 1,156 persons in 1788, colored population- - comprising of acts by free people of Fcolor3s free have had a large proportion than it otherpopulation- n-would made the town more prosperous for loAll of these sources of fincome from the center of things. As a market had have been, far as it was The parish wise would products, it was certainly second-rate. washed over the other cally produced agricultural and coffee booms that had The easithe sugar links with the outside. not yet experienced was communication part of the isThe major problem Lascahobas in the Spanish parishes. reach from Mirebalais was of Croix des Bouquets, est town to French urban centers River The roads to the neighboring and the Artibonite land. Saint Marc were exceptionally poor, Thanks to its isoPort-au-Prince, and extent at this time. Even used for transport to any significant of sugar, a bulky crop. was not not suited to the production of the interior lation, Mirebalais was across the awful roads of difficult to extract commercially with an average coffee was result, there were only eight producers here, with of the colony, and as a crop ofindigo made some inroads to what is The easily transportable This is comparable 28 carreaux. growing a total of1,984 carreaux. but without access to the 250 small producers isolated areas in the South province, "Livestockcan found in similarly traders, indigo was not highly profitable.: here that Mireand for it was sea powaibleintelopert and requires lots of space grazings consumed 4,831 carmove itselfto market advantage. As a result, pasturage balais found its competitive studofarable land in the parish. in area than in any other parish reaux Mirebalais averaged much larger of land given over to grazFarms in expect given the large proportion and even 200 was not ied-as one would find of over IOO carreaux, unusual to parcels in the north averaged ing. It was not concessions of unsettled land, which smaller than IOO carreaux unknown. Government much smaller, were no ranch. carreaux and were occasionally: land could build an enormous A planter who accumulated land deals: the babitation in Mirebalais. in some very large land sale by free Free coloreds certainly participated Grande Raque in 1781 was the largest of the by! Jean Joly dit la La Raque was a resident par- the purchased of acreage, in the sample. the habitation lay near coloreds, in terms from Mirebalais, and La down the valley de TArtibonite. However, ish of Verrettes, but in the parish ofl Petite Rivière imporborder Mirebalaiss Mirebalais business in Mirebalais suggesting the babitation included Raque did his notarial The combined holdings of mostly market. to 180 carreaux, tance as a regional from 28 carreaux, in cotton, the Caribbean, and six pieces ranging island colony in 432 carreauxins 82 slaves. 41 For a small restricted in as well as to own land were often undeveloped, whose rights for the free colored population, collection ofland. other colonies, this was a huge Mirebalaiss Mirebalais business in Mirebalais suggesting the babitation included Raque did his notarial The combined holdings of mostly market. to 180 carreaux, tance as a regional from 28 carreaux, in cotton, the Caribbean, and six pieces ranging island colony in 432 carreauxins 82 slaves. 41 For a small restricted in as well as to own land were often undeveloped, whose rights for the free colored population, collection ofland. other colonies, this was a huge --- Page 68 --- The Land . 41 CONCLUSION convenient sea route to Europe and access to major cities, Access to the sea and to a considerations determined the ecorainfall, relief, soils, and other geographical would at any given stage of the nomic role that any locality within the colony determine play the role that free people of colony's development. This, in turn, helped at that time. We have seen this color would play within the society oft that locality this book. six that were selected for special studyin process at work in the parishes were principally mercanThe big cities of Cap Français and Port-au-Prince had an extensive govIn addition, Port-au-Prince, as colonial capital, tile centers. offered urban services ranging from port faciliernmental community. Both cities and vicious. Both cities also functioned ties to hospitals to amusements virtuous and Croix des of a of smaller centers, such as Fort Dauphin as the center galaxy Bouquets. with Fort Dauphin remote from These two towns differed in strategic position, border, while Croix des Bouof the and close to the Spanish the centers colony border, was also only a short distance from the COquets, not far from the Spanish at the center of developing agricultural lonial capital. Both towns, however, were ofthe revolution at the time unareas and were experiencing the last stages sugar der study. in Limonade was physically close to Cap FranThe canton ofSainte-Suzanne However, in economic terms it had been çais, closer, in fact, than Fort Dauphin. With the discovery of coffee far away until the coffee boom of midcentury. valuvery the mountains of southern Limonade suddenly became as a profitable crop, the free coloreds who owned a sizeable percentage of able property indeed, and the wealthy planters, often became quite rich as a result. Alongside that property and small farmers trying to make a living in though, there were still poor peasants the area. the way they had been doing before coffee transformed terms of travel time than farther from the big cities and the ocean in durMirebalais, where the booms had yet to arrive any other parish in the colony, was a place and the few whites who lived here, lived ing the period under study. Free coloreds, little cash that was not very grounds, and a cropping offlivestock raising, provision what the whole island must have been profitable. In Mirebalais, the reader can see before sugar and then coffee restructured its society. like once, --- Page 69 --- 1E CHAPTER THREE The People ofSaint Domingue in the last chapter, we After examining the physical geography of free people of color on the isthe demography now turn to human geography: of fertility, gender ratios, age disland. The chapter begins with a general coloredsi analysis in the colony as a whole. Then, a sepatribution, and mortality: among free The gender and age subunit is devoted to each of the six selected parishes. rate each is related to the general trends exposed earlier. distribution of parish the of color of this colony analysis will serve to place people The demographic in the tropical Americas. , we After examining the physical geography of free people of color on the isthe demography now turn to human geography: of fertility, gender ratios, age disland. The chapter begins with a general coloredsi analysis in the colony as a whole. Then, a sepatribution, and mortality: among free The gender and age subunit is devoted to each of the six selected parishes. rate each is related to the general trends exposed earlier. distribution of parish the of color of this colony analysis will serve to place people The demographic in the tropical Americas. For the in the context of other free colored populations the facts presented here will not reader familiar with the literature on this subject, serves to provide a basis of a Again, though, the analysis come as much surprise. economic behavior of this population as demonfor understanding social and strated through their notarial acts. GENERAL during the time unThe free colored population ofthe colony was growing rapidly free persons the colonial census. In 1775, there were 6,897 der study, as reported by census. 1 In 1780, five years later, there were 10,427.2 ofcolor counted' by the general The white population during this peBy 1788, this figure had increased to 21,813. from 20,438 in 1775 to 20,543 in 1780 to riod remained relatively steady, moving annum. The explosive popuin 1788, a growth rate of about 2.25 percent per under 27-723 free coloreds, amounting to a rate of a little lation growth reported among number of factors. II percent per year, was fueled by a got more efficient and as The first was reporting; as the colonial government under effective cenand remote regions of the colony were brought more highland --- Page 70 --- The People . 43 who had slipped through the cracks in earlier years traladministration, more people for example, that the census of 1753 underwere counted. It has been reported, southern ofNippes by as counted the free colored population ofthe remote the parish effect of this factor on third.* Itis impossible, of course, to estimate much as a resolve to take with a grain ofsalt numbers; the observer can only total population registered in "borderland" areas where exphenomenal population growth figures cultivation during the time studied. tensive mountainous areas came under increase was natural growth. The A second source of free colored population relatively high fertility rates, as free colored population of the colony experienced number ofbirths per) year per 1,000 adult demonstrated in the census figures. The while the figure for whites was I14 women varied from I18 (in 1775) to 176 (in 1788), when free coloreds experienced a birth rate of162).5 (recorded in 1780, the high number of baptisms recorded in the This evidence is corroborated by annual baptisms offree wherebaptismal registers survive. In Cap Français, of parishes ranged between 84 and 156, with a mean III-75 coloreds between 1777 and 1784 over that period. This yields an for a population averaging 431 free colored women Some women estimated fertility rate of 257 children per 1,000 women per year. be This have brought their children to Cap to baptized. from rural areas might Nonetheless, to do SO was an obwould have been a violation ofchurch regulations. enhance the children's status and vious and probably not overly difficult attempt to and other relatives. connect them with urban opportunities through than godparents adults to be undercounted. In addition, children would be more likely in some areas, called Haitian babies are often not taken outdoors or even, Modern circle, until they are 30 to 90 days old, in order by their names outside the family who their duties at avoid mauvais) yeux, or the evil eye. Census takers, performed to miss the youngest of fchildren. Strikthe market or militia reviews, would certainly balance between the two sets of but probably close to accurate ing an unscientific numbers of free colored children were figures, this work presumes that reported numbers for their population have more than 30 percent off, SO estimated fertility been modified to take these factors into account. circle, until they are 30 to 90 days old, in order by their names outside the family who their duties at avoid mauvais) yeux, or the evil eye. Census takers, performed to miss the youngest of fchildren. Strikthe market or militia reviews, would certainly balance between the two sets of but probably close to accurate ing an unscientific numbers of free colored children were figures, this work presumes that reported numbers for their population have more than 30 percent off, SO estimated fertility been modified to take these factors into account. higher women's fertility rates seem to have remained consistently Free colored the period under study. One very imthan those of their white sisters throughout free coloreds were the only group on portant reason for this phenomenon is that there were 44 adult white women the island to have a normal gender ratio. In 1775, IOO adult free colored adult white men, II2 adult free colored women per per IOO adult male slaves. In 1780, the figure for men, and 79 adult female slaves per IOO coloreds and remains unchanged for females falls to 41 for whites and 104 for free while for free coloreds there the for whites fell again to 39, slaves. coloreds were the only group on portant reason for this phenomenon is that there were 44 adult white women the island to have a normal gender ratio. In 1775, IOO adult free colored adult white men, II2 adult free colored women per per IOO adult male slaves. In 1780, the figure for men, and 79 adult female slaves per IOO coloreds and remains unchanged for females falls to 41 for whites and 104 for free while for free coloreds there the for whites fell again to 39, slaves. In 1788, figure breakdown for slaves is available in numbers ofboth sexes. No gender were equal 1788. --- Page 71 --- 44 . The Colony and Its People number ofadult fein the result ofa large balance was part Ofthe 984 perThis normal gender through manumission. 455 were the free colored population in acts in the sample, males joining manumission between 1776 and 1789 and 384 were children. sons receiving of age), 145 were adult males, freed with their adult females (over 12 years were mothers being have adult females, only 144, Or 31 percent, of cases, the children may Ofthe number children. However, in an undetermined There already been free. also much more likely to be native-born. free colored population was ofall newly manumitted The Pierre Augustin, but only 23 percent the colony. Many like were born outside were exceptions, can be established were often among slaves for whom a birthplace free for and indeed tend to families had been generations would, of course, free colored in the colony. A native population the oldest families ratio. rates for free coloreds have a normal gender of the demographic balance, mortality to a high rate On the other side under study, which also contributed those times of low for the period an inexact science in were relatively! Demography is necessarily colored death rates in Cap of natural growth. registers, annual free while white records, but based on parish with an average of 44-5, poor varied between 13 and 71 per 1,000, to more than 145 per 1,000, with Français almost double, ranging from 30 death rates were men in relaof 84. mostly young an average consisted largely of migrants, children and older people, The white population Their high-mortality subgroups, old in the colony, tively good health. in France. White persons who grew rewere left behind The free colored population generally often emigrated to France. their lives, yet they had a even the native-born, for the most part, throughout for this riddle lies in mained in the colony, than whites. The explanation reprelower overall mortality that Saint Domingue much tropical disease environment and yelthe very challenging Tropical diseases such as malaria, typhoid, more sented for white immigrants. inherited some resistance and developed adults fever, to which the native-born hit newly arrived low childhood bouts of these illnesses, during relatively mild hard. the first few years after a new immigrant, very period in a significant risk There was a "seasoning" in which he or she ran very slave arrived in the colony, can be seen in from any source, of this seasoning period evaluated at from disease. Theimportance arrived" were ofdeath for slaves described as "newly slaves. Of course, this does prices: sales contracts value of all sales contracts for their value also of the average died in the seasoning period; 45 percent of the slaves local knowledge. Slaves, of not mean that 55 percent skills, language ability, and different ways increased as they acquired disease environment in somewhat by the course, were challenged in the colony, can be seen in from any source, of this seasoning period evaluated at from disease. Theimportance arrived" were ofdeath for slaves described as "newly slaves. Of course, this does prices: sales contracts value of all sales contracts for their value also of the average died in the seasoning period; 45 percent of the slaves local knowledge. Slaves, of not mean that 55 percent skills, language ability, and different ways increased as they acquired disease environment in somewhat by the course, were challenged --- Page 72 --- The People . 45 diseases before, albeit different strains than whites: they had encountered tropical with European the Caribbean, but had no previous experience than those presentin is that the encounter between African, diseases. The general point or American environments in Saint Domingue was dangerous American, and European disease As native-born made up the largest part of to all newcomers to the environment. least harmed by disease and thus the the free colored population, they were the longest-lived population in the colony. that free colored populato the student of the period It should be no surprise in Saint Domingue. This was rapidly through natural growth tions were increasing In British North America, the of almost all slave colonies in the Americas." true naturally, while in the tropical slave and white populations were also increasing to keep up with natextensive immigration Americas, on the whole, they required the free colored populations showed ural declines. Virtually everywhere, though, considerable biological vitality. that free coloreds comprised One other important variable was the proportion each during the pein the colony as a whole, and in parish, ofthe free population might have different Parishes where free coloreds predominated riod under study. The rapid free colenvironments than those where whites predominated. social can be seen in table 2. ored population growth TABLE 2 Free Coloreds in Saint Domingue as a Percentage Population, by Parish, 1775 and 1788 ofFree AS % AS % FREE OF FREE FREE OF FREE COLOREDS POPULATION COLOREDS POPULATION PARISH 1,231 Cap Français Fort Dauphin Limonade* Port-au-Prince and 2,499 Croix des Bouquetst 1,156 Mirebalais 21,813 Colony Total 5,897 Source: AN SOM G1 509 31, 38. tables in 1788. for Limonade and T'Acul were combined in the census compilation The figures des were combined in the sources. SThe figures for Port-au-Prince and Croix Bouquets COLOREDS POPULATION COLOREDS POPULATION PARISH 1,231 Cap Français Fort Dauphin Limonade* Port-au-Prince and 2,499 Croix des Bouquetst 1,156 Mirebalais 21,813 Colony Total 5,897 Source: AN SOM G1 509 31, 38. tables in 1788. for Limonade and T'Acul were combined in the census compilation The figures des were combined in the sources. SThe figures for Port-au-Prince and Croix Bouquets --- Page 73 --- 46 . The Colony and Its People CAP FRANÇAIS were to the total free population, although small in proportion under study. The census comCap's free coloreds, and vital during the period Adult women alnonetheless numerous of this population. IOO adult give some idea ofthe composition adult women for every pilations men. In 1775, there were 750 In 1780, the popuways outnumbered comprised a mere 4 percent ofthe population. ratio among adults of males. Children more normal, with a gender the abstatistics were somewhat children. By 1788, lation of the population being ratio of 197 to to 10O and with 29 percent itself, with a gender I19 distribution had reasserted of the normal population comprising only II percent population." escaped from this 10O and with children exactly how many free colored people as a result It's unclear, of course, papers were incomplete or simply were aseither because their liberty the time, maroons or libres de fait census, of the census takers. At in remote areas where plantaofinefficiency in the countryside, especiallyi of maréchaussée personsumed to concentrate established. The distribution on liberties and was not fully for the laws tion agriculture group responsible policing Mirebalais and Fort Daunel, the law enforcement certainly reflected this estimate: for free a slaves, populations chasing runaway maréchausée men as Cap Français that a number phin had twice as many scholarship has suggested goodly where they fraction as large. However, recent slaves made their way to the cities, freed the de facto free appeared of runaway or unofficially free.10 Certainly, although in the noblended in with the officially few manifestations of their presence in the notarial record, of the the big cities of Cap and Port-au-Prince. rarely about half were from notices of runaways and slave retarial archives, his exhaustive survey of the slaves seem Fouchard noted in américaines in Cap that many runaway count every printed in the Afiches the census clearly did not captures time in the cities.11 Although of these factors, the big to have spent reasonable to assume that because individual, it seems share of those missed. demonstrates the cities sheltered their colored children in Cap. This with There were relatively few free for young, single, rural outmigrants, In ofthe colonial city as a destination natives of somewhere else. 1777, role colored principally had 36 bapthe urban free population estimated free colored population of1,027, of for example, Cap, with an Limonade, with a free colored population tisms of free colored babies, while about 338 had 19.12 LIMONADE divided into two diswith a free colored population in Limonade was a rural parish, foundation of the chapel at Sainte-Suzanne areas. Before the tinct geographic the colonial city as a destination natives of somewhere else. 1777, role colored principally had 36 bapthe urban free population estimated free colored population of1,027, of for example, Cap, with an Limonade, with a free colored population tisms of free colored babies, while about 338 had 19.12 LIMONADE divided into two diswith a free colored population in Limonade was a rural parish, foundation of the chapel at Sainte-Suzanne areas. Before the tinct geographic --- Page 74 --- The People : 47 On several occaCivil records for this parish are dubious. although the Etat of Limonade proper the mountains, recorded in the parish register s 13 Interestsions, burials were habitation in Sainte-Suzanne." "on the deceased's free coloreds. they were performed are all those of socially prominent took these funerals SO recorded burials of more humble persons ingly, of course, unclear how many It was not only the dubiIt remains, benefit of clergy and were never recorded. place without from official notice in frontier regions. Priests 143 acts ously free who escaped was established in 1783performed: 1783 and 1788, The chapel lofSainte-Suzannev for free coloreds there between in the main par- (marriages, burials, and baptisms) residents oft this area appeared while 15 acts relating to free colored who ish's registers from 1777 to 1782.14 miss even some of the individuals in the However, Limonade's census figures researcher a needed object lesson made iti into the parish register, giving the in rural areas. the in of census tables, especially 24 baptisms in parish uncertainty for Limonade alone, reported a quite impresThe parish registers, in 1780, which would represent in 1778, 15 in 1779, and 24 in 1780 (292 per 1,000 per 1777, 19 for the 70 women the census reported the 24 baptized sive fertility rate of born earlier-7 of persons have missed year). Some baptisms were persons it is clear that the census must babies were over a year old. However, It is also possible that some in 1777 numbers of free colored women. unfree or, at least, their liberty significant although their mothers were forbade this were baptized as free and repeated government regulations have been. Some numerous it must was questionable: by their very repetition how common towns and left their practice, suggesting have been resident in nearby Church of these children's mothers may as is a common practice today. with relatives in the countryside, the ofhis parents' residence, babies be baptized in parish her chilregulations required that a baby than for an urban migrant to send would have been simpler but nothing in the village. in the dren to a sister or motheri children must also have been under-counted free The number of free colored of the parish's reported however. They made up 21.4 percent while for the entire colony, census figures, in the three census tables studied, of the free colored popucolored population between 25 percent and 33 percent between 1775 and 1780, which children represented of 71 children The census noted an increase in alone. Some children lation. that there were 82 baptisms 1777-80 while many others may have seems small given adulthood during that time, and than remust have grown to have had to have been many times higher numbers of died, the mortality rate would for the relatively low reported in the parish registers to account ported children in the I780 census. free in the cities, the countryside with the runaways and notionally who did not appearin Clearly, as population offree coloreds must have harbored a significant census noted an increase in alone. Some children lation. that there were 82 baptisms 1777-80 while many others may have seems small given adulthood during that time, and than remust have grown to have had to have been many times higher numbers of died, the mortality rate would for the relatively low reported in the parish registers to account ported children in the I780 census. free in the cities, the countryside with the runaways and notionally who did not appearin Clearly, as population offree coloreds must have harbored a significant --- Page 75 --- 48 . The Colony and Its People elements into ofof these marginal the sharp records. The gradual incorporation very the census must have been an important componentin the colony. Limonade ficially recorded society free colored population throughout which would make it increases in reported change, with the coffee boom, sectors. economic to count the underreported was undergoing would be more likely likely that later censuses FORT DAUPHIN frontier to settled noticeable when an area moved from which moved This trend was especially than Limonade is Fort Dauphin, free An even better example the period. The reported status. centrality during to 1,102 in from "borderland" to economic from 242 in 1775 to 395 in 1780 of the parish went annual growth rate. Certainly, colored population robust 12.5 percent but a 1788.15 This represents a quite from the remainder of the colony, immigration must have occurred been the result of more settled adminissome deal of this increase must also have dwellers. good with marginal mountain in the 1788 census, trators catching up distribution by age and gender, especially rural areas, such as Croix The population consistent with other fully developed showed a pattern adult females, apdes Bouquets. males in 1780, 232 compared to only 115 to the area The figure for adult a number of transients drawn Moreau de anomalous and may represent American Independence. Certainly, ecopears during the War of the portion of the by the military records concur in placing greatest St. Méry and the census after the end of that war. urban free colored nomic boom in the parish small city, and as in the big cities, the urbanFort Dauphin contained a rural ones. One can get an idea of differed sharply from from the one census year in which sepapopulations of in the parish to its "dipendancs" rural division population for the town of Fort Dauphin as opposed 31 adult males, rate figures are given in 1775. The town reported and rural dependencies) areas had 50 men, 44 women, (a term suggesting children, while the rural 60 adult females, and 19 of the parish, again 40 children. ofthe free colored population Presumably, Children made up percent rural areas, this climbs to 30 percent. the 1780 figures. In free colored women were underdisregarding of Fort Dauphin, as in Limonade, to be areas of weak governin the case in rural areas, which were likely likely to encounter officialcounted, especially be men who would be more the militiamen, mental control. It would they owed any taxes due, they were mauvais sujets susdom. As heads ofhousehold, and, occasionally, the potential other the corvée, or forced, laborers, with maroons or contemplating by the rural police of consorting pected the 1780 figures. In free colored women were underdisregarding of Fort Dauphin, as in Limonade, to be areas of weak governin the case in rural areas, which were likely likely to encounter officialcounted, especially be men who would be more the militiamen, mental control. It would they owed any taxes due, they were mauvais sujets susdom. As heads ofhousehold, and, occasionally, the potential other the corvée, or forced, laborers, with maroons or contemplating by the rural police of consorting pected --- Page 76 --- The People : 49 would be more other hand, the urban female population countedi in a cenOn the with officials and be wrongdoing their brothers to come in contact vendors and would prolikely than be in the majority among the market sus, as they would whites. vide other services to AND CROIX DES BOUQUETS FORT-AU-PRINCE ofPort-au-Prince was discale, the parish do not though on a larger the census tables Like Fort Dauphin, rural Unfortunately, it together vided between city and dépendances. of the parish, rolling for us the urban and rural population for the two parishes were divide out Croix des Bouquets. The total figures per IOO men in 1788. with its neighbor, and age, with 108 women free colored unbalanced as to gender urban somewhat dominated by the characteristically there seems a mixture andwomen. However, This suggests were more likely to be childless free colored population who rural population, admixture from the characteristically to be a strong of males and plenty of children. in 1775, declining to with a reported surplus ofthe free colored population of women by the 1788 Children made up 27 percent of men approached those of childby 1788. Total numbers tide of manumissions 2I percent it is clear that the overwhelming of as well. In However, Port-au-Prince census. its effect on the population the parish, 99 (49 perless women was having in the sample ofrecords from were adult fact, of202 slaves manumittedi ofwhom only 31 were mothers, 30 (15 percent) mancent) were adult women, percent) were children. Thus, Port-au-Prince than in the colony men, and the remaining 73 (36 likely to be of childless women umissions were somewhat more as a whole. MIREBALAIS hinterland for Mirebalais, we arand its relatively settled work. Itis here that one expects Leaving Port-au-Prince parishes studied in this women rive in the most rural lofthe pattern ofundercounted evidence ofthe rural demographic men making up 34 perto findthe most This turns out to be the case, with census reports, chiland plenty of children. across the three free colored population cent of the reported a mere 26 percent. women and women the earlier two census years, dren 40 percent, however, that in in and 131 in It is interesting to note, with reported gender ratios of118 1775 "frontieroutnumbered men in the parish, think, the parish was the most an These are the years when, one would expect the 1788 census to record 1780. makeup, and one would in those earlier samples, like" in its population Given the small numbers increasing percentage ofwomen. colored population cent of the reported a mere 26 percent. women and women the earlier two census years, dren 40 percent, however, that in in and 131 in It is interesting to note, with reported gender ratios of118 1775 "frontieroutnumbered men in the parish, think, the parish was the most an These are the years when, one would expect the 1788 census to record 1780. makeup, and one would in those earlier samples, like" in its population Given the small numbers increasing percentage ofwomen. --- Page 77 --- 50 . The Colony and Its People be away by sheer statistical variation. this result can explained is also suggestedl iby the reported popuThatthese earlier figures are questionable this was a time of decrease between 1775 and 1780, from 327 to 276. Although lation free colored populations elsewhere were not dropping war and economic hardship, economic hardships of the export sector would during this period. Certainly, the this remote area whose economy was have been moderated in their impact upon demand for food and livestock within the based on supplying a relatively inelastic decrease is a creature of reporting errors only, colony. One presumes that the 1780 economic troubles that did make marginalized by such as free coloreds, perhaps below the radar screen of the officials their way up the Artibonite River, slipped children, the most easily marginalized and taking the census. It is significant that with the largest decline. undercounted individuals, were the population group CONCLUSION survey shows us permits some that this brief demographic The general pattern undercounts ofrural women and the congeneralizations. Discounting explicable in the 1780 census, the folfoundingvariabled ofthe War of American Independence dominated the free colored populowing pattern emerges: young, childless people in the countryside. It lations of the cities, whereas children were more common in culture between rural that this dichotomy represents not a difference numbers of appears free coloreds but simply a life-course pattern. Significant and urban while and single, worked at urban trades, and free coloreds went to the cities young of childbearing, many in urban real estate. Upon marriage or beginning speculated invest in rural land and moved to the countryside. began to in the cities might very well send their children to Those who wished to remain could easily disappear from both live with relatives in the countryside, where they disease environments everyurban and rural censuses. The cities were dangerous would want to expose where in the world ofthe eighteenth century, and no parent children to such risks needlessly. would increase the already dramatic apparRoutine undercounting of children toward explaining the obfree colored fertility rate and might go a long way ent rate. In addition, some of the growth rate represerved high population growth and more ofthe colony (including some in reporting, as more sents improvements under effective control ofthe colony's govofthe areas sampled for this book) came the time under study. However, free colored populations were growingin ernment. they were growing rapidly. Mortality In contrast to slave and white populations, few free coloreds emigrated to France or low and fertility high, and was relatively elsewhere. --- Page 78 --- The People . 5I The routine gender- and age-biased undercounting of free colored populations offers an interesting perspective on white officialdom's view of the utility of free coloreds. Rural women were not especially important, whereas women were more valuable in the cities because oft the services they provided to whites. Free colored children were easy to overlook. This rapidly growing population of free coloreds needed a way to support itself. The succeeding chapters discuss the methods free coloreds used to make themselves useful to the rulers of the colony and make their way in the colony's economy. --- Page 79 --- 92S252 CHAPTER FOUR Free Coloreds in Colonial Armed Forces the service of the colony; it is only they who can de- "The mulattos do all the military Saint in Two > So said Governor de Fayet of Domingue 1733. stroy the maroons. This chapter explores the generations later, the situation was basically unchanged. and the lives of the free colored men role of military service in the life ofthe colony who served. Louis Martin Theron, a (white) militia officer On3 November 1785, a Sr. 252 CHAPTER FOUR Free Coloreds in Colonial Armed Forces the service of the colony; it is only they who can de- "The mulattos do all the military Saint in Two > So said Governor de Fayet of Domingue 1733. stroy the maroons. This chapter explores the generations later, the situation was basically unchanged. and the lives of the free colored men role of military service in the life ofthe colony who served. Louis Martin Theron, a (white) militia officer On3 November 1785, a Sr. Jean his as an babitant and thus was an the local notary in report who was described by before notary Jean-Louis Michel important personage in Terrier Rouge, appeared thereby firing the first shot in a poofLimonade. He was there to report a crime, from his babilawsuit. Some weeks before, Sr. Theron's horse disappeared tential with Limonade. While searching the retation in Terrier Rouge, near the frontier Sr. Sicard. There, he saw a horse that gion, he came to the plantation of a (white) black man. He called for the rider to he identified as his own being ridden by a and crying out "until tomorrow." but the rider sped away, spurring the horse the stop, horse and the mysterious rider to the vicinity oft plantation Theron pursued his commander, of the maréchaussée, or ofSr. Adhenet, who was the exempt, or local Adhenet was There, Sr. Theron stopped to seek help. rural police, of Limonade. Michel and Louis Lamotte, mulattos and not present, but three ofhis men were: (Michel may have been a brigadier, brothers who were cavaliers of the maréchausée and a mulatto identified were official members of the force), but in any case they ad hoc, or a who may have been a volunteer, a bystander conscripted as Caquoin, chase after being promised a reward of two porslave ofthe exempt. The three gave --- Page 80 --- Coloreds in the Colonial. Armed Forces . 53 Free with the rider of the horse. They caught up (132 liores) for the recapture named Louis, a Creole, aged 23, belongtugaises him. He proved to be a slave to Sicard for it had been and arrested Louis argued that the horse belonged in ofletters ing to Sr. Sicard. land. Louis was possession of the running free on the plantations and a pass from the manager captured his brother in Limonade and Louis was from Sr. Sicard to men gave the horse to Theron, The maréchaussée Sicard plantation. his errand on foot.2? that free allowed to proceed on have been the most important way as its illustrates what may structure of the colony: This story themselves useful to the power as an insticoloreds could make examines the armed forces ofthe colony A detailed armed defenders. This chapter of free coloreds in that institution. leadership tution and looks at the participation free colored society-ther military discussion ofthe social group within taken up in chapter II. in the colonial defense forces of most group-is color an important role to be particularly People of played complex. They proved and incolonies within the plantation because they were an effective exploitation the governments the home country. Staimportant to metropolitan out troops recruited in because ofthe expensive alternative to sending in these colonies was expensive white mettioning regular metropolitan troops ofthe high cost ofdisease, andl because often distances involved, because the initial "seasoning" process long soldiers and officers who survived them in civilian life in the colonies. ropolitan lucrative awaiting to serve in the militia, found more opportunities colony were more or less reluctant and possibly Local whites in every when it became a time-consuming the more SO on those occasions of a ceremonial and somewhat status-enhancing to combat force instead easier to coerce Or convince free coloreds dangerous Colonial officials found it social club. oflower social status. the for different serve, as they were of free colored society served in military in the Persons from all levels the role of the slave militaryin This chapter begins by considering the military as a route to manumission reasons. , found more opportunities colony were more or less reluctant and possibly Local whites in every when it became a time-consuming the more SO on those occasions of a ceremonial and somewhat status-enhancing to combat force instead easier to coerce Or convince free coloreds dangerous Colonial officials found it social club. oflower social status. the for different serve, as they were of free colored society served in military in the Persons from all levels the role of the slave militaryin This chapter begins by considering the military as a route to manumission reasons. the role of benefit conferred Saint Domingue and especially manumisions." This was the first Followofinformal the most important. or to regularization the military and, for many, was the conditions upon free coloreds by branch ofservice in turn, exploring special The chapter ing this is a look at each affected its free colored members. branch of service as they service on attitudes. of that the effects of free colored military by the free colconcludes by considering leaders, were quite impressed Some whites, especially government the state as soldiers. call its free oreds' willingness to serve colony in the Caribbean to upon of was not the only coloreds made up the majority Saint Domingue In Cuba, free up into the coloreds for defense and policing. from very early in the colony's history the colony's locally raised troops --- Page 81 --- 54 . The Colony and Its People In the British Caribbean, they formed significant minorities nineteenth century.3 colored in these colonies grew after populations of the armed forces, especially Britain even raised several regular markedly at the end of the eighteenth century. the French were unable ofWest Indian blacks and coloreds, something regiments occasional efforts in that direction.* to do despite role in law enforcement, especially British free coloreds also played ani important white adApparently, free coloreds were respected by among the slave population. commanders in the British colonies for their abilministrators and local military remote areas in pursuit ofr runaway or inity to make forced marches and penetrate Therefore, they came to be an important surrectionary slaves and maroon bands. Saint faced a similar defense against these threats. Domingue part of the colony's turned to the free coloreds in an attempt threat and, even more than in Jamaica, to address it. colonial military under three served in the Saint Domingue Free people ofcolor the militia, and the regular armed broad rubrics: the maréchaussée, Or rural police, The last part ad hoc formations raised for overseas expeditions. the forces, especially each of those institutions in turn to better illuminate of this chapter examines role free coloreds played within them. SLAVES IN THE ARMED FORCES with the role ofthe militaryin free colored society, it Although this chapter deals institution. This is appropriate since the mililooks first at the role ofslaves in that could achieve freedom or that the tary served as one very important way that slaves contributor their status, and thus it was an important quasi-free could regularize free coloreds in the colony during the period to the population explosion among under study. ofthe colony from the earliest days ofits exisSlaves had a place in the military primarily ofs slaves, but slaves owned tence. There were no military units composed often filled certain positions within by the government Or by individual officers of whatever race. Slaves followed their of free people units composed primarily combatants in buccaneering expeditions, as, masters to war. Sometimes they were of all colored troops in the when Vincent Olivier, future commander for example, in Sometimes they were followed his master to Cartagena 1697.5 North province, Antoine dit Sorlier, servant ofM. le Baron de purely servants, as in the case of of the Régiment de Gatinois that Lestrade, who was commander of that portion before the deexpedition. Lestrade freed his servant just went on the Savannah for of faithful service. 6 The noparture ofthe expedition as a reward many years as a soldier in the stated that Sorlier was enrolled tarial act in this case specifically Sometimes they were followed his master to Cartagena 1697.5 North province, Antoine dit Sorlier, servant ofM. le Baron de purely servants, as in the case of of the Régiment de Gatinois that Lestrade, who was commander of that portion before the deexpedition. Lestrade freed his servant just went on the Savannah for of faithful service. 6 The noparture ofthe expedition as a reward many years as a soldier in the stated that Sorlier was enrolled tarial act in this case specifically --- Page 82 --- Forces . 55 Free Coloreds in the Colonial.Armed for military service commonly a liberty tax exemption in wartime. Even regiment- thus gaining members of soldiers have slave soldiers or slave family he otherwise would available to for the few thousand liures M. le Baron had better uses adult male slave. the assessed for manumitting an free and slave-in been roles for coloveds-both the One of the most prominent tambour, Or drummer. Military music, especially SolFrench military was that of tactics ofthe cighteenth century. for the lineari infantry load and fire their weapons drum, was a necessity drum to keepin step and to where the voice diers needed the beat ofthe the noise of the bartleficld made this discommand. Music could penetrate have on human-factors engineers play musical of an officer would not-modern cockpits, making warning signals in the design ofjet aircraft flag in battle, near the officers, coveryi bandsmen stood by the regimental in playing the appropritones. Military considerable coolness noand were required to demonstrate under fre. The flag, of course, was intentionally the rest ofthe ate calls and rhythms while wore more colorful uniforms than the rest of their ticeable, and bandsmen typically them as visible as possible to in the interests of making regiment, risk from enemy fre. The incolleagues. the bandsmen were particularly at accurate, nor were As a corollary, eighteenth century were not particularly massed volley fire fantry weapons ofthe aimed fre. Tactics of the time stressed that there used for snipers or skirmishers they generally ofinfantry at a time. Any on the color by whole companies though, would tend to concentrate morale. The Pruswere in the cighteenth century, the enemy's fire discipline and small groups in the hopes of disrupting and accurate rifle by Caribpartyi the use of the long-ranged the buccaneers of the sian army pioneered the Seven Years' War. However, had developed smoothbore of snipers during extent their Spanish opponents, famous and deadly acbean, and to a lesser late seventeenth century. The of sniping to a high art in the musket" is a fixture of tales oft the expeditions Or "buccaneer the backwoodsmen, curate "long gun" On the North American continent, it to war with Morgan and Levasseur. adopted the rifle for hunting and brought was marked both French and English, in the War of American Independence, a crucial them. The battle of Saratoga, of Virginia riflemen who disrupted to the successful sniping of a party officers and the color party at ranges up by shooting most of the would have had a short life exBritish charge by The poor tambours 1,000 yards from their position. blacks, and most pectancy indeed. ofthis position, it was often relegated to British miliBecause ofthe danger freedom. Without discussing the reasons, were blacks often to slaves seeking their that many drummers in British units of time Or historian Peter Voelz notes tambour for a long period tary Irish.7 In fact, service as a or, alternatively, officers and the color party at ranges up by shooting most of the would have had a short life exBritish charge by The poor tambours 1,000 yards from their position. blacks, and most pectancy indeed. ofthis position, it was often relegated to British miliBecause ofthe danger freedom. Without discussing the reasons, were blacks often to slaves seeking their that many drummers in British units of time Or historian Peter Voelz notes tambour for a long period tary Irish.7 In fact, service as a or, alternatively, --- Page 83 --- 56 . The Colony and Its People substituted for any specific claims ofgalcustomarily "for cause" of slave serthrough an active campaign for manumissions lantry in petitions to the Americas. government that slave being vicemen throughout the soldier could occasionally result in Special bravery by any slave provision for such manumisionas The Code Noir makes specific slave would have freed by the state. though, since the master ofthe that Hulla, This procedure was not common, ofthis appeared in the sample, ofJean the act be reimbursed. Only one case 9 In his case, it is unclear from to freed in 1779. commander. tambour in a militia regiment, of the state Or ofthe local militia on manumiswhether Hulla was a slave ofthe tax normally assessed common was the waiving to family members Much more waivers were very common and applied need be sions. In wartime, such bravery on the part ofthe soldier himself. No special -for a certain peas well as the soldier be the fact of military service- the acts in for the waiver to granted; sufficed. Of 607 alleged the duration of the emergengy-alone of soldiers or their riod of time or slaves, IIO were tax-free manumissions Warof Amerithat freed during the the sample members. There was a greatr rushofmanumisions because of this practice: 10 family says Moreau de St. Méry, Savannah or in the militia over a pecan Independence, served in the expedition to tax-free between A soldier who could have liberties confirmed esperiod of at least three or four years substantial inducement to recruitment, masThis was obviously a with the of their 1778 and 1783those living "as free," permission because it allowed the (abortive) Chasseurs-Royaux cially their status. The act creating without proper liberty paters, to regularize in this regard: persons months rewas specific instead of the three de Saint-Domingue serve in the unit for one year, papers pers were required to but they would receive good manumission ofall other free coloreds, quired the end of that time. 11 tax-free at THE MARÉCHAUSSÉE manumissions to its members in peacetime The unit that granted tax-free active service never stopped. The only or rural police- - for them, were mostly slaves earning was the marécbausée, the supemumeraries, brothers in lowest rank of the maréchaussés, who accompanied the Lamotte their freedom. The mulatto Caquoin, have been such a supernumerary. adhunt for the missing horse, may that most directly their the in Saint Domingue which the The maréchausée was organization bands and disorderin the slave quarters, colonial govdressed the problem of maroon security threat to the colony. The British or slave owners saw as the primary in Paris were more concerned with substanand the Ministry ofMarine corresponding ernment witness the very extensive papers-and Spanish attack, as chaussés, who accompanied the Lamotte their freedom. The mulatto Caquoin, have been such a supernumerary. adhunt for the missing horse, may that most directly their the in Saint Domingue which the The maréchausée was organization bands and disorderin the slave quarters, colonial govdressed the problem of maroon security threat to the colony. The British or slave owners saw as the primary in Paris were more concerned with substanand the Ministry ofMarine corresponding ernment witness the very extensive papers-and Spanish attack, as --- Page 84 --- Free Coloreds in the ColonialArmed tial Forces . 57 budget-ofthe Colonial a secondary Fortification Service, The colony's defense. service, an administrative function, maréchausée was, to funded This difference in instead ofbeing at the core them, from local sources and perception meant that the ofthe its ranks and fund its often had to adopt maréchaussée was end activities. One such extraordinary expedients to fill exclusive, use of free expedient was the This coloreds as extensive, and in the in the expedient was adopted later in the rank-and-file militia troopers and midlevel leaders. marébauste. and other services, but The marécbausste first very early regulation ofrzos from the appears in the laws of the colony as a strengthened a number of city council ofLéogane. The simple group"in a sembly (for seditious the Code Noir's restrictions regulation reiterated and group or, only slightly less on slaves' right of free of36 men in each of the bad, pagan purposes). It asGrand-Goive, and parishes of the juridiction of established a ince at the Petit-Goave, the most Léogane time) to enforce the slave heavily populated part (Léogane, men were to be paid a monthly regulations and to chase ofthe Westprov. ers whose runaway slaves wage by the council and rewards runaway slaves. These amples drawn from they recaptured. The by the slave ownthe the 1776-91 period rewards were also not price of the slave. The suggest that they ran about specified; exorganization marébauste was not IO percent of and that, composed of free coloreds. explicitly defined in this act as an along with the testimonial However, the promised and quoted at the ofGovernor de Fayet pay was small, mostly beginning of this chapter, dating from this composed of free coloreds. 12 suggests that the period The maréthauste maréchauste was Pany of; 75 men was was extended in a law ofrzar to the North troops. This established to support the rural province. One comresponsible for company was to be divided into three policing efforts of the royal brigade patrolling the frontier with brigades and was comes from the Spanish Santo primarily basic local unit, metropolitan French marécbauste, Domingo. (The term fleshed numbering about where it out by unpaid seven. These brigades in St. signifies the seven people, but the supernumerary officers and SO were Domingue were of soldiers is similarity in name to a regular somewhat larger than coincidental, if army unit ofsome Spanish border was a route confusing.) The preamble to the law thousands ish of by which many slaves stated that the encouraging slave flight. 13 escaped and A secondary accused the Spanresponsibility of the group SO created, whelningimportanen ince, in the was to search the slave which later became ofoverpresence of the quarters was also master, for arms or sofanybabitationi in the provrized responsible for arresting runaway slaves. The frontier deserting soldiers, marébauste crossers, and sinister Spanish smugglers or other unauthoagents seeking to cause disturbances by which many slaves stated that the encouraging slave flight. 13 escaped and A secondary accused the Spanresponsibility of the group SO created, whelningimportanen ince, in the was to search the slave which later became ofoverpresence of the quarters was also master, for arms or sofanybabitationi in the provrized responsible for arresting runaway slaves. The frontier deserting soldiers, marébauste crossers, and sinister Spanish smugglers or other unauthoagents seeking to cause disturbances --- Page 85 --- 58 . The Colony and Its People dreaded Spanish agent with sneering One can visualize the the daggers, no among the slaves.1 the better to hide poisoned intermustachios and a voluminous cape, purple on the threat to French of the ordinance is pretty and Spain were wrapping doubt-the prose At this time, France had invaded the colony ests from the perfidious Spanish. ofintermittent conflict. Spain Français. The up about two hundred years century, at one point destroying Cap old when several times in the seventeenth century was only a few years compact" ofthe eighteenth even though famous "family still somewhat questionable, and perhaps the maréchausée this regulation was penned, with the Treaty of Ryswick. Thus, organizaactive hostilities had stopped the North province, as a primarily military seen, at tleasti in was originally threat. men was to be "white tion addressing a foreign said that the race of the maréchaussée > Archers were The 1721 ordinance received except for lack ofwhites." their colleagues free blacks not being raise over what Or mulatto, which was a 20 percent each slave to be paid 360 livres a year, were tol be paid: a bounty on fugitive got in 1705- 15 Again, they to be distributed in shares throughout in Léogane caught. The bounties were the 16s of a share to Or soldier they the archer who made capture, the company" one share to to five shares for the provost. the West ofthe other archers all the way up and extended to cover each was again reorganized the force of one In 1733, the maréchaussée North. The explicit mission of expanded in 1721. province as well as the from that ofthe northern unit established after peace hundred men was subdly different seems to have declined threat from the evil Spaniards The mission ofthe force The perceived France and Spain in Europe. principal the regular troops. was made between of the militia, not Officers were to internal and complementary or blacks. was now act were now to be free mulattos for Archers in the new farmers, certified by the govemor-genenal militia officers. habitants, slave-owning capitalist benefits to be valor, and capacity, and received equivalent but none were identified their probity, served as militia officers at this time, the maréchaussée Some free coloreds reorganization of1767 expanded briA subsequent men in twenty-six in the maréchaussée. it to some two hundred ofthe entire island and enlarged were noncommisioned to by a brigadier. The brigadiers were local each gades, commanded officers in general, prominent under the comficers and, like militia noncommisioned were assigned to each parish, to a lieucoloreds. One or more brigades level, who reported free white officer, at the parish at the provincial mand ofaf prevôt, or exempt jurisdiction level, to a prevt-geniral ordinance made no tenant at the subprovincial in Port-au-Prince. The and regulevel, and finally to the grand prevôt An act of 1788 dealt with some abuses force.1 other changes in the organization:" the composition of the but it did not change "sworn officers" to the larized pay and discipline, of maréchaussée As police forces go, the proportion brigades level, who reported free white officer, at the parish at the provincial mand ofaf prevôt, or exempt jurisdiction level, to a prevt-geniral ordinance made no tenant at the subprovincial in Port-au-Prince. The and regulevel, and finally to the grand prevôt An act of 1788 dealt with some abuses force.1 other changes in the organization:" the composition of the but it did not change "sworn officers" to the larized pay and discipline, of maréchaussée As police forces go, the proportion --- Page 86 --- Coloreds in the Colonial. Armed Forces . 59 Free small. In 1767, there were to be policing was quite 19 there were they were supposed slaves. By 1789, population archerlcavaliers for some 250,000 maréchaussée responded to this 200 maréchaussée officers. The slaves but still only 200 regular Haitian armed forces did in later years 450,000 in numbers the same way the known as attachés in the pre-U.S. shortfall unpaid volunteer adjutants, in the marécbaussée. they appointed and as were 7) d'Haiti units "intervasion" Forces Armées follows: supemumenaries Free colored militia worked as took leadRecruitment for this position maréchaussée operations. They rarely while the often called out to support major bridges, and plantation boundaries the combat roles but patrolled roads, troopers actually confronted ing maréchausée was cordially demore skilled and higher-motivated evildoers. This duty, called piguet service, their farms withmaroon slaves or other as theyhad to be absent from could from tested by the wealthier free coloreds, to profit as the maréchaussée men the minister and rarely had the opportunity in his memoirs to out pay Raimond makes this complaint these forays. Julien in these duties of marine in 1786.20 showed themselves especially diligent dit However, militiamen who patrols, as in the case ofCharles asked to join the maréchaussée in the militia and in the hunt were sometimes for "services that . - he has given between militia service as a Balata, freedin 1777 clear the linkage slaves." 21 This act makes for maroon and the maréchaussée. called in some nopiguet, the hunt for maroons, were the archers, or, as they were have dreamed Above the supernumeraies must certainly thecavaliers. Although supernumeraries anyone who actually tarialrecords, the sample does not identify ofto "official" status, almost noncommisioned of promotion Maréchaussée cavaliers were actually and numbered as few as made this step. a half-dozen supernumeraries, The ficers, with authority over their local importance by their scarcity. free exaggerating and respected four in some parishes, were among the more powerful Their inthe brigadiers, positions. archers' superiors, officers. These were sought-after of the free colored military colored noncommisioned members were among the most important cumbents in any parish. Their work consisted of a goodly leadership group troopers were policemen. when they were called upon The marécbaussée sometimes paid by the state, as 22 Sometimes, amount of guard duty, during the white militia mutiny. would gatherings in 1766 for a fec, as when they to police religious guard duty for private citizens the death and the inventhey would perform the assets of an estate between raided an illebe called upon to guard ordinary laws, as when they rode They also enforced the colony's in Mostly, though, they tory23 establishment in Cap Français 1790341 ofthe colony, visiting habigal gambling the wilder or more unruly portions and other malefactors. An exon patrol through looking for runaway slaves tations and small farms, in 1766 for a fec, as when they to police religious guard duty for private citizens the death and the inventhey would perform the assets of an estate between raided an illebe called upon to guard ordinary laws, as when they rode They also enforced the colony's in Mostly, though, they tory23 establishment in Cap Français 1790341 ofthe colony, visiting habigal gambling the wilder or more unruly portions and other malefactors. An exon patrol through looking for runaway slaves tations and small farms, --- Page 87 --- 60 . The Colony and Its People is the time in 1782 when a party of maréchaussée men ample of this sort of mission plantation in Dondon, in led by the Chevalier de Puisaye raided an abandoned of local controversy. The North and stumbled into a wasp's nest the province, between a white and a free colored landmaréchausée got involved in a struggle restraint and delivering something reholder, exercising, it appears, considerable slaves, their primary targets in the sembling justice.s Large groups of maroon made with the had much been cleaned up or had peace 1760S and before, pretty least in the areas studied. However, when such colonial government! by the 1770S, atl or when some other suspect groups would gather or their presence was suspected, would take the leading role in gathering of slaves was detected, the maréchaussée include militiamen and even against them, which might also police operations regular troops. THE MILITIA in the colony belonged to the militia, colIn theory, all free men of military age institution in France, descendoreds as well as whites. The militia was an ancient century, the militia in from the medieval levy. However, in the eighteenth the miliing in fundamental ways. Before this time, French France began to change armed mob, called up in time of danger tia had been a local and quite irregular notables. However, especially in the and led-to use the term loosely-by local revolution of the seventeenth under the stimulus of the military border provinces, reforming urge, it began to centuries and enlightened despotism's and eighteenth armed force, equipped and paid by the change into a professional, albeit part-time, was incomplete in France and officered by specialists. This transition levée public purse Revolution but laid the groundwork for the revolutionary at the time of the also owed a great deal to its roots in the en masse. The militia in Saint Domingue some of the same pain at early days of settlement, and participants experienced in France suffered through. changes to a more modern system that their colleagues were the famous buccaneers, The earliest French settlers in Saint Domingue were ofwild cattle but often ended up as pirates. They who set out to be hunters members ofan organized force. The buccawarriors but were far from disciplined Formidable fighters, the buccamilitary discipline as next to slavery. neer scorned in which the lowest-ranking neer crew was ajointly owned for-profit organization decisions the master. Ship's crews member could and often did question tactical by delineating the comarticles ofincorporation before a voyage carefully often signed and the duty of each crewman. Major decisions were mand rights of the officers in the face of the enemy. often put to a vote, sometimes even ofSaint Domingue in the late 1620S and had The buccaneers settled the island disciplined Formidable fighters, the buccamilitary discipline as next to slavery. neer scorned in which the lowest-ranking neer crew was ajointly owned for-profit organization decisions the master. Ship's crews member could and often did question tactical by delineating the comarticles ofincorporation before a voyage carefully often signed and the duty of each crewman. Major decisions were mand rights of the officers in the face of the enemy. often put to a vote, sometimes even ofSaint Domingue in the late 1620S and had The buccaneers settled the island --- Page 88 --- Free Coloreds in the ColonialArmed Forces : 61 more or less ceased military cessful pirates settled down activity by the end of the the subsequent as planters. The century, as the more succeded treaty ratifying official expedition to Cartagena by the Spanish de facto French control of the (1697) and scendants did not share since the 1670S, mark their colony, already consocial attitudes. their martial skills but nonetheless last hurrah. Their deSaint Contempt for the regular inherited many of their Domingue even a military was a the century later. strong social tradition in low equivalent the of slaves; "slaves of the Rank-and-file n regular soldiers were free white man,26 This state,' perhaps, but still servile and seen as tunities for free coloreds attitude toward thus bethe to make themselves military service opened up obligations of citizenship while useful to the state and opportributions in the eyes ofwhite at the same time further fulfill some of The low status of society as a whole. devaluing those conaffect that ofthe private soldiers in white society, Of officers, who were however, seemingly did course, many settlers who important members oft the not the royal armies in arrived in the local aristocracy, Europe, and eighteenth century had planter in Saint frequently some Chevalier de served in of the transformation Domingue would proudlyinclude his title St. Louis living as a of the militia in a notarial act. As beginning with Jean-Baptiste Ducasse throughout the empire, colonial part Comte d'Estaing (1764- -66) (1691-1700) and governors ers and serve as militia encouraged regular military officers continuing through the Parish military commanders. to settle as plantthere were official commanders often acted as ernment courts. Evidence oft this can informalj be judges, even in places where regulations and court seen in the fact ers who had overreached decisions seem intended to rein that several govgovernor, of the their judicial authority. 27 In in local commandofPor-au-Princej colony sourly observed that the militia 1755, the intendant, or civil (the senécbauste) heard judged more cases in two days than the commander of the parish of the colony in a week, 28 The Conseils official court ofthe tic order saw themselves as the parlements Supérieurs and the other city ofthe "robe" at the of the colony, courts mism represented expense of the "sword" upholding a by the militia officers' nobilitys aristocratic legalisducing the frequency of militia civilj jurisdiction. A 1770 order autonofrom parish militia commanders musters for whites also removed sharply returbers oft the peace. "29 but maintained their civil jurisdiction ment in the field, Markhauste officers often authority to judge "disgo with as policemen often exercised a more a warning, and perhaps do, determining who to arrest informal and judgThrough the 1750S, the militia even which evidence to lose or who to let each racial officer corps was not find. for their Icommunity-blaca, exclusively white. own mulattos, and Indeed, companies, and there were whites-had provided the officers Afican-descended parish and provincial but maintained their civil jurisdiction ment in the field, Markhauste officers often authority to judge "disgo with as policemen often exercised a more a warning, and perhaps do, determining who to arrest informal and judgThrough the 1750S, the militia even which evidence to lose or who to let each racial officer corps was not find. for their Icommunity-blaca, exclusively white. own mulattos, and Indeed, companies, and there were whites-had provided the officers Afican-descended parish and provincial --- Page 89 --- 62 : The Colony and Its Prople commanders of colored officers, and the practice troops. In the 1750S, governors organization edict was officially ended with the ceased to appoint black of1765, 30 Even first mer free colored militia after the formal end d'Estaing militia reand were even officers retained enormous oftheir status, though, forunofficially. given considerable marks of status in their communities respect by whites both Eight free coloreds who officially and still alive during the served as officers in the militia before Olivier, commander period of under study appear in the 1765 and who were çais; Capitaine all free colored troops in the North sample: Capitaine Vincent taine Laurent Barthelemy Ibar dit Bertole, province, Cap FranMilloy, Cap Français; Petite-Rivière de Logis Jean-Baptiste Baudin Capitaine François Jupiter, TArtibonite; Capilaume Manigat, Fort (cavalry lieutenant), Fort Cap; Maréchal de taine Etienne Auba, Dauphin; Ensigne Augustin LeMoine, Dauphin; Lieutenant Guilbeen named in each Limonade. Presumably, at least one free Fort Dauphin; Capilies were members parish. Socially and colored officer had their ofthe free colored elite economically, who these men and their famineighbors of both racial gained a great deal and economic castes. They are considered ofrespect from tion in colored successors, the noncommissioned along with their social were reduced. society after 1765 when free colored officers, who filled the same posiopportunities for Special privileges advancement the enlisted ranks attaching to the role of militia officer saw service among whites, however. did not trickle as an onerous corvée and White rank-and-file down to of the eighteenth avoided it whenever militiamen clearly obligation. Reviews century, militia service was not a possible. In the first half absent from their were held monthly, at most, and since particularly time-consuming came out when there parishes, even those reviews were officers were frequently ing, but they could was a threat, like a band ofr often canceled,31 Militiamen not be prevailed maroons or an actual ing patrols. The upon to man enemy landsecurity functions government got by more or less checkpoints, with batteries, and standThe colonial just did not get done. regular troops, and a lot of governmenti tin the attempted to address this 1760s, especially under for changes in the problem by regularizing the militia d'Estaing and de Rohan, at a time system in the in line with on garrison duty;, in metropole. Militiamen were to serve for proposals ment would be standardized rotation. Officers were to be a few weeks going Seven Years'War, and issued by the state. In time professionals. Equipranks of the militia. regular units of; paid soldiers were ofwar, as in the onernment However, white to be recruited to abandon this plan,32 resistance, violent at from the As an times, forced the alternative to a predominantly govwhite militia, the government increasingly system in the in line with on garrison duty;, in metropole. Militiamen were to serve for proposals ment would be standardized rotation. Officers were to be a few weeks going Seven Years'War, and issued by the state. In time professionals. Equipranks of the militia. regular units of; paid soldiers were ofwar, as in the onernment However, white to be recruited to abandon this plan,32 resistance, violent at from the As an times, forced the alternative to a predominantly govwhite militia, the government increasingly --- Page 90 --- in the Colonial Armed Forces . 63 Free Coloreds for the active militia that of color to provide the manpower were less able to use poturned to the people People of color situation seemed to demand. some were able to make their opthe security resist alchough was overborne, litical pressure to recruitment, white-led unrest. 33 Colored resistance the known during the the mainstay of colonial defense by position the colored militia became out of 156 in the total however, and militia companies numbered 104 of the total 1770S. Colored and black and coloreds made up only 42 percent force in 1789, although blacks in that year. 34 militiamen were population of free persons the black and colored more numerous, church every In addition to being militiamen mustered at their parish to troops. White the officers were not expected better-prepared After the uprisings of the 1760s, were merely three months. whatsoever during these musters-they and as retheir men any training himself armed equipped give each militiaman had presented were called out reguto verify that Colored troops, on the other hand, slaves. Colored dragoons quired in the manual.35 in the pursuit of runaway on bridges larly to assist the maréchausée on duty, either mounting guard especially found themselves regularly orderlies for militia commanders. acor acting as of duty, although not usually Or road junctions offree coloreds in this sort militia increased unit Wide participation nonetheless served to give the colored refused retive combat service, company in Port de Paix, for example, one of many cohesion. The colored militia in 1786.36 This is only the maréchausste for commucruitment en masse to support served as a collective avenue which the militia company the Chavanne family occasions on In a similar case, involving been too freor self-help. when felt they had nal self-expression collectively resisted they family, for whom ofLimonade, militiamen Three members of the Brilliant the brother assigned to picket duty. Hyacinthe Chavanne, quendy in the records,joined Laporte, an illegitithis is the only appearance Chaannejeane-bagristel or Guerineau, ofrevolutionaryl leader, Jean-Baptiste family, and Jean-Pierre Guerin on the mate child of the wealthy Laporte to continue mounting guard there officer, in refusing that they had been on duty their noncommisioned bridge. They claimed suffer from their absence. tamemdr-camecuert that their crops and plantations would along these lines for two weeks and the irony ofJulien Raimond's argument on militia serParenthetically, one notes absence from home to their he said that the free colored proprietors' and their discipline when the discretion of their slaves labor force vice left their "goods at worried about the loyalty of their good-will" M37 Free colored planters unknown Briljust as did white planters. all troops on the island sentenced the hours in The general commanding and the better-known people to twenty-four people, liants to eight days in prison in this case that the more prominent It is interesting to note the stocks.s on militia serParenthetically, one notes absence from home to their he said that the free colored proprietors' and their discipline when the discretion of their slaves labor force vice left their "goods at worried about the loyalty of their good-will" M37 Free colored planters unknown Briljust as did white planters. all troops on the island sentenced the hours in The general commanding and the better-known people to twenty-four people, liants to eight days in prison in this case that the more prominent It is interesting to note the stocks.s --- Page 91 --- 64 . The Colony and Its People received what one would think ofhigher military rank, felt that the social punincluding the one person Seemingly, the leadership members of the free ofa as the less severe punishment. stocks was more severe for the proud ishment of a day in the in the lockup for the ordinary poor unit afrancbi. struccolored planter elite than eight days of free coloreds using the militia This here again is an example the white hierarchy. In any case, felt was inequitable treatment by the powerful ture to resist what they class and color lines and suggests was expressed even across solidarity in free colored society. were also better role ofthe military more coherent units, colored troops to bring In addition to being White militiamen were required to the rithan their white counterparts. varied from the sublime racist equipped and thus their equipment the since their own weapons, militiamen were issued arms by government, thus they were at least diculous. Colored not own any otherwise, and as legislation mandated that they who were recruited into the marécbaussée Colored militiamen high standard. Reguuniformly armed. that organization to a quite and were armed by standards ofuniform equipsupemnumeraries servingin the militia, with professional free coloreds by the 1770S, at lar officers their dragoon orderlies, always orderlies in the regular army ment, would equip traditional even for white their own expense- as was however, and reat this time. continued to bring their own horses, English cavalry officer Colored cavalrymen for all the local cavalry. horses on the mounts were an ongoing problem noted the absence of good cavalry the Howard, ofthe York Hussars, the fow ofl livestock from Spanish Lt. War and source ofliveisland during the Revolutionary island. 39 Santo Domingo was an important As a matter of to the French part oft the from the times of the buccaneers. the mounstock of all sorts for the colony livestock ofits own, especially in in the the French colony raised some foreign figure encountered fact, but still a common was an tain parishes like Mirebalais, horse and cattle trader. Horsemanship archives was the Spanish ofcolor." 40 Colored cavalrymen, notarial mark of distinction among people assets in unpaid militia important social risk such valuable and high-starus: are not therefore, were loathe to for a prestigious saddle horse Furthermore, the qualities important work. horse. security often very useful to a cavalry free colored militia was the internal important duty of the passes, and other The most entrances to cities, mountain in function: piquet duty at bridges, active sweeps for runaway slaves coopera- at a and occasionally more took a couple of weeks choke points, It appears that this duty observed or tion with the maréchaussée. but whether this was strictly the case of Participants served in rotation, is to question, given time. offavoritism open was duty whether there was some aspect Ofseondayimporuances garrison the Limonade militiameni's complaint. other The most entrances to cities, mountain in function: piquet duty at bridges, active sweeps for runaway slaves coopera- at a and occasionally more took a couple of weeks choke points, It appears that this duty observed or tion with the maréchaussée. but whether this was strictly the case of Participants served in rotation, is to question, given time. offavoritism open was duty whether there was some aspect Ofseondayimporuances garrison the Limonade militiameni's complaint. --- Page 92 --- Colonial. Armed Forces . 65 Free Coloreds in the mostly pointing out to was full of forts and batteries, naval attack. These The colony likely) at fortifications. against British (most sometimes compato it, at great expense, and sea, protect manned by a few professional gunners of the guard force that fortifications were in that province, but the bulk would be the local milinies oft the regular regiments there in times of finternational tension did not think very would be assigned service of which militiamen probably forces during the War tia. This was another of the overseas expeditionary counted their highly, but after the creation the internal garrison troops probably of American Independence, blessings to be SO close to home. CORPS FORCES AND THE EXPEDITIONARY REGULAR MILITARY launched from the colony startin overseas expeditions there. As the French military in Free coloreds participated days of French presence these overseas ing from the very early militia in particular, got better organized, Service in these general, and the colony's in effectiveness and organization. to expeditionary forces also grew in a buccaneering expedition free colin character from participation In addition, some units changed a tour in the regular army. forces, under various something approximating of the regular French armed oreds were even members the Chasseursrubrics. corps was colored best known of the special expeditionary of some 750 free The This force, consisting expedition Volontaires de Saint-Domingue. It went with the Comte d'Estaings during left Capin. August of1779. which had seized this port soldiers, to attack British troops, made up about to Savannah, Georgia, The Chaseun-Volontaires: force, the the War of American Independence. of the expedition. There was a parallel unit was weak, one-third of the ground strength white, but recruitment for this Chaseun-Gretadiens, who were 41 There were about 800 French regunumbered about 200 soldiers. stationed on the island, and they only about 275 were from the regiments lars in the expedition; out directly from France. were exand about 525 were brought well as their white colonial colleagues, as They were employed The Chaseus-Volontaies, leadership to be auxiliary troops. soldiers did the fightpected by the expeditions while the regular as the and moving supplies or as digging fortifications have been romantic prestigious these duties may not to enlist, they were crucial ing. Although when they were encouraged volontaires had anticipated of the time: that is, to the expedition. followed traditional siege practice be and The attack on Savannah surrounding the place to besieged zigarmy built a fortification the French and Americans dug the attacking range from it. Then, outside effective weapon , leadership to be auxiliary troops. soldiers did the fightpected by the expeditions while the regular as the and moving supplies or as digging fortifications have been romantic prestigious these duties may not to enlist, they were crucial ing. Although when they were encouraged volontaires had anticipated of the time: that is, to the expedition. followed traditional siege practice be and The attack on Savannah surrounding the place to besieged zigarmy built a fortification the French and Americans dug the attacking range from it. Then, outside effective weapon --- Page 93 --- and Its People 66 * The Colony up guns to set up in emplacewithin cannon range and brought the had to trenches works. Finally, when bombardment zag batter a hole in the British launched an infantry assault ments to down the defenders, the attackers a crucial role in the sufficiently beaten with engineering duties played to carry the position. Troops did not go as first steps of this process. however, the final stage thrown In the case of the siege of Savannah, of sweeping all before them, were The French regulars, instead The French regulars were "broken," planned. waiting at the breach. lost command control. back by British reserves in all directions and their leaders the British dethat is, their troops fled useful fighting force. In the confusion, to were out ofaction as a the French camp. The only troops readyt of They and threatened formed a line at the edge fenders counteratacked The Chasseurs regular troops were the Chasceun-Volonsires and disordered fight the noncombatants the only comthe French camp and protected performance in this, counterattack. The Chasseurs' forces were able to withfrom the British proved crucial, as the French a number bat oftheir short existence, oft the expedition recognized this their The commander heroics in fight.o draw safely to ships. themselves by their and dispersed ofindividuals as having distinguished up into smaller units to the regiment was split and one to St. Lucia After the battle, went to Grenada to FranFrance's empire. Two companies returned directly Cap around At least two companies returned to France with reinforce colonial garrisons.. whose size cannot be determined at court and were çais. Another small group force, where some appeared the rest of the defeated expeditionary the Chasseurscommended for their valor. to placate the men of recognition was not enough themselves the victims The official who considered of reVolontaires sent to Grenada or elsewhere, militia had begun to serve as an avenue the In France, the suspected that of sharp practices. army, and the Chaseuns-Volontaires had been used cruitment into the regular Domingue, and they as members ofit, as stated free colored militia ofSaint recruited for a "special expeditionary corps" regular troops, in the same way. After being had become enabling act, the Chaseun-Volontiresh for them. 44 This dampened in the original the demands of empire called below in the distributed where as is discussed freely for overseas service considerably, colored enthusiasm de Saint-Domingue. and the ofthe follow-on Chaseurs-Royaux corps" was heavy, case recruitment for the "special expeditionary than 1,000 recruits for the Initially, There were considerably more had to be left behind for varitroops were enthusiastic. although a number of these least 40 percent. The Chaseurs-Volontaires: exceeded expectations by at of60 private solous reasons. In fact, recruiting regiment provided for IO companies white officers. A establishment ofthe officers and 3 original colored noncommissioned diers, each led by 15 the follow-on Chaseurs-Royaux corps" was heavy, case recruitment for the "special expeditionary than 1,000 recruits for the Initially, There were considerably more had to be left behind for varitroops were enthusiastic. although a number of these least 40 percent. The Chaseurs-Volontaires: exceeded expectations by at of60 private solous reasons. In fact, recruiting regiment provided for IO companies white officers. A establishment ofthe officers and 3 original colored noncommissioned diers, each led by 15 --- Page 94 --- Free Coloreds in the Colonial Armed Forces . 67 table of organization was laid out, the governor-general month after the original each and add 4 (colored) corporals to had to enlarge the companies to 84 chasseurs each company." 45 abandon civilian life and join the ChasseursWhat prompted a young man to commander ofthe regiment, in his letVolontaires? Colonel Le Noir de Rouvray, to Grenada and companies the deployment ofChaseuns-isbenutaire ter protesting in civilian life that his soldiers were givSt. Lucia, lays stress on the opportunities "The Chasseurs are almost all landing up by joining the Chasseun-Volontires in order to serve the King," > he wrote. 46 owners who have abandoned their fortunes most, cases. In fact, but was not true in all, or even This made a good argument from both the haves and the have-nots Volontaires attracted men the Chasseurs-V from the militia, but almost all colofcolored society. Recruitment was principally extent, SO this did not limit in the militia at least to some ored men participated ofthe Chaseurs-Volontaiten were In fact, many the social scope oftherecruitment. the time entered service. They were acting as free but were de jure slaves at they tax offered to perfrom liberty taking advantage of the government dispensation free themselves but had famservice during the war. Others were sons in military wished to free without having to pay the tax. ily members still in slavery that they liures to 2,000 liures for an Since liberty taxes were increased in 1775 from 1,000 for this exemption and from 500 livres to 1,000 livres a male, adult female slave, financial inducement to serve. created a powerful with whites also led young colored men to sign up Patron-client relationships direct examples of this can be Several particularly for the Chaseurs-Volontaires, Antoine Aubert Defoix Seigneur the entourage of Sieur Augustin found among noble, militia captain, and newly commissioned Dupetithouars, babitant, minor he freed his slave Aman, a On IO July 1779, captain in the Chaseurs-Volontaires incidenand enlisted him in his company of the Chaseurs-Volontaires, mulatre, white planters could find tallybenefiting from the tax exemption even important 48 On 4 August, he liures than to give it to the government. a better use for 1,000 Charles dit Floissac. 49 After his company reperformed the same service for Pierre freed another ofhis soldiers, Faturned from the expedition, on 14 April 1780, he substantial landowner Gentil dit Tollo. Genty went on to become a bien Genty Or leader group, and later he was an officer in and "big man" among the Cap military ofSaint Domingue." the revolutionary. Army ofthe mulatto militia company, was an important Dupetithouars, as the captain Good relations with the miliin the lives offree coloreds in his community. free colored person could result in very concrete benefits to the ambitious young tia officer small officeholding, of course, but better and advantage in military man: security into the white business world. Militia officers also access to credit and an entrée group, and later he was an officer in and "big man" among the Cap military ofSaint Domingue." the revolutionary. Army ofthe mulatto militia company, was an important Dupetithouars, as the captain Good relations with the miliin the lives offree coloreds in his community. free colored person could result in very concrete benefits to the ambitious young tia officer small officeholding, of course, but better and advantage in military man: security into the white business world. Militia officers also access to credit and an entrée --- Page 95 --- 68 . The Colony and Its People and, to some extent, even colored ures in their communities noncommissioned The and good people to know. officers were important recruiting net for the Savannah figsweeping the free colored elite into expedition was slave client. Eleven of the ranks spread wide, however, the alongside the had at least one member fifty-five elite colored families wealthy white man's cannot have been in the identified in this book financial. The Chaneun-Volontsirece The pay rate authorized inducement clearly Saint-Domingue was IOS livres for sistence allowance in lieu ofrations (Tournois) per year plus Chawun-Volontsirese 22 sols 6 deniers de field).52 This was the (which, one a day subsoldiers may have same as for chasseurs in the hopes, French were furnished while in the warfare intended hoped for loot, more sensible ones regular army. While tunities to recapture a must have surmised some for self-enrichment. friendly city was unlikely to that siege lar inducement Neither ofthese provide many Building even to a younger son of a free prospects could have been a opporconnections with colored particuvation for a wealthy locally influential whites planting family. Volontaires. The family's providing a member for might have been a motioften had local militia commander service in the a good number of turned Chasseurspany, but many, people from his own parish Chaseun-Volontaires in officer come from other perhaps a majority, of the members the ranks ofhis comBy process of parishes where their officer's influence ofeach company would have listments in the elimination, it must be assumed that would have been slight.s3 desire on the Chaseun-Volontsiter were the wealthy free coloreds' enpart ofthe free colored result of patriotic sentiment through military service. John community to stake a claim to full and Garrigus has as Chaseun-Volenoairers the face ofracist a way to stress masculine interpreted the rush to enlist citizenship in the images that attributes of were few public roles feminized them in the people ofcolor in As more "masculine" public mind. 54 can be seen in Rouvray's than that of combat soldier. Certainly there ofhis soldiers to other islands, complaint to the Ministry ofWar the there was also an about the posting gerated Chaseun-Volontaires in as men of property,ss attempt by local elites to many cases, While this portray fices of the soldiers nonetheless, it served the portrayal was claim and thus further purpose of exaghas become validating their playing up the sacriinfluenced part ofthe popular of claims to This our view of free history the citizenship. Nationalist coloreds as a class. Chaseun-Volontsire and has Many free coloreds, patriotism was a growing force in the French cated in France, and especiallyy younger sons ofthe wealthier society of the time. contemporaries many more had read the classes, had been eduwell had brought back. books and have been strong in the Thus, the idea of patriotic newspapers that their motivations ofthis group. sacrifice might very Certainly, patriotism played claims to This our view of free history the citizenship. Nationalist coloreds as a class. Chaseun-Volontsire and has Many free coloreds, patriotism was a growing force in the French cated in France, and especiallyy younger sons ofthe wealthier society of the time. contemporaries many more had read the classes, had been eduwell had brought back. books and have been strong in the Thus, the idea of patriotic newspapers that their motivations ofthis group. sacrifice might very Certainly, patriotism played --- Page 96 --- in the Colonial. Armed Forces * 69 Free Coloreds free coloreds. Expedition comoffered to he had part in the inducements in the 1760s. At that time, an important had served as colonial governori in the militia through a scheme manderd d'Estaing free colored participation of medals attempted to encourage militiamen and offer them a wide variety would have that would "whiten" mestif Another of his abortive militia reforms nation.* to be made upoffree from an appreciative de Saint-Domingue, primarily and recognicreated a regular army] Légion receiving tax-free manumissions role under white officers, with the important colored troops He was familiar about the tion for their service to their countrys defense and was very enthusiastic free coloreds in the colony's that free coloreds, by enrolling played by He declared the of white society creation oft the Chascun-Volontaies) their own class in eyes would be advancing in the Chasseurs, in the the king. all free colored troops as well as serving Olivier, former commander of As an exCapitaine Vincent recruiter for the Chaseauns-Volontaires province, was an active he must have had an important North figure in free colored society, free coloreds of participatremely influential stressed the importance to all ofthe He exhortations" effect on recruitment. Moreau de St. Méry notes his "patriotic apparthe members (grandsons, tion in expedition. that two ofhis family and points out them) were panidipants." free coloreds de St. Méry described ently, instead of sons, as Moreau his fellow free coloreds. the lesson was not lost on of the French expedition to CarIn general, one of the last survivors corps Vincent Olivier was This is the first overseas expeditionary of color. the Main in 1697that included people tagena on Spanish records have survived recruited freefrom the colony of Fwhich any troops but mostly locally included some regular The expedition transformation of the buccaneer booters. marked the climax oft the booty of also of the enormous This expedition discusses the reinvestment 60 Most people Pluchon Antilles. into the planter. his historyofthel French hide hunting in the inCartagena in the sugar industryin' lived off freebooting, prior to the 1690s Ever since the time ofGovin Saint Domingue the Spanish colonies. to and smuggling to nearby of the colony had attempted terior, in the 1660S, the administrators tobacco in the European ernor D'Ogeron but the success of Virginia had been tried, encourage tobacco planting, this industry. Various alternate crops Plantamarket had severely wounded the lack of capital Or for technical reasons. in successful due to days; there were 2,100 but few were in these early were few in Saint Domingue "plantation complex," tion slaves In the effective absence ofthe white can blur. More1690 according to Pluchon."] and even between black and between free and slave on the battleficld the line appreciated and rewarded courage These are the creatures over, thefilibustier mentality attention to color Or status lines. and paid relatively little industry. Various alternate crops Plantamarket had severely wounded the lack of capital Or for technical reasons. in successful due to days; there were 2,100 but few were in these early were few in Saint Domingue "plantation complex," tion slaves In the effective absence ofthe white can blur. More1690 according to Pluchon."] and even between black and between free and slave on the battleficld the line appreciated and rewarded courage These are the creatures over, thefilibustier mentality attention to color Or status lines. and paid relatively little --- Page 97 --- 70 : The Colony and Its People ofa settled society. The freebooters French racism meant very little. were transfirontiersmen to the black soldier in the Peter Voelz, in his extensive whom the usages of rates and even British Americas, cites survey of the role of data in officers. 62 Thus in many examples of free this book, it is not very different times from those colored pithanks to a successful surprising to find a talented slave covered by the Vincent performance in battle. rising high in was not the only society colonial period. In 1781, Cartagena survivor living Morin in 1683[, says Moreau de St. Méry, during the last years of the Cartagena died). A slave of M. le "Etienne. Auba, born in [at the age of 14), Auba Long, who brought him to Quartier other blacks who was freed upon his the siege at joined the expedition. His return along with all the Governor-Genenil, cription in 1723 to name him exemplary conduct led M. of Fort-Dauphin. At this captain of the free blacks of de Sorel, 'Expedition, under the time, Auba led his the circonsconvoy blockaded command ofM. de company aboard the in Samana Sirac, to go to the rescue frigate Iti is Bay [in what is now the of a French interesting to note the not marks of Dominican "63 only at the time of their respect accorded to both of Republic]. their declining military successes, which these soldiers, de St. Méry himself, years, as conditions for free coloreds in seems natural, but also in the free coloreds, by no means a believer in the general got worse. Moreau hair command described Olivier as "a happy inherent dignity or equality of table ofM, respect, and said he was figure, whose dark skin and le Comte "admitted white puffed up from this d'Argour, the everywhere; one sees him at the caused it mark of distinction Govemor-Genenal, seated at his to be but instead side-not as the fleet granted to him."64 He says of. from that [conduct] was Auba which 600 liures preparing to depart for that, on II August a year on the caisse Savannah), he was 1779 (just as a monetary aid [600 ofliberties, more as a granted a "pension of given the inflation livres would be a very recognition for his services than with of the war comfortable annual his sword, He years]. . . - he always income, even spoke with appeared in was showered with good sense and interest public in uniform converted into marks of estimation and ofwhat he had seen : he The marks ofveneration." "65 benevolence which his white hairs with freebooters were gone, and their them, and the colony had relaxed attitudes about by the time colored developed a quite substantial color and status that their service troops served France in plantation was again both again, the Seven complex the soldiers of some Years' War. It seems themselves. The colored importance to France and ment, formed for this de rewarding to struggle, was Chasetn-Volonosiren Rather than going important in the defense TAmérique regirison. France's overseas, this unit remained in the of the colony itself. strategic position in the Seven Years' colony and served as a garWar was poor. English fleets ed a quite substantial color and status that their service troops served France in plantation was again both again, the Seven complex the soldiers of some Years' War. It seems themselves. The colored importance to France and ment, formed for this de rewarding to struggle, was Chasetn-Volonosiren Rather than going important in the defense TAmérique regirison. France's overseas, this unit remained in the of the colony itself. strategic position in the Seven Years' colony and served as a garWar was poor. English fleets --- Page 98 --- Free Coloreds in the ColonialArmed were Porces . 71 dominant at sea. What resources rendously expensive ground could be spared from the America, where France struggle on the European epochal and horsissippi was trying to hold onto its continent were sent to North possessions. Any other French enormous Canadian protect itself. colony had to look to its and MisIn addition, the Caribbean own resources to ropolitan troops sent out was a very hostile disease decimated by disease. to Saint Domingue and the environment. French metEven the other islands Cap and the long-service colonial were usually from Régiment de Fort-au-Prince, regiments, the du malaria, yellow fever, diarrheal suffered enormous losses Régiment up the garrison of Saint discases, and every season been a terribly Domingue to resist a feared respiratory British infections. Beefing Local whites expensive proposition in human lives invasion would have this time. While were unwilling to serve even in a and treasure. perhaps very an untrained militia effective enough against part-time organization at in any case. What would have been little use stray privateers Or was needed against British frebooters, that could free up French was a regular or at least professional soldiers suffer the great disease regulars for service in North. America semi-regular garrison force Itisin this casualty rates ofthe colonial and that would not context that the regiments. l'Amérique. Consisting of government recruited the Trou du Nord from some 550 soldiers, the Chaseun-Volontairesd de interested in the May 1762 until the end of the regiment was based at a camp at white, establishment of rural, war. Moreau de St. was regular garrisons of Saint preferably high-altitude, Méry sique Civile, Domingue. In his camps for the he Politique et Historique de La Description goes on at some length about Partie Française de TIsle Topograpbique de PhyChasseurs in their rural how the white troops who Saint. Domingue, he notes thatin the camp experienced relatively low lived alongside the than one sick Chasseurs, "among the 550 men mortality. 'i2 per twenty, and of color, there Parentheticell, was that observed only three died in two never more neighbors in among the soldiers of(the years, a loss rate which the camp.6 Even in the regiment of] who was were much less most salubrious Querci" were their The subject to disease than whites. areas, free colored regiment seems to have troops awaiting an invasion that spent a quiet couple of naval never came. The years in its resources to the Caribbean English, while cantonment, and committing attempted to assemble the attacking some considerable for large smallerisland an assault on Saint amount ofresourcest that would colonies, never Volontaires de Domingue. Who knows to what have been needed TAmérique deterred them? extent the ChasseursRecruitment for the Chasseursi in triotic fanfare that 1762 seems to have taken accompanied the enlistment of their place without the panamesakes in 1779. There resources to the Caribbean English, while cantonment, and committing attempted to assemble the attacking some considerable for large smallerisland an assault on Saint amount ofresourcest that would colonies, never Volontaires de Domingue. Who knows to what have been needed TAmérique deterred them? extent the ChasseursRecruitment for the Chasseursi in triotic fanfare that 1762 seems to have taken accompanied the enlistment of their place without the panamesakes in 1779. There --- Page 99 --- and Its People 72 . The Colony for colored men to strike a and of fopportunity time, they no talk of overseas expeditions less oppressive was - perhaps at that somewhat seem to have joined for blow for their own dignityThe recruits feel the lack of dignity SO strongly. building of networks within did not traditional: pay, manumission, reasons that are more alive in the caste, and SO forth. this unit must still have been a military men who served in of this unit saw In fact, while many of notarial records, only one veteran Louis la Rondière, of time covered by the sample in the notarial records. He was He himself as such the free black militia ofthat city. n fit to identifyl who also served as a sergeant in volontaires du roy, which, Fort Dauphin, "served in the nègres of this described in one act as having mean that he was a veteran was and his death in 1778, could only given his age the retreat from Savannah force.7 after The 30 to of the Chaseuns-Volontaires of Saint Domingue. The experience confidence among the free coloreds that went to Grenada must did not inspire experienced by the units environment, disease casualties island, different disease 40 percent chilling-d -different white troops from France. have been particularly the Chasseurs as to were to poor much as challenging though, the Chaseun-Volontainese pretty officialdom, take oft the newly To colonial and metropolitan force was in order to advantage and a follow-on ofthe Savannah expedition a great success, manpower. The commander quadruple the available pool of colored and hospital costs of white troops to deal with made the point that "sickness troops from France are too weak slave White hate the rebel value of a local infantryman. especially the free coloreds, would save the local climate. Creole troops, corps efChameun-volonsrey wishing with him. A standing of color and are fit to deal and the king's budget . . . all persons the of lives of French soldiers n68 This was genesis the be to serve for eight years. to be freed should required free colored de Saint-Domingue. to be raised from the the Chasseurs-Royaux of Chasseurs-Royaux were force were to be conscripted. Five companies black. Members softhis three mulatto and two all free men ofcolor were obliged militia: the Chasseurs, freed Or those Accordingt to the edict establishingt starting at age 15. The newly folBoys were to serve for a year also had to serve for a year, to serve. been properly registered All other whose freedom had not be registered at no charge. their liberties would properly lowing which for three months. 69 force of adult males were to serve clearly to establish a permanent standing of the war. The intent of this edict was measure for the duration unisoldiers; this was not an emergency truly intended to be as regular scheme was never were makthat the conscription Either the authorities One assumes ofthe edict makes it seem. versal as the phrasing serve for a year, to serve. been properly registered All other whose freedom had not be registered at no charge. their liberties would properly lowing which for three months. 69 force of adult males were to serve clearly to establish a permanent standing of the war. The intent of this edict was measure for the duration unisoldiers; this was not an emergency truly intended to be as regular scheme was never were makthat the conscription Either the authorities One assumes ofthe edict makes it seem. versal as the phrasing --- Page 100 --- Forces . 73 Free Coloreds in the ColonialArmed were to be granted scale, or exemptions each for evasion on a massive private soldiers ing allowances of fapproximately eighty Establishing five companies There were considerably liberally. four hundred spots in the Chaseurs-Royaux." in the colony each year, would total free colored males turning age 15 that than four hundred with irregular manumissions more of the large numbers of persons to say nothing designed to attract. in the same way this measure was clearly the of mass conscription of this idea Free coloreds reacted to possibility effect of their outraged rejection decades before. The local militia officers whites had two refusals to appear for musters. Many! their prothe militia led to mass trying to protect on recruitment for the Chasseurs, autonodid theirbest to frustrate were also acting out of motives ofregional One exin the ranks. Perhaps they the white militia rebels in earlier years. was tegés those that motivated into the Chasseurs mism such as resisted conscription of his men in officer who mulatto militia company' ample of an who was commander of a Capitzine Jacques Mesnier, mercantile! house. He both verballyprotested formaofa major into the new Cap and also representative of his company for enlistment 1780 while the orders to select members orders to his unit. Arrested on 2, July in Fort and refused to pass on those he was imprisoned tion the militia review day, to the on his men quarterly several weeks. On appeal governor, exercising north of the town ofCap, for an additional couple ofwecks. Picolet, house arrest, where he spent and the transferred to treatmentin prison he was a notary to complain ofhis Sieur Casamajor, aideOn 6. August, he summoned from his incarceration. of decline in his health that resulted was named to his place as commander miliofficer, as still a major ofthe staff, a professional notarial act describes Mesnier the in A subsequent n71 returned to colony the militia company." for France." Mesnier his mercanbut "ready to depart and resumed tia captain ofthe War of American Independence, 1783, at the end the title of militia captain." seem to have tile activity and at least elite free coloreds they were protecting, officers, and the The! handful ofChasseursMilitia successfulinr resisting the Chasseurs-Royaux. uniformly poor. One, Pierre been fairly in the notarial archives were else to do but serve Royaux who appear described as "knowing nothing listed Gauthier of Fort Dauphin, was for the regiment." 73 His colleagues whose and hence had volunteered the side of the island in the military" from Spanish of a act included one immigrant one boy poor in the same by one year's service, s5-year-old whose claim liberty was to be confirmed for three months, one person one deserter bossale free black conscripted was and family, one of the Chaseun-Volontaires disputed, by his service. to have been a veteran avoiding punishment for desertion all. This was from the Chaseun-Volontsires: had any pretensions to gentility at recruit Only one Chasseur-Royal from Spanish of a act included one immigrant one boy poor in the same by one year's service, s5-year-old whose claim liberty was to be confirmed for three months, one person one deserter bossale free black conscripted was and family, one of the Chaseun-Volontaires disputed, by his service. to have been a veteran avoiding punishment for desertion all. This was from the Chaseun-Volontsires: had any pretensions to gentility at recruit Only one Chasseur-Royal --- Page 101 --- 74 . The Colony and Its People whose sister Marie Jeanne, upon her dit Champaign of Limonade horses, and a living allowance one Toussaint 8 carreaux ofland, 4 74This marriage, could muster 3 slaves, from the estate oftheir) presumed father." ofsoo liures per) year coming to her middle-class existence. elite wealth, but a comfortable of the remaining Chasseursis not the only evidence taxApart from this exception, or their manumissions, performed of their recruitment of financial motivations Royaux is reports service. This assortment into a longfree because of their military little else to dois characteristic ofrecruits the and the feeling that one has of course, is how the government envisioned force, which, service professional French military, sometimes Chaseuns-Royaux colored men served in the regular bandsmen A number off free of different roles. Military These men filled a number regular units. Besides them, for! long periods. of officers served in various its empire. The and personal servants in line regiments in France and throughouti but it was not regular soldiers served in the eighteenth century was hard, None soldier and regular pay. life of a professional the form ofa certain dignity, stability, from their without its rewards in encountered any special hardship resulting ofthese men appear to have have risen to commissioned rank. were although none appear to navy. All countries' navies color, free coloreds served in the French indeed to force, the services Four of these time for their willingness to accept, first in the British Royal notorious at this In fact, three ofthese men served and agreed to of anyone and everyone. the War of American Independence, of war. The Navy, were captured during alternative to being held as prisoners Berin the French navy as an in the sample was serve native of Saint Domingue appearing LeMoine, a free black only naval veteran black, the son of Augustin on a French LeMoine. He was a free Morin. Bertrand was cook trand and1 landowner from Quartier) death. At the end of the war, militia officer at the time ofhis father's in Royal Navy vessel in 1777, work. It is interesting to note that, and perhaps thus as he moved over to civilian seafaring the scientific branch of service with the ideal of the navy as LeMoines, father and son, were keeping the two the attractive to freethinkers, to faith in "holy perhaps more coloreds in the colony not profess among the very few free faith"in their wills. his two free colCatholic, Roman, and Apostolic white merchant and planter, sent Denis Castanet, substantial Daniel, served in the Chaseun-Volonaires in the ored sons into the military. One, Etienne, living in France, enlisted while the other, children ofwhite enlisting in the colony, the French regular army."' 75 Illegitimate a living and Régiment de Piémont in and military service provided in the nohad to be taken care of, professional further appearances men Etienne. Daniel did not make any a trade to young Catholic, Roman, and Apostolic white merchant and planter, sent Denis Castanet, substantial Daniel, served in the Chaseun-Volonaires in the ored sons into the military. One, Etienne, living in France, enlisted while the other, children ofwhite enlisting in the colony, the French regular army."' 75 Illegitimate a living and Régiment de Piémont in and military service provided in the nohad to be taken care of, professional further appearances men Etienne. Daniel did not make any a trade to young --- Page 102 --- Coloreds in the Colonial. Armed Forces . 75 Free that ifhe sursO one suspects after his enlistment and manumission, tarial record soldier. vived, he, too, became a professional IDEAS OF PATRIOTISM DIFFERING served in the military in order to that free coloreds Vincent Olivier and It has often been suggested in the eyes of whites. for the increase their standing as a group this theme in their recruiting pitch his d'Estaing both stressed military service in arguthe Comte Julien Raimond used colored and later to the revoChaseurs-Volontsires) before the royal government citimade in the late 1780s coloreds ought to be granted equal ment, that propertied free to use a model of lutionary assembly, whites.7 Free coloreds were trying of the colony's zenship with propertied their status in the eyes virtue to enhance patriotism tied to martial ceased to be a part of cowhites. this period martial virtue nearly service by whites was Unfortunately, during cultural values. Resistance to militia of free coloreds in a lonial white society's to the widespread use as "comduring the period-leading discourse redefined patriotism rampant role in the first place. Colonial formation of the Savannah expedition, military martial." >77 At the time of the classical ideal of civic virtue mercial, not ofCap Français said that the and "barbaric" for the the colonial newspaper military service was too "severe" the loyal white citizens demonstrated through suggested thatinstead modern, enlightened age. The paper His Majesty with a warship." effect more should present had the intended of Saint Domingue free colored military service probably than it did among colonial It seeins that government figures had made the strongly among metropolitan d'Estaing felt that the Chaseun-Volontaires' and for the injustices whites. The Comte they have heaped upon [them] on coloreds). "whites blush for the scorn and with impunityi inflicted [free of as and tyrannies they have continually that as a soldier [he was] capable must prove to [whites] n79 Comte d'Estaing was recruit- [The free colored] and more loyalty." The the of free much honor and courage was impressed at least by possibility but he clearly of marine, responing for his expedition, Maréchal de Castries, the minister memoranda between colored martial patriotism. received Raimond's serfor the of the colonies, invocation of colored military sible government seemed impressed by their significant 1786 and 1788 and that the royal government was preparing although the vice. Raimond later claimed of free coloreds as a result ofhis efforts, Raimond's efforts changes in the legal position before anything could happen. Revolution of 1789 intervened were also more effective with metropolitan assemblies before the revolutionary responing for his expedition, Maréchal de Castries, the minister memoranda between colored martial patriotism. received Raimond's serfor the of the colonies, invocation of colored military sible government seemed impressed by their significant 1786 and 1788 and that the royal government was preparing although the vice. Raimond later claimed of free coloreds as a result ofhis efforts, Raimond's efforts changes in the legal position before anything could happen. Revolution of 1789 intervened were also more effective with metropolitan assemblies before the revolutionary --- Page 103 --- 76 . The Colony and Its People ofthe Club MasIndeed, it was the opposition law granting than with colonial representatives. that scuttled the May 1790 lobby in the Assembly, to those granted propertied siac, the planters' colored property owners equal political rights to free monarchy. of the Sawhites under the constitutional battered by the experience into Colored martial patriotism was severely to turn the Chaseun-Volontaires though. The attempt 80 The only vannah expedition, resistance to the new Chasseun-Royasc" milisoldiers caused great were those seeking long-term regular voluntarily failed in the face people to join the new organization fill the ranks through conscription service, and the attempt to and white militia officers. tary of colored property owners abroad of the Chasseursof the resistance of the long stay the white leaderBy 1782, after the twin recruitment catastrophes for the Chaseus-Royaux, military serVolontaires and the poor to encourage free colored colony was reduced to begging further draft of his regular troops ship ofthe anticipating that a wrote to Paul vice. In April of that year, the of the colony the local would be taken out ofthe colony, Limonade govemor-general militia, to ask him to encourage "I bethe commander ofthe role in the defense of the region. Cairou, a more active but infree colored militia to take ask to appeal to their patriotism;' on would be useless," n he said, "to you of the colony and to insist lieve it make known to them the needs a to make stead [I urge you] to them that I want to find way service. I ask you to assure the order for assembling their zealous when you give the colservice as little onerous as possible. know thatiti is only to serve in their please do not forget to let them and that SO long as they are on acthe militia, orders of their current officers, . troops are to ony, under the the same treatment as regular troops foot with the regutive service, they will receive but dragoons are to serve on that their in uniform with weapons to serve on foot meant appear n Allowing the dragoons 81 lar infantry companies." horses would not be at risk. during and valuable had changed significantly white prestigious colored ideas about martial patriotism more like those of their Clearly, American Independence, becoming unable to get signifithe War of found itselfincreasingly or whites. neighbors. The colonial government defense from either free coloreds contributions to the colony's cant CONCLUSION Given that this institution in the colony's society. by was an important had to be kept in subjection The military ofthe population is the degree to was a society where 90 percent be What is surprising those this should not surprising, of color, even, in many cases, the remainder, entrusted to free persons which this task was who were still juridically slaves. get signifithe War of found itselfincreasingly or whites. neighbors. The colonial government defense from either free coloreds contributions to the colony's cant CONCLUSION Given that this institution in the colony's society. by was an important had to be kept in subjection The military ofthe population is the degree to was a society where 90 percent be What is surprising those this should not surprising, of color, even, in many cases, the remainder, entrusted to free persons which this task was who were still juridically slaves. --- Page 104 --- Free Coloreds in the Colonial Armed Forces * 77 chasing fugitive slaves served in the maréchausée, Or rural police, Free coloreds served in the militia, supporting and enforcing order in the slave quarters. They the regular troops in dethe marécbausée in their public safety role and backing up both as long-service they served in the regular army, fense of the colony. Finally, expeditionary corps. Service professionals and as participants in special-purpose de Saint-Domingue, in in the most famous of these, the Chaseurs-Volontsirtes officialdom while at the same time dis1779-81 earned them the respect ofFrench couraging free coloreds from further participation. armed forces offered free colored This heavy free colored participation in the scale. Manumission, for route out ofs slavery and up the economic and social men a benefit, but it was only the beginoneself or family members, was an important local figures. When free colning. Militia and maréchausée officers were powerful in this To the extent that officers, they shared power. oreds served as commissioned they could stand next to power, free coloreds could become trusted subordinates, in chapter 12 oft this book, which behind it. This is the argument pursued or considers maybe the free colored military leadership group. --- Page 105 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 106 --- S12S12572 à PART TWO The Free Colored in Society and the Economy --- Page 107 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 108 --- S28282 CHAPTER FIVE Slavebolding Practices Zabeau Bellanton of Cap Français was one of several free sample to qualify for the status of economic colored women in the ored women, she seemingly achieved elite. Unlike some wealthy free coland not as a gift or inheritance from success through her own entrepreneurship mulâtresse but did not bear a French anybody. Her background is hazy. She was a tives. She had a girl child, name and seemingly had no close white relawho also did a quarteronne, who was also surnamed not have a visible white father. Her Bellanton and her procureur, or business only white business associate was Justin Viart manager, Maître (a title or Viard. She was always described implying status as an attorney) orjam and jelly maker, and also in the notarial acts as a confiseuse, of respect when linked with the occasionally: low as a marchande, which would be a title tions to the trade of food preparation. Official contrary notwithstanding, her business appellaand she reinvested her profits in urban real was apparently slave dealing, The free colored as a slave owner is the estate. markable, ifnot exactly subject oft this chapter. Itis with this typical, case that rebetween the slaveholding activities consideration ofthe striking differences bors begins. offree coloreds and those oftheir white neighZabeau Bellanton's name appeared 26 times in the eight of those acts were not related sample ofr notarial acts. to purchase and sale Only cight was her will. When she made her will of slaves, and one of the she was quite a wealthy woman. She in 1782, upon her departure for France, left real mother in usufruct, with title to the propertyworth: 15,000 livres tohergodthe priest of the parish of Cap godmother's children. She left 3,000 lires to the deserving ofthe Français with instructions that it be poor parish, white and free distributed to colored, thus quite liberally satisfy81 Only cight was her will. When she made her will of slaves, and one of the she was quite a wealthy woman. She in 1782, upon her departure for France, left real mother in usufruct, with title to the propertyworth: 15,000 livres tohergodthe priest of the parish of Cap godmother's children. She left 3,000 lires to the deserving ofthe Français with instructions that it be poor parish, white and free distributed to colored, thus quite liberally satisfy81 --- Page 109 --- 82 . In Society and the Economy (and with the added of piety that was a part ofrespectability" She left her aged mother a quite ing the requirement charity to whites). liures as well as fillip of a free colored giving allowance. Her procureur got 2,000 property decent 132 lirvres a month living condition that he manage the remaining oft the total estate, on and see her well marriedIO percent until the child reached adulthood herself had not achieved." In for her daughter that Bellanton several houses in another step toward "respectability" it is revealed that she owned and power ofattomey, were freed upon her departure an accompanying slaves. Two ofthese slaves Cap and 6 domestic before.? heartless and abusive were probably quasi-free in what seems to have been a Or bossale, She operated her business of the time. She bought African-born, Much ofher fashion, even by the standards from slave ships Or from smugglers. SO she one, either rejects Or ill, or both, slaves one by because they were either very young the colony. To share "raw material" was cheap the first monthsin her risk ofr fmortalityint she pawned had to face a heightened while seeking permanent owners, of their value "with the risk of their "seasoning" employers for a fraction she selling them to temporary buyer came along, slaves out, in a few months to a year. Ifa permanent had survived, at a handsome right of Frecovery" and sell the slave, ifhe or she difference between the could repay the pawn she would lose would be the If the slave died, all time of the pawn and the small purchase profit. she had received at the cost, which did small payment ofthe slave being an opportunity off price-the eventual market price times for this strategy to pay handsomely. survival of have to be realized very many acculturation, and not the effect on the psychological health, One imagines expedient to stave off the new immigrant. for ready cash is often an extreme slaves was Pawning capital goods Bellanton, though, it seems that pawning for liqfinancial ruin. In the case of she seems to have had little need of economic desperation, as as she was pawning some slaves not a strategy the same time of a house in Cap uidity Or credit. At approximately made several purchases, including one of credit on others, she with letters and recovering sum of 18,000 livres, paying 3 On another OCFrançais for the impressive the city and planters in the countryside.3 with Sr. Jean merchant houses in schedule large to formalize a debt repayment her liures she asked the notary who had loaned 13,884 casion, member ofthe comédie ofCap, have been his Baptiste Fontaine, a business partner, and the "loan" may marhave been a silent but the enormous profit he may Bellanton's business was sleazy, associated with it, ifit could share ofthe profits. elite reason to want to have been sums for a gins gave the white face. In any case, these are quite substantial be done without loss of described humble jam and jelly maker. unusual channels. One of them was Bellanton's slaves came through , member ofthe comédie ofCap, have been his Baptiste Fontaine, a business partner, and the "loan" may marhave been a silent but the enormous profit he may Bellanton's business was sleazy, associated with it, ifit could share ofthe profits. elite reason to want to have been sums for a gins gave the white face. In any case, these are quite substantial be done without loss of described humble jam and jelly maker. unusual channels. One of them was Bellanton's slaves came through --- Page 110 --- Slavebolding Practices : 83 as "speaking only English" sume he also spoke (he was a bossale ofthe Soso come tol her Soso). This suggests that at least "nation," SO one would prethe official through thei interloper trade from the some ofher slaves may have channels. This sale took English colonies and not Independence, place in 1780 through suggesting she was during the War of women were doubly prohibited trading with the English when American ments ofpatriotism from trading with good Frenchnized as full applied doubly to free perfidious Albion. .4The citizens, but in this coloreds, who were requireovercame the demands case, at. least, the striving to be recoglanton's slaves ofthe national war effort. Caribbean tendency to free trade siders came to her outside The general that she was the normal channels is limpression that Belthe other one holding the paper reinforced when one conway around-that is, ofthe large merchant than they were they were buying more houses and not of the transatlantic selling slaves to her that slaves from her on credit Bellanton slave trade are associated theyimported. Ofcourse, the worst did not restrict her with the illegal trade. abuses have had contacts in purchases to smugglers, All three ofthese Martinique, as three of the slaves though. She seems to able single were expensive technical she sold were from slave out of 4,197 slaves in the experts; one was the there, jelly maker (those sample. seventh-most valuM. M. Clément confitures again) worth 6,000 Cesarion, livres a 3o-year-old cook and her until she Frères. In this case, the to the merchant house took ship for purchaser even had to of she could spare the France. Maybe she did make leave the slave with workers, time from slave some jams and she was an absentee trading. Or maybe, like jellies when was an master whose slaves did the many white skilled gesting entrepreneur.s that she She sold only two adult Saint skilled work while she born, slaves made was not buying very many slaves in the Domingue-bomn slaves, those owned up a third of adult slaves owned colony. (Creole, or native- sugby whites.) by free coloreds and half However, even Bellanton did of modities. Having four domestic not use all ofher slaves as lifestyle, for slaves made a mongy-making combusiness especially a free colored quite comfortable, almost strategy. She lived woman. This opulent, and on a level opulence was clearly a merchants of all colors in comparable with her clientele, the part of dom, without any evidence of Cap Français. Two ofher slaves planters interesting to watch the self-purchase. In her gained their freein the clash between case, as in many others, it market, as kin different views of the is only sometimes (pseudo or real), as slave: as as labor unit in a appurtenance of social commodity As Zabeau Bellanton's productive enterprise. respectability; and coloreds, and their practices story suggests, slaveholding was ferences between the hold a key to very important to free way different groups understanding of free their attitudes. The difcoloreds used slaves for social In her gained their freein the clash between case, as in many others, it market, as kin different views of the is only sometimes (pseudo or real), as slave: as as labor unit in a appurtenance of social commodity As Zabeau Bellanton's productive enterprise. respectability; and coloreds, and their practices story suggests, slaveholding was ferences between the hold a key to very important to free way different groups understanding of free their attitudes. The difcoloreds used slaves for social --- Page 111 --- 84 * In Society and the Economy between those groups and the advancement, and the differences of the society of the colony. and economic important to any analysis the overall situawhite population, are very to understand owned on the offree coloreds' dscholingitaimpenoame the island. Free coloreds Study coloreds and of slaves on of notarial acts tion both of free slaves on Saint Domingue. The sample of all notarial order of 30 percent of the this book contains about 4 percent the source for acts record 4,197 identifiable used as principal during the period 1776-91. Those name, age, place of acts in the archives at least three of the following: to another idenidentified by slaves (persons title, and family relationship of the origin, gender, price, occupational gives 104,925, or about 30 percent time slave). Dividing 4,197 by 0.04 the closest to the midpoint of the tified in the 1786 census, that all slaves, regardless 340,000 slaves reported estimate. It presumes the notarial recseries. This is admittedly a rough likely to be mentioned in the color of their owner, were equally their slaves) appearing in sample ofthe that free coloreds (and in which has been ord. It also presumes of ffree coloredsi general, ofnotarial acts are broadly representative tested in chapter I. Given these assumptions and which was that free coloreds owned a signifiassumed throughout sample size, it seems clear that an understandand the rather large slaves in the colony- significant enough ofthis conof the would investigation cant minority of slaves in the colony require different from ing ofthe condition since their situation was remarkably tingent. This is especially true secondary the larger slave population. this chapter first looks at the published examine the differences, Their findings are compared To ofSaint Domingue. areas in the tropical sources on the slave population in other plantation sources on slave populations white-owned slave population with similar indicates that the elsewhere. Next is Americas, and the comparison different from similar populations for slaves in the in the colony was not very look at conditions of work and somewhat schematic, a general, work is based and what they colony. of the new sources on which this follows. This examination An examination slave population from reveal about the free colored-owned slaves who were different in many respects difshows that free coloreds owned coloreds used their slaves in somewhat owned by whites, and that free those than did whites. color from the two populaferent ways is the ethnic origin and ofslaves about a slave in a bill of fsale, The first variable that was most often noted Ethtions. This was the variable in fact, than age, gender, or occupation). slaves' ethnic ori- (more frequently, reflect the lease, Or inventory used in the archives do not accurately to slave owners nic descriptions nonetheless, these labels were important and Africangins in many cases, but, division between native-born (creole) and merit consideration. The those than did whites. color from the two populaferent ways is the ethnic origin and ofslaves about a slave in a bill of fsale, The first variable that was most often noted Ethtions. This was the variable in fact, than age, gender, or occupation). slaves' ethnic ori- (more frequently, reflect the lease, Or inventory used in the archives do not accurately to slave owners nic descriptions nonetheless, these labels were important and Africangins in many cases, but, division between native-born (creole) and merit consideration. The --- Page 112 --- Slaveholding Practices . 85 between persons with some was crucial, as was the distinction African ethniciborn (bossale) slaves with none. Divisions among different to them anyway. white ancestry and persons considerable attention was paid rated an understood, but Generally, slaves ties were poorly of occupational description. was the variable prestigious Next comes notarial act only if their occupation the designation in a or"cane cutter"in sample. occupational was described as a' "feldhand" value oft the slave and and valuable- -no one effect on the variable appears to have had an important This that the slave gave his Or her master. Women were a distinct mithe prestige of gender and age are explored. of AfricanThen, the variables trade and, as a result, in the populations feelings nority in the Atlantic slave masters seem to have had equivocal slaves in the Americas. White females and sometimes preferring born sometimes seeking more free coloreds were about female slaves, physical strength. In contrast, new ones. Their males, who supposedlyhadg greater) female slaves and purchase likely than whites to own condition for slave popumuch more naturally as a result, a very unusual slave workforces grew slaves was to free them. lations in the Caribbean. free coloreds did with their from thing that Or were descended One important either freedmen and freedwomen its among All free coloreds were of manumission, frequency explores the procedures economic and non-economic them. This chapter and its effect on the free colored and white masters, this first value of slaves. ofs slaves owned by free coloreds, value slaves While reporting on the characteristics to look: at the non-cconomic her slaves ofthe chapter gives us an opportunityt slave owner got from his or part their masters. The prestige that a of those slaves. had for the master as the cash value coloreds got to frec could be as important exploration ofthe wayi concludes with an in-depth colony. Slaves This chapter slaves. Saint Domingue was a plantation non for ecoeconomic value out oftheir Slave owning was almost a sine qua could be did most of the productive labor. In addition, a person's social position it nomic success of any free person. slaves he or she owned. Of large planters of the number of "that one has two hundred defined in terms "this one has five hundred" or" would often be said that of slaves and thus the relative social position. indicating the number in the colony. Many free persons and fifty," not the only slave owners two of the Large planters were modest wealth, owned slaves. Only slave. One of color, even though of quite do not contain atleast one death inventoriesi in the sample named Babet, apparently a depentwenty-seven death inventory of a woman while she may of those was the free colored clan in Limonade; 6 This ofthe quite wealthy Pincemaille had plenty as a family." dent slaves at the time ofher death, they wills and otherhave possessed no of free coloreds to execute because of the propensity is significant of the Large planters were modest wealth, owned slaves. Only slave. One of color, even though of quite do not contain atleast one death inventoriesi in the sample named Babet, apparently a depentwenty-seven death inventory of a woman while she may of those was the free colored clan in Limonade; 6 This ofthe quite wealthy Pincemaille had plenty as a family." dent slaves at the time ofher death, they wills and otherhave possessed no of free coloreds to execute because of the propensity is significant --- Page 113 --- 86 . In Society and the Economy Even quite humble people the notarial system to protect their property? as of the probate process, wise to use their property inventoried part executed wills and had owned slaves. those of modest and even those humble people common among free coloreds, even It was comSlave owning was not only part of their total capital. combut slaves also made up an important to be the single largest means, value of the slaves in death inventories reported mon for the value ofall the decedents' property while the ponent oft the total wealth. The average in the sample was 26,032 liures, Even death inventories liures, or 64 percent. in the twenty-seven in those inventories was 16,536 in slaves: average value of slaves invested around two-thirds of their capital linres, and those ofvery modest means lirures, the average value was 6,221 evaluated at under 10,000 for estates of slaves was 4,066 lires, or 65 percent. ofs fscale. This effectis more the average value agriculture gave significant economies tobacco Or coffee), but in Slave-worked (like sugar) than in others (like much more than a hunmarked in some crops one hundred slaves were units of slaves (ofgeneral, in plantation agriculture, slave. Thanks to the very small of as one of these free coloreds dred times as productive two individuals) that many to only one or alternate ways to employ them profitten amounting owned, they needed to find could not compete profitably modest means workforces, by themselves, they Owners of small units of slaves ably. As agricultural workforces owned by whites. with the larger slave productively. of them employed characteristics found ways to keep is to look at the differing varying The first step in this exploration whites. These differences illustrate and free coloreds and by the white plantocracy by slaves owned by slaves and wealth held by cultural attitudes toward of the the free coloreds in the colony. secondary source on the slave population XVIleAn early but still important Debien's Les esclaves aux. Antilles frangaises, West Indies is Gabriel records $ specificallyiot French from plantation archives siècles. 8 Debien worked primarily or national XVIIle culled from French departmental white. Almost all sets of plantation papers in Debien's sample were were, for during his career. All the proprietors estates. In fact, the papers he studied France and the absentee owners of quite large the proprietor in were of Fcorrespondence between date from the 1780s for the the most part, copies the colony. His records of the cenéconome, or resident manager,in decades back in the second quarter with some from earlier under the British occupation most part, records of absentee administration this sort of material. Debien tury, and some archives are quite rich in scratched in the 1790S. The French of these records and barely stellar career out of an examination made a slave population in a the surface. research has looked at Saint Domingue's More recent ence between date from the 1780s for the the most part, copies the colony. His records of the cenéconome, or resident manager,in decades back in the second quarter with some from earlier under the British occupation most part, records of absentee administration this sort of material. Debien tury, and some archives are quite rich in scratched in the 1790S. The French of these records and barely stellar career out of an examination made a slave population in a the surface. research has looked at Saint Domingue's More recent --- Page 114 --- Slavebolding Practices . 87 somewhat more nuanced fashion, sugar and coffee estates. taking into account the tion records forits data. However, much of this newer work differences between used were, like those Most oft the owners of the also relies on plantathe at the core of plantations whose chapter on slavery in the standard Debien's work, whites. Debien records were ribbean, Histoire des. Antilles himself wrote et French-language the colony, Pierre de la Guyane, edited by the history oft the French CaPluchon.? ter refers the reader Debien's bibliographic note best-known historian of groundbreaking principally to published at the end of the chapcites study of the colony, plantation records. David administrative records of the composed principally from Gegguss French source on conditions effects of absentee landlords English sources, oeuvre ofslaves in the as its extensivelyi in his first colony Geggus also cites principal ery, Warandi Revolution, chapter, on the the Debien slave Geggus has published pre-revolutionarye a context. Since Slavpopulation oft the island, based study glish administration. on records of absentee specifically dealing with the exploring the coffee Michel-Rolph Trouillot has also owners under the EnFrom this revolution, especially its given us a chapter further new work, it impact on the slaves. 11 slaves appears that there working on coffee was a striking workforces on plantations and those difference between sugar plantations were more working in sugar cultivation. compared to 22 percent for coffee likely to be creole (47 percent of Slave (Trouillot found around plantations), somewhat less adults IOOO for coffee 300 children per IOOO women likely to be children about equallyi plantations, while for Geggus the as opposed to over. 400 likely toi be male (both figures were much per slightly more noticeable in coffee types ofplantations had an closer), but the differences lies in a combination plantations, says Geggus). The oversupply ofmen, development in the colony. offactors. First, coffee explanation for hence a higher population Sugar plantations might be cultivation was a newer conceptions about of creoles is several generations the ability of understandable. There were old, types ofv work or to learn different different groups ofAfricans to withstand various premembers of particular African skills, which made plantation different differences between white ethnicities. These owners seek out izations about and free-colored differences explain some of the farms coffee slaves in these newer slaveholdings. However, the owned by free coloreds, works do not all to generalemployed on coffee nor were all slaves who were apply slaves on coffee The plantations. owned by free coloreds findings ofDebien, elsewhere in the slave Geggus, and Trouillot are somewhat smaller societies of the tropical comparable to similar values in Saint Americas. averaged at least Domingue than in Slaveholding units were boom of the 250 on sugar plantations. 12 In Jamaica, for example, where they seventeenth century, the work of Brazil, especially in the early sugar sugar production was performed, in nor were all slaves who were apply slaves on coffee The plantations. owned by free coloreds findings ofDebien, elsewhere in the slave Geggus, and Trouillot are somewhat smaller societies of the tropical comparable to similar values in Saint Americas. averaged at least Domingue than in Slaveholding units were boom of the 250 on sugar plantations. 12 In Jamaica, for example, where they seventeenth century, the work of Brazil, especially in the early sugar sugar production was performed, in --- Page 115 --- 88 : In Society and the Economy with the planter to cultivate small by lavradores, who contracted their slave workforces averaged large measure, basis; fowed portions of an estate on a sharecropping this sharecropping system as capital that about twenty.1 Increasingly replacing second time were very large plantations industry took off a terms ofsize oflabor units. in and the sugar exceeded those ofSaint Dominguei ein had fully taken equaled and even and in areas where the plantation complex workforce surIn Cuba, in later years large, with one planter's units were exceptionally! hold, slaveholding naturally, 1,475 slaves in 1857.14 areas generally did not grow passing workforces in these other plantation The British colonies in North Slave exception of the United States. about 427,000 slave imwith the notable United States from 1776 -1808, received in the 1863,"The America, and ofabout. 4-5 million at emancipation much bleaker for the ports yet had a slave population areas in the Americas was the slave demography of other plantation duringitsl longpanicipaionins slavei imports the point of slave populaslaves: Cuba received748,000 of 436,495 in 1841, high trade yet had a slave population owned by free coltion in that colony:te for the data to follow on slaves as reTo give a basis ofcomparison workforces on large white-owned plantations Debien oreds, let us look at the slave Trouillot. The plantations that provided Bréda by Debien, Geggus, and about 1OO slaves. The largest was the the ported his data had workforces averaging with 210, while the smallest was with Plaine du Nord in 1784, found a simisugar plantation at at Léogane in 1781 with 34- Geggus ofhis survey and Santo Domingo sugar plantation the mean ranged over the years was from 34 to lar range for sugar plantations: from 170 to 200, and the overall range with a mean from province to province though, were markedly smaller, more than 500. His coffee plantations, from 7 to over 300.7 "nafrom 34 to 82 and extremes from the 1770S to 1790. 18 The single largest Or Debien counted 3,568 slaves or native born (2,041, 57 perof these plantation slaves was creole, "nationality" was Congo tional" origin slaves, the most common and Benin; cent). Among the African-born nationalities ofthe Slave Coast (modern Togo Foeda, Adia, (633, or 18 percent). The Arada, Mina, Thiamba, Barba, Slaves national origin names used: Nago, most common (454, or 13 percent). than Aguia, Malle) were the next were for a total ofless Cotocoli, uncommon; only 68 reported, IO perofmixed race were very ethnic groups provided the remaining A wide range of African of the River to Mozambique. 2 percent. from the mouth Senegal the adult slaves were crecent, from areas ranging Geggus studied, 47 percent of The African origins On the sugar plantations only 22 percent were creole. sample, while oles, while on coffee plantations, found were similar to those in Debien's ofbossale slaves that Geggus much more common on coffee plantations.' notes that Congo slaves were Geggus 68 reported, IO perofmixed race were very ethnic groups provided the remaining A wide range of African of the River to Mozambique. 2 percent. from the mouth Senegal the adult slaves were crecent, from areas ranging Geggus studied, 47 percent of The African origins On the sugar plantations only 22 percent were creole. sample, while oles, while on coffee plantations, found were similar to those in Debien's ofbossale slaves that Geggus much more common on coffee plantations.' notes that Congo slaves were Geggus --- Page 116 --- Slavebolding Practices . 89 in Unfornunately, his Debien does not give a reports, Often, gender would precise gender breakdown almost always be assumed not be stated in notarial of the slaves adjective used to describe from the name given the slaveort the acts, although it can However, he him or her; Debien gender ofthe French He even refers reports a significant overall obviously preferred not to to attempts toward the end gender imbalance in favor of assume. plantation ofthe males,20 managers to colony's existence on rates by encourage better plantation the part of purchasing more female slaves.21 discipline and gender balances were closer than Geggus, on the other increase birth found sex ratios of IIS either censuses or hand, reports that IOO women men per IOO women on anecdote would on the coffee sugar suggest. He der plantations he plantations and 120 men imbalance was the result studied. He feels this per deduces that the ofhigher mortality for men than relatively low gencolonies. 22 mortality rates were higher in Saint for women, and he The literature Domingue than in other those on the slave trade transported to the Americas. emphasizes The the predominance of 179 males for overall males masters' every IOO females. 23 It is unclear average appears to have been among preference for male slaves if this imbalance about ence to keep female slaves to do heavier labor, or of was the result of slaves owned for themselves. This African sellers' by white masters gender imbalance prefercheaper and despite despite the fact that women slaves persisted among crease the number ofwomen attempts, reported by Debien, by were somewhat A shortage ofwomen slaves they held in order to many white masters to into very poor slaves as well as poor increase slave birthrates.24 fertility rates on treatment and nutrition example, on two white-owned plantations, contributed ter of149 slaves, plantationsi sin the southern according to Debien. For 6.36 births there were only 6 births parish of Aquin, out ofa an per 1,000 between average rosout to roughly population per year January 1784 and April 1790, or 15-5 births per 1,000 (assuming. 40 percent women, this 0-4] per 1,000, still quite low).25 women, or a fertility rate works population that The sugar plantation of78 children aged 2 births averaged 120 between Galbaud du Fort had a year, The workforce 1741 and 1772 and yet never a slave and yet the number ofbirths increased to 190 slaves over the had more than levels in the sugar never exceeded 3.26 Geggus found next twenty years, 0- 4 per 1,000 women plantations he studied and found no. very low fertility the in the North more than 277 period 1755-91. province, with a children aged whole between Fertility on coffee estates was colony-wide mean of; 328 over 1767 and 1792. 27 higher, 356 for the Meanwhile, mortality colony as a estimated mortality rates were high. The white among slaves at planters and their purchasing a slave 5o percent during the first managers newlyimported from Africa, and cight years after equal or higher within the first low fertility the in the North more than 277 period 1755-91. province, with a children aged whole between Fertility on coffee estates was colony-wide mean of; 328 over 1767 and 1792. 27 higher, 356 for the Meanwhile, mortality colony as a estimated mortality rates were high. The white among slaves at planters and their purchasing a slave 5o percent during the first managers newlyimported from Africa, and cight years after equal or higher within the first --- Page 117 --- 9o . In Society and the Economy or other demoslave child's life. Barring an epidemic died each year on five years of a native-born and 6 percent of the slave population crisis, between 5 graphic habitations: 28 the laborers, especially these large were highest among agriculturall was divided into Mortality and morbidity The sugar plantation's workforce would belong to the those on the sugar plantations. third of a plantation's slaves About one the and healthier several slave gangs. to fill the first unit with younger irrigation primary gang. Masters hoped the labor of clearing fields, digging cut The first unit would do heavy and, most importantly, would slaves. timber, and building structures mill during the harvest season. ditches, cutting the plantations sugar rations offered to the mature cane and operate on the generally poor and it is Heavy labor in the tropical sun, especially could result in serious health problems, the exslaves on these large plantations, last long on the first gang. Debien gives that laborers did not des Bouquets where the manno surprise Grandhommes sugar plantation; in Croix period by 1768, ample ofthe of whom 4 survived the "seasoning" were to bought 8 slaves in 1764, the first gang and assigned the ager survivors were incapable ofworkin that off a different ship by but 2 ofthe Twelve other new slaves bought year slaves, 2 were physically lighter tasks. reduced tozby 1767, but of those 7 same plantation field were work. 29 not able to perform the unable to do and female slaves tasks: These ill, injured, older, younger, to a second gang with lighter stints demanded ofthe first gang were assigned ditches, and occasional tasks overseeing food gardens, cleaning irrigation it. Perhaps a third ofthe planweeding, when the pace ofharvest demanded with significant ofheavy labor to this second group. On plantations be to them, tation's slaves would belong oflabor assignment would given often some sort than in the hope of getnumbers of children, training and socialization more as a form of on-the-job value out of them. of each slave and also ting much economic required a wider variety of tasks out the year. A more even Coffee cultivation them more evenly throughout creole slaves. permitted the owner to work ofthe slaves, especially for the oflabor was easier on the health to Geggus, suffered more serious pace coffee according African slaves on plantations, coworkers. in the colony, illnesses than their creole form of labor demanded of slaves comField work was not the only were not fully reported in Debien's Numbers of domestic servants the Foâche sugar plantation of Jeanthough. admits in his discussion of slaves and only. 4 dopilation, as he list of 1779 named more than 500 sample, only Rabel, where the plantation descriptions in Geggus's to Of1,065 slaves with occupational domestic servants belonged mestics. Debien points out that many do not in its recwere domestics.31 and SO appear personally, instead ofthe plantation, the managers were not fully reported in Debien's Numbers of domestic servants the Foâche sugar plantation of Jeanthough. admits in his discussion of slaves and only. 4 dopilation, as he list of 1779 named more than 500 sample, only Rabel, where the plantation descriptions in Geggus's to Of1,065 slaves with occupational domestic servants belonged mestics. Debien points out that many do not in its recwere domestics.31 and SO appear personally, instead ofthe plantation, the managers --- Page 118 --- Stauebolding Practices . 91 ords. A wide variety of vant, n from scullery tasks are subsumed under the white maid to cook to coachman designation "domestic manager. Hours could be to mistress of the serwho could long and tasks house and of the the field. perform this work had better living onerous and undignified, but slaves conditions than their The leaders colleagues in among the plantation slaves, and the technical slaves, though, were the valuable to their specialists. These slaves, commandeurs, or boss Pierre, masters. The most expensive mostly men, were premier commandeur of the single slave in the exceptionally Croix des habitation of the sample was Grand Bouquets, who was free colored a ransom of freed by the Daugé heirs in 8,000 livres. 32 plantation manager in ity transcended and Commandeurs were community 1777in return for uted the success of eventually outlived that of their leaders whose authorers were commandeurs the great slave insurrection of masters. Carolyn Fick attriband technical 1791 to the fact that the malcontent field hands who had specialists, not the disgruntled organizTechnical specialists been at the head of previous domestics and principal refiner performed a wide of disturbances, but on a sugar plantation range tasks on the plantations. The parsimonious owners often might be a high-priced white Skilled labor at a lower level sought to replace such specialist, tion list contained was almost always craftsmen with slave labor. and the like. carpenters, masons, coopers, performed by slaves: every Persons with these skills teamsters, plantacess to resources that were valuable, but their midwives, seamstresses, Most ofthe technical permitted promotion, and even work gave them acspecialists on manumission. according to Geggus. Of plantations were creole rather bered creoles in twenty-seven than African, only four: carter's mate, occupational categories, bossales Among the bossales, the masters master boiler, sugar outnumin particular had boiler, and fisherman. jobs, but the clear overall preferences for some ethnicities Technical Ispecialists also found preference was for creoles.3 34 over others delivered through the workin the cities. that masters could time-honored institution of Trainingin technical skills was sion ofthem. place their slaves as apprenticeship, with the One could be both apprentices withour losing ultimate twist operated their apprentice and slave. possestine, the wife workshops at least in part with Many free skilled of Pierre Pasquier, slave workers. For craftsmen apprentice for five negresse libre, example, Augusyears to placed her slave black, 35 In 1790, she Antoine Profit, a master Pierre in 1785 as penter, whose would have become the proud carpenter who was also a free income would be sufficient owner of a Urban areas also had a to support himself and journeyman carsentee planters lived heavy population of domestic his mistress. cities in France, a significant slaves. Whereas many abofSaint-Dominigue The white minority were resident in the population in general looked large on visits to the usyears to placed her slave black, 35 In 1790, she Antoine Profit, a master Pierre in 1785 as penter, whose would have become the proud carpenter who was also a free income would be sufficient owner of a Urban areas also had a to support himself and journeyman carsentee planters lived heavy population of domestic his mistress. cities in France, a significant slaves. Whereas many abofSaint-Dominigue The white minority were resident in the population in general looked large on visits to the --- Page 119 --- 92 . In Society and tbe Economy city as times to show off and amusements and spectacles indulge themselves-this is pute to the comédie and available in the cities, from apparent from the list of in large numbers the Philosophical Society. Domestic taverns and houses ofill reSaint Domingue's predominantly in order to servants were retained Saint wealthy whites impress, and it was in town Domingues free coloreds sought to impress the most. where smaller numbers than their also owned domestic white slaves, sample, only 79 were identified neighbors. Of the more than although in much their liberty in the as domestic 4,000 slaves in the act in which servants, of whom a little lower than the they appeared in the sample, 14 were to obtain white plantation proportions of domestic slaves found Although this is only Debien's excludes populations, the free colored in Debien's sample of which the town houses and the sample includes urban areas contained between them professional whereas whites. Three the large of managers' reasons majority domestic slaveholdings, offree coloreds. explain the paucity of domestic servants owned by oreds, First, slaveholding units servants in the workforces meaning that fewer averaged much smaller labor. In fact, many of the individuals could be spared for among free colin a business rather domestic slaves owned full-time nonproductive ample, than seeing to the by free coloreds were Alexis La domestic needs of working chisseuse Combe, a free guarteron, rented the one master. As an exin order (washerwoman) for six months services of to wash his sheets but at 48 livres a Rosalie, a blanSecondly, free coloreds to help in his business month, not, one presumes, "excessive" were discouraged ofhair care and displays > bylaw and (white) social wigmaking. than useful, of"style." Hordes of domestic convention from residents, Finally, free coloreds were natives servants were more which and thus they did not need of the colony, or at least impressive was an important role that domestic servants as cultural long-time fulfilled for new white higher-level intermediaries, Outside the immigrants. and valets Idometicn-mmghn cities and the were homes to slaves. It plantations, smaller was agricultural were, for the most part) small very common for a family of free establishments also hold divided about farmers to own a family of colored (as they for a white father evenly between servile and free slaves, with the houseofland and to will or donate to his members. It was not a family ofs slaves. In illegitimate colored unusual modest planteri in the an example of this offspring a small piece process, Sieur reaux of mountainous canton ofCotelettes in Louis Aramy, a ofslave fundeveloped land and 4 slaves to his Limonade, gave IO mistresses. 37 The children presumed children carers for a modest income: could rent the land and slaves with a succession for about 200 undeveloped land in coffee out to other plantfauralarausyear, and healthy adult country in Limonade rented slaves were worth between IOO an example of this offspring a small piece process, Sieur reaux of mountainous canton ofCotelettes in Louis Aramy, a ofslave fundeveloped land and 4 slaves to his Limonade, gave IO mistresses. 37 The children presumed children carers for a modest income: could rent the land and slaves with a succession for about 200 undeveloped land in coffee out to other plantfauralarausyear, and healthy adult country in Limonade rented slaves were worth between IOO --- Page 120 --- Slaebolding Practices . 93 and 150 liereslyear apiece; fortable for 400 to 600 livres a year could the land lifestyle a family in a rural area. procure a modest as very small planters, Alternatively, the but comnomic boom. hoping perhaps to children could work Many free colored advance with the just this way. planters of the "middling sort" ongoing ecoThe working got their start in ine, very different conditions of these peasant slaves work from those of their brethren would be, as one would demands a great variety of on large A imaghigher. More tasks, and thus the plantations. ofs variety skills means slaves' skill levels peasant's equal power relationship between greater value to the master and would be slaves on the plantations. For master and slave, as in the thus a less unPoupart, who example, the slave case oft the technical serf. On appears later in this Pierrot, belonging to the two occasions, during chapter, seems to have been the widow againin 1787, the times of economic next thing to a Pouparts leased a piece hardship for them, in Fons-Bleux, in the mountainous ofland belonging to them in 1779 and rot, described as south of Limonade,s the canton of the "guardian and caretaker of the On both occasions, property. At a rental of 1OO said place," was Pierhave been veryvaluable livres a year, neither the land rented along with serf, Pierrot had this was a peasant nor the slave must tachment no legal right to holding. Obviously, unlike a to this piece ofland accompany the land, but medieval labor force lived and was respected. The remainder nonetheless, his atSavane de worked on their principal ofthe Poupart slave free Limonade, a collection holding, in the area known as coloreds and most of them ofvery small farms, for the most the In producing part owned addition, as they often lived only food crops. by ant slaves would have social in the same house with their timate than those ofthe relations with their owners that masters, these peasriods oftimefield hands, Their were much more -the Pouparts had masters retained them infound themselves forced owned Pierrot for at for longer pecould be to rent him-and least fifty years before good or bad, as in the even then, they they tion homes. case oft the domestic retained title. This Opportunities for sexual servants in the great in these circumstances. exploitation of female slaves white plantaamong free coloreds than However, since family structure were certainly among peasant slave among whites, sexual was much stronger ter and his slave families, and in general, the exploitation was not as was a much less grife child ofa pronounced master and his slave. common figure than the mulatto mixed-race masHaving relied child of a white on Debien, Geggus, and holdings of the colony, we turn Trouillot to describe the reveals about the now to the sample of notarial white slaveunreported minority. We begin by acts and see what it looking more closely at the among peasant slave among whites, sexual was much stronger ter and his slave families, and in general, the exploitation was not as was a much less grife child ofa pronounced master and his slave. common figure than the mulatto mixed-race masHaving relied child of a white on Debien, Geggus, and holdings of the colony, we turn Trouillot to describe the reveals about the now to the sample of notarial white slaveunreported minority. We begin by acts and see what it looking more closely at the --- Page 121 --- 94 . In Society and the Economy ethnic subcategories of slaves owned pare with those reported by free coloreds and distinctions by other scholars. examine how as > Colonial practice they comIn order to understand "nationalities," and that practice is respected was to refer to these ored masters dealt with important differences in the here. color, status, and their slaves, it is way European and free colethnic important to understand to use, these variables origin within the slave the variables of labor force. in order to improve the community: Masters used, or tried Mulatre, productivity and quiescence of their European heritage. grife, quarteron, and other terms refer to or mixed-race free Slaves of mixed heritage were combinations of African and fathers were under extremely as offspring were freed. Debien's strong social pressure uncommon, to see to it that white plantations in Saint compilation of 3,568 slaves their sons, or 2 percent. 39 Domingue between 1760 and 1785i living on white-owned includes 68 on sugar plantations Gegguss and sample contains about 2.7 mixed-race perof 4,197 slaves either 1.6 percent on coffee percent mixed-race slaves color owned by free of establishments. 40 Ofthe themselves who appearin notarial persons color or becoming free compilation number includes all those acts, 531 were of mixed race. persons of ored masters. When obtaining liberty, whether However, this appear in the one omits those granted by white or free coland notarial record and slave receiving children freedom in the act in which presumably destined for under age 12 owned they Much more common freedom, there were by a relative "nation" in were the creole black slaves. only 87, or 2.I percent. Debien's records: They were cent. 41 Geggus found 2,041 of3.568 slaves were the most common and that 56 percent of born in the colony;, or 1792 were creoles, while he found slaves on sugar plantations 57 peruncommon on coffee plantations that Creoles, at 36 between 1760 slaves of free coloreds: in that period. Creoles percent, were relatively recorded fell in this only 1,314 of the 3,617in the were also uncommon as that many free coloreds category, or 36 percent. 42 This sample is for whom "nation" was in were coffee partially a result of the fact Geggus's work for the high plantation owners. However, the survey was that those plantations proportion of bossales on coffee reason given not had time to creolize. The were relatively new, and SO the plantations in his the first set upi in most coffee plantations ownedi free populations had most creolized areas, SO one would by coloreds were ofthe coffee sector. normally expect them to among slaves than did their latecomer However, free coloreds owned be among the Bossales were the white neighbors. no more creole sample. The single largest group of different > slaves owned by free ers because they "nations," Or origins within Africa, coloreds in the their slaves: certain thought these differences resulted in were important to own- "nations" were thought to be different outcomes with more tractable, others stronger ized areas, SO one would by coloreds were ofthe coffee sector. normally expect them to among slaves than did their latecomer However, free coloreds owned be among the Bossales were the white neighbors. no more creole sample. The single largest group of different > slaves owned by free ers because they "nations," Or origins within Africa, coloreds in the their slaves: certain thought these differences resulted in were important to own- "nations" were thought to be different outcomes with more tractable, others stronger --- Page 122 --- Slaveholding Practices . 95 others healthier, and soi forth. better suited to skilledl labor, including orharder working, some visible in slaves of different "nations," cultural infuences were differences in the market. Certain differences and some very marked to their owners and served as some cultural "national" origin of slaves was veryi important acts and plantation registers. The them in notarial origin, means of identifying the of"national" the principal of slaves of mixed race were aristocracy esteemed, but even among The small number Bossales were the least from and after them came the creoles. of value. The Congos and their neighbors Africans there was a ranking and potential purthe common "national" designation, contact with central Africa were the most more civilized because of their He also of them as somewhat to Moreau de St. Méry." chasers thought their home country, according for and SO feCatholicism in responsible agriculture, women in Congo were primarily thought ofSenegalese says that fieldwork were often Congos. Planters less than the male slaves placed in hard workers, but they were healthy rice. Bambaras slaves as sober, discreet, quiet, staple was the less well rounded Africans since their dietary the were considered central indolent and likely to steal, Mandingues as woodswere thought to be the Sosos were looked upon good Guinea and but good workers, from modern cruel as overseers fields. Most ofthe slaves this a selling men and guardians for outlying Moreau de St. Méry, at least, considered to describe north were Muslims, and offensive adjectives in his sprécis of slave origins of modern Lipoint. He uses the most west and central Africa. The slaves trade slaves of forest to the colony by the interloper the "idolatrous" brought Enberia and Cote d'Ivoire were mostly Moreau de St. Méry, the rejects ofthe and were thus, said ever had any discipline probwith the English evidence that Zabeau Bellanton who respectno commands gish-theres to have been the sort of person areas were likely lems, but then she seems though, that people from these oft the Gold ful obedience. Colonists worried, revolt and desertion. The slaves interested all sorts ofcrimes, including be and pretentious but to commit Slave Coast were thought to lazy that the Ibos were more Coast and the Potential purchasers feared value to their masin commerce and marketing, other slaves, and this lowered their the to suicide than already in potential susceptible of fellow countrymen women were unless there was a large group to the newcomer. Arada ter, workforce to provide support consider them as master's slave wisdom, sO masters would rarely quarrelsome, said conventional Debien's and Gegdomestic servants. African origins ofthe slaves in Both sugar and Table 3 presents the reported of slaves of free persons of color. for samples and in the sample articles are included here comparagus's figures from the Geggus figures to compare white to coffee plantation buti tit is best to use the coffee plantation free coloreds were tive purposes, as these were the type of plantations free colored slaveholdings, support consider them as master's slave wisdom, sO masters would rarely quarrelsome, said conventional Debien's and Gegdomestic servants. African origins ofthe slaves in Both sugar and Table 3 presents the reported of slaves of free persons of color. for samples and in the sample articles are included here comparagus's figures from the Geggus figures to compare white to coffee plantation buti tit is best to use the coffee plantation free coloreds were tive purposes, as these were the type of plantations free colored slaveholdings, --- Page 123 --- 96 . In Society and the Economy TABLE 3 African Origins 0fBossale Slaves on Plantations in Saint Domingue as Compared to Those Owned by Free Coloreds BOSSALE SLAVES ON LARGE ALL BOSSALE SLAVES, FREE COLORED WHITE-OWNED SEPARATED BY TYPE OWNED BOSSALE PLANTATIONS* OF PLANTATIONS SLAVES* PERCENT PERCENT PERCENT PERCENT OF OF ALL ON SUGAR ON COFFEE ALL WITH AFRICAN ORIGIN BOSSALES PLANTATIONS PLANTATIONS KNOWN ORIGINS Senegal 0.7 1.4 0.7 2.7 Gambie D n/a n/a 0.06 Mandingue 0.4 3.0 2.9 2.7 Fula 0.2 0.7 0.4 0.6 Dia 0.2 n/a n/a U Bambara 5.1 4.0 2.0 2.3 Cap Labon n/a n/a 0.06 Senegambia region 6.9 6.0 8.5 Soso 1.3 1.2 0.3 0.9 Miserable 1.0 n/a n/a 0.8 Mesurade 0.9 2.5 0.9 0.7 Timbo 0.6 2.5 1.1 1.0 Guinea and Liberia region 3.9 2.3 3.4 1.7 0.5 Capelot Coromanti 0.2 0.5 Cote d'Or 1.0 0.9 0.7 0.3 Fonevas n/a n/a 0.06 Ivory Coast and Gold Coast region 3.0 0.7 1.4 Arada 8.4 10.5 8.9 11.3 11.8 8.9 5.5 7.1 Nago Mina 3.0 3.4 1.0 1.3 Thiamba 2.8 2.5 1.1 2.3 Barba 0.8 0.1 0.2 Foeda 1.2 1.9 0.6 Adia 1.1 2.0 0.7 1.3 Cotocoli 0.8 0.3 1.5 Malle 0.4 n/a n/a n/a n/a 0.1 Ataqa n/a n/a 0.06 Ajouba Slave Coast region 29.6 17.3 25.8 --- Page 124 --- Slaveholding Practices . 97 Bossale Slaves on Plantations in Saint Domingue African Origins of1 Orned bry Free Coloreds (continued) as Compared to Those BOSSALE SLAVES SLAVES, FREE COLORED- - ON LARGE ALL BOSSALE OWNED BOSSALE WHITE-OWNED SEPARATED BY TYPE SLAVES PLANTATIONS* OF PLANTATION PERCENT PERCENT OF PERCENT PERCENT ON COFFEE ALL WITH OF ALL ON SUGAR PLANTATIONS KNOWN ORIGINS BOSSALES PLANTATIONS AFRICAN ORIGIN 2.3 8.6 3.9 2.5 0.4 Ibo 0.6 0.7 0.4 0.2 Hausa n/a n/a 0.3 Aguga 0.1 ATED BY TYPE SLAVES PLANTATIONS* OF PLANTATION PERCENT PERCENT OF PERCENT PERCENT ON COFFEE ALL WITH OF ALL ON SUGAR PLANTATIONS KNOWN ORIGINS BOSSALES PLANTATIONS AFRICAN ORIGIN 2.3 8.6 3.9 2.5 0.4 Ibo 0.6 0.7 0.4 0.2 Hausa n/a n/a 0.3 Aguga 0.1 1.3 Bobo/Bibi 1.3 0.4 Fond 0.6 n/a n/a Aguia 10.9 5.2 3.1 Benin/Calabar region 4.2 2.2 1.8 2.5 0.2 Mondogue 47.7 Ouango 44.8 40.8 63.9 Congo 68.1 50.1 46.6 43.3 Central Africa region 1.5 0.4 4.8 4.1 Other Esclaves, 64-65. Debien got his counts from reports sent These figures are drawn from Debien, Les absentee in France, thus these figures represent plantation managers to their employers by professional of slaves owned by prosperous white planters, 1760-1791. the population Cultivation," $ 81, using figures for the north provbThese figures are from Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee ofsources including reports to absenfor 1775-1791. Geggus drew his counts from a wide range a more general ince smaller producers, bills of sale. These figures represent tee owners and records kept by cross-section of the slave population in the colony. records executed by free coloreds in the colony, 1776-1791. *From a sample of notarial we look at the these figures at length, though, most likely to own. Before analyzing comparative value of these different nationalities. it is unclear how ofMoreau de St. Méry, Once we put aside the stereotypes used in notarial acts would have "national" designations useful these sweeping understand his slave's culture. A plethora of been as a tool to help the slave owner ethnicities that provide most of the the large smaller ethnic groups interpenetrated One wonders, for example, at the "national" designations (Bambara, Ibo, Hausa). in Togo, and numbers ofMinas, a small coastal ethnic group invery large reported of Ewes, a large ethnic group living just the absolute absence in both samples the stereotypes used in notarial acts would have "national" designations useful these sweeping understand his slave's culture. A plethora of been as a tool to help the slave owner ethnicities that provide most of the the large smaller ethnic groups interpenetrated One wonders, for example, at the "national" designations (Bambara, Ibo, Hausa). in Togo, and numbers ofMinas, a small coastal ethnic group invery large reported of Ewes, a large ethnic group living just the absolute absence in both samples --- Page 125 --- 98 . In Society and the Economy land ofthe Mina. One wonders byt the Minas or at Mina castle." s if"Mina" just meant "someone sold than the port from which Some ofthe "national" to Europeans ample, entered the Aclantic the slave embarked for the designations mean no more but might have slave trade from the coast colonies. Aradas, for exrior of those come from any one of the more than of modern Togo and Benin specific. So, for countries. Occasionally Africans' ethnic 70 ethnic groups oft the intePrince, example, the free black designations got described herself as Lucrèce, making her will in excessively the "nation," n being of the "nation" 1777in Port-aulais.45 François Thomas dit Bangouya. 44 A fellow Now, as it happens, Salmigoudy, made his will in native of 1,500 in the 1990s) abour Bangouya is a small town (with 1782 in MirebaGuinea. Its 70 kilometers north of a population around people are of mixed Peuhl Kindia in the modern having come to the area in the (Fulani) and Soso ethnic Republic of ofthe Fouta Djallon highlands eighteenth century as part oft the origin, the Peuhl The village has a debatable and having reduced the Soso to Fulani occupation theocratic tradition of political slavery at that time. kingdom in the mountains. independence from point what "nation" they Clearly, these the Fulani common in both the came from and they gave the people were asked at some is another sample and Debienswerer the name oft their village. More village in the modern "Timbo" or Dalaba in the Fouta Republic of Guinea, about "Timbouts." Timbo lon Fulani kingdom Djallon. However, Timbo was the 50 kilometers east of during the period capital of the propriate to describe people from under study, SO it would be Fouta Djalalthough the "nationalities" this area as coming from the somewhat apor Fula.4 used in all three "nation" ofTimbo Other samples also include the Peuhl non-ethnic titles ports the presence of four snuckinto the ethnic his sample of; plantation persons described as categorization being of the system. Debien reSoninke. slaves. Dia is a common Dia "nation" among sept name among the Fulani and Keeping these caveats in African cultural mind, we clearly see that there masters, by practices and values among the were some survivals of fact seeking to know the Haitian slave to their advantage. "nation" oftheir population. Slave and political traditions John Thornton noted the property, were striving to use this Saint from the Kingdom of continuity of African Domingue in his article "I Am Congo to the slave rebel military much ofThorntons work has a Subject of the King of "47 armies of cultural survivals served to explore and Congo." In fact, rica among slaves in the Americas. enlarge our view of andAfiam in the Making The second half ofl African The traditional ofthe Atlantic World his book. AF area are closely religions of the Slave Coast of concentrates on this subject. 48 related to Haitian voodoo. west Africa and of the David Geggus discusses the Congo African Congo to the slave rebel military much ofThorntons work has a Subject of the King of "47 armies of cultural survivals served to explore and Congo." In fact, rica among slaves in the Americas. enlarge our view of andAfiam in the Making The second half ofl African The traditional ofthe Atlantic World his book. AF area are closely religions of the Slave Coast of concentrates on this subject. 48 related to Haitian voodoo. west Africa and of the David Geggus discusses the Congo African --- Page 126 --- Slaveholding Practices . 99 linguistic links in his article tradition as revealed by ofvoodoo litroots ofthe Haitian religious Century." n 49 Various fragments of a chant in "Haitian Voodoo in the Eighteenth including a fragment from the period, traditions were being have been preserved identifiable African urgy de St. Méry, and specific and Moreau favored African cultural surinvoked,o of slave society in Saint Domingue small huts and were encouraged The structure slaves lived in family units in farms. In the few vivals inasmuch as sustenance on provision-ground seem to much oftheir own of one's ethnic group to produce in the sample, members for informal relationships. examples of slave marriages the same held true ethnic fragmentaas be favored partners has presumably, it that masters practiced conscious to suicide if not Conventional wisdom comments on the Ibo's tendency case. but Moreau de St. Méry's this in at least one specific tion, fellow ethnics seems to contradict with most plantations surrounded by of ethnic concentration, Debien's records show a pattern oft the total workforce. at least a quarter real cultural having one group comprising successful slave owners were at identifying to their advanItis unclear exactly how ethnic groups and using them some different African-born labor force. Geggus reports traits among productive or less restive to different to assemble a more who were assigned tage differences among African nationalities especially favored as sugar mill significant with Hausa, for example, being how much actual advantage specialized tasks, Regardless of in and Bambaras as craftsmen: thought that differencesi workers from these maneuvers, slave owners clearly permits us to assess the differthey gained differences in utility. The sample "nations." > "nation" implied value of slaves from the different were clearly worth signifiences in market for and gender, some "nations" de St. Méry, When corrected age the given byl Moreau than others. Contraryt to impression to have been worth somewhat cantly more value of 2,006 lires, seem ofManCongos, with an average more feminine populations aged and significantly sought-after Seneless than comparably and Ibos, at 2,047liures. The supposedly owe most dingues, at 2,110 liures, value of f2,016 lires, probably slaves in the sample, with an average -they averaged 23-5 years of age, galese value to their remarkable youth- Debien notes the changing patof their superior under the average for all bossales. Coast declining almost five years the period, with Slave imports for the greater tern of slave imports throughout from Congo; this would account thus their lesser and being replaced by shipments in the sample and even the ofthe Arada and Nago population descriptor without average age however, the Arada, a "national" commanded a higher value.s3] Interestingly, ethnic validity, at 1,9494 liures, nonetheless Nago, slightest cultural or identical, in terms of geographic origin, a than the nearly artached posiprice on the market de St. Méry, white society in general liures. Like Moreau at 1,785 ; this would account thus their lesser and being replaced by shipments in the sample and even the ofthe Arada and Nago population descriptor without average age however, the Arada, a "national" commanded a higher value.s3] Interestingly, ethnic validity, at 1,9494 liures, nonetheless Nago, slightest cultural or identical, in terms of geographic origin, a than the nearly artached posiprice on the market de St. Méry, white society in general liures. Like Moreau at 1,785 --- Page 127 --- IOO . In Society and the Economy this image was "Arada. n Transmitted to free coloreds, the differtive image to the description livres a head (taking into account of about 1OO to 150 during the period worth an average balance between the two populations) ences in age and gender between creole slaves under study. the difference in the market were more It is more difficult to judge would have been that creoles bossales. Certainly the presumption and is borne out by our knowledge and is Moreau de St. Méry's position of value is the use of an valuable; this In addition, an indirect measure for high-status occuofother slave societies3 would ordinarilyl be stated only would that description occupational description thatreceived an occupational pations. The percentage ofa group value of also be a rough measure ofvalue. coloreds in the sample, with an average an averAdult bossale slaves of free valuable than adult creole slaves, with of liures, were only slightly less a moderately higher proportion 1,987 livres. On the other hand, as to 6.I pervalue of 2,048 percent opposed age rated occupational designations-.0 higher among the bossale slaves of these top-quality slaves was slightly slaves as opposed to cent-and the value livres for the bossale high-value valued their creole Affican-born slaves-2,942 Thus, free coloreds liures for the creole slave specialists. 2,876 slaves more or less equally. value of these two and bossale from the perception of the comparative de St. Méry and, indeed, This differs sharply careful observer Moreau Results in this ofslaves held by the very observers of slave societies. all groups received wisdom from most in the colony as a whole, from the it can safely be assumed that than bossale slaves. Obsample nonwithstanding, creole slaves were more valuable detailed statistical surother things being equal, de St. Méry at the time to the very Cuban slave market servations from Moreau and colleagues of the of slaves that conducted in 1995 by Laird Bergad different about the types vey There was clearly something values upon them, tell us this.s5 owned, Or the ways they placed the free coloreds of this colony result. slaves in this which would produce this anomalous high value placed on bossale Creole slaves for the anomalously many of the The explanation slaveholdings is twofold. First, would be likely sample of free coloreds' bound for manumission. Masters reduce in the sample were quasi-free Or valuation of these slaves down in order to in reducthe reported Or assessed would also have an interest to keep the manumission. Slaves or inforthe tax assessed on ifthere was some unspoken a value, especially In addition, ing the reported or assessed between them and their master. capacity for self-purchase in productive mal agreement to make a long-term investment to have some master might be tempted although freed slaves were expected or wellin a slave he expected to keep; it would take an exceptionally generous for their support, skill Or resources valuation of these slaves down in order to in reducthe reported Or assessed would also have an interest to keep the manumission. Slaves or inforthe tax assessed on ifthere was some unspoken a value, especially In addition, ing the reported or assessed between them and their master. capacity for self-purchase in productive mal agreement to make a long-term investment to have some master might be tempted although freed slaves were expected or wellin a slave he expected to keep; it would take an exceptionally generous for their support, skill Or resources --- Page 128 --- Slaveholding Practices . IOI this requirement as he would in increasoff master to invest as much in fulfilling ofhis permanent labor force. ing the productivity was free coloreds' cultural attitudes toSecond, and perhaps more importantly, from which the free coloreds or ward their creole slaves. In the African societies "domestic" and "trade" slaves were divided linto two groups: their ancestors sprang, born in the master's household or village and thus slaves.s6 "Domestic" slaves were could not be sold members of the society; they typically had some rights as junior had to work a piece ofland assigned to without judicial approval and often rights of several genmight mutate into a semi-free peasantry over a period them. They from afar. Their rights were much erations. "Trade" slaves were those purchased the master's land or traded and they could be put to work directly on more limited, Free coloreds were much more likely to own African-born freely in the market. The majority of their creole slaves slaves than were the white plantation owners. of free coloreds' creole slaves the children of their bossales. The average age were that of their bossale slaves was 28.4 years. Thus, the creoles was 17-9 years, whereas while the bossales were the "trade" slaves, subcan be seen as the"domestic" slaves To the extent that African culture influin the market. ject to commodification in this case it seems that it had a significant influenced the free coloreds-and different and much more important economic ence - the bossale slaves fulfilled a for specialist training, as their role. They were the more appropriate candidates within cultural mores. They for financial gain work could be more easily exploited and thus their value as could be commodified on the market much more easily, (for an act of notarial act would tend to be inflated as much as possible stated in a value would be deflated (for an act of manumission). sale), whereas the creoles' the free coloreds seem to have collected workthe African-born slaves, Among "nations. 7 Free coloreds seem to have owned forces composed of the most prized Muslim slaves than their white coffeeof the sought-after a higher proportion also owned more ofthe despised English "rejects" planting counterparts, but they Bellanton's stock in trade). The Sene- (although almost a third ofthese are Zabeau common among free colgambians, favored by Moreau de St. Méry, were more of all slaves than they were in the other two samples (8.2 percent oreds' holdings of plantation slaves in Debien's sample owned by free coloreds versus 7.0 percent sample). The "idolatrous" of coffee plantation slaves in Geggus's and 6.0 percent less common in the free coloreds' slave Slave Coast slaves, again, were marginally Geggus's finding that these labor forces than on the larger plantations, replicating estates. The possibly less common on coffee plantations than on sugar slaves were found in the hands of free suicidal but hard-working Ibos were more commonly coloreds than white planters. differences in ethnic makeup of the serDebien attributes much of the internal The "idolatrous" of coffee plantation slaves in Geggus's and 6.0 percent less common in the free coloreds' slave Slave Coast slaves, again, were marginally Geggus's finding that these labor forces than on the larger plantations, replicating estates. The possibly less common on coffee plantations than on sugar slaves were found in the hands of free suicidal but hard-working Ibos were more commonly coloreds than white planters. differences in ethnic makeup of the serDebien attributes much of the internal --- Page 129 --- IO2 . In Society and the Economy differences in the age ofthe plantaforces that he found in his sample to had a much higher proportion vile labor Debien noted, ofthe relatively tion itself.s7 The coffee plantations, He felt this was a result records than did the sugar plantations. He cites several plantation ofCongos of coffee as a major crop. slave import market was steadily recent development show that Congos share ofthe the gives to on otherhand, from the 1750S the last halfofthe century. Geggus, out that those naincreasing throughout of the sugar planters, pointing men to sugar weight to the preferences more oftheir going some considered stronger, on average, found 58 This may be a result ofthe tionalities women going to the mountains. board the slave ships plantations and more who could often in power of the sugar growers, individuals they wanted advance greater buying in harbor and pick out the when they arrived their start in the preof a general sale. colored landowners frequendy got free of"nations" Since many large tend to reflect the distribution were the most their labor forces might to Debien, Ibos 1750 period, time. In fact, referring once again coming in second common at that with the Slave Coast "nations" slaveholdings common "nation" in 1755-57, found in the free colored ofthe Congos, reflecting the pattern ahead ratios and the distribuin the sample:" would influence both bossale-creole was the relatively Another factor that the free coloreds' workforces African "nations" among free colored proprietors. tion of of slaves experienced by on the large lower mortality and morbidity deaths per 1,000 population per year Debien's estimate of 50 to 60 than the rate observed among free coloreds' in appears to be much higher but of the 4,197 slaves appearing plantations can be precise, ofthe notarslaves. 60 Of course, no estimate have died during the course of Fexecution OI 38 are stated to the slave in question was leased part this sample, deaths occurred while for the price ial act. Most ofthese the lessor or executor was responsible There are 153 rental ofan administered inheritance; accounted for. and thus they were carefully for durations of apof the dead slave approximately seven slaves, accountcontracts in the sample averaging inheritances Or wardship four years. There are 170 disputed with durations of approximately proximately four slaves each, mortality for ings, containing approcimately data suggests a "background" fewer slaves died, This admittedly fragmentary per year. If ten years. coloreds of about 35 per 1,000 share of the work slaves owned by free and would thus make up a greater in earlier decades bossales would live longer of slaves imported the ethnic balance of populations than on the white-owned force, and in the free coloreds' workforce find Ibos and the other would persist longer reasons, it is not a surprise to whites' slave plantations. For all these free coloreds' than among nationalities more numerous among older populations. per year. If ten years. coloreds of about 35 per 1,000 share of the work slaves owned by free and would thus make up a greater in earlier decades bossales would live longer of slaves imported the ethnic balance of populations than on the white-owned force, and in the free coloreds' workforce find Ibos and the other would persist longer reasons, it is not a surprise to whites' slave plantations. For all these free coloreds' than among nationalities more numerous among older populations. --- Page 130 --- Slavebolding Practices - 103 to the long term, could afford coloreds, as investors with an eye quick returns and Moreover, free wanted. White planters, seeking a time as poswait for the slaves that they as in as short to their workforces as much possible would have to take whatdesperate to increase veryl high mortality, ahead oftheir that white-owned sible, Or at least to stay market. It is not surprising, therefore, created was offered on the establishments ever the large number of Fcoffee-growing in the supposedlyl lowerplantations, especially had henyinvestmentsi in the third quarter ofthe century, label. quality "nations." * in notarial acts by an occupational described complimentary Slaves were occasionally when they were used, were uniformly as a field hand or These occupational titles, Thus, no slave would be described tide instead ofs simply descriptive. describing their slaves by an occupational leaderact. Masters could be given laborer in a notarial the slave's apparent value. Slaves Boss slaves were alwere seeking to enhance (commander, OI boss slave). by a leadership titles, usually commandeur (only one female was described male in the sample slaves were generally exceptionally most exclusively notarial act in the sample). These specialists. Most ship title in a as tradesmen or technical Slaves could also be designated the slaves, such as carpenters, valuable. skilled trades were represented among these trades had often fultraditional Slaves practicing wheelwrights, and coopers. and were qualified journeynan masons, with free skilled tradesmen craftsmen, were bossales who filled apprenticelhips their trade, while some, especially slaves might be classipractitioners of Africa with useful skills. Finally, servants come from Possession of domestic had apparently of various descriptions. to commit their fied as domestic servants free coloreds owned few, preferring but for status, but also served in the military, was important workers. Slaves because limited resources to productive notarial act, it was almost always mentioned in a have not been when this service was Thus military occupational designators that slave was being freed. free coloreds. considered at all in this chapter. of all slaves owned by the reslaves made up about 4 percent one-tenth were supervisors, and Specialist one-halfwere domestics, different occupations were Ofthese, about The mean values of the and 2,618 liures mainder technical specialists. 3,162 licures for technical specialists, When we take liures for leadership types, was 1,751 liures. 3,520 for the entire population older than the averfor domestics. The average the were generally the fact that specialists by the specialized into consideration the added value represented and a half for the population as a whole, were almost two age more marked: leadership types technical and dotraining becomes even of nonspecialists, while as a comparable group valuable than a comparable times as valuable around one and a half times more mestic slaves were grouping 61 we take liures for leadership types, was 1,751 liures. 3,520 for the entire population older than the averfor domestics. The average the were generally the fact that specialists by the specialized into consideration the added value represented and a half for the population as a whole, were almost two age more marked: leadership types technical and dotraining becomes even of nonspecialists, while as a comparable group valuable than a comparable times as valuable around one and a half times more mestic slaves were grouping 61 --- Page 131 --- 104 . In Society and the Economy between slaves owned by free difference slaves in the The gender ratio was anotherimportant slaves studied by Debien, and, indeed, Atlantic were coloreds and the plantation ofthe slaves who crossed the male- - Caribbean in general. About 65 percent slave population was predominandy females male. 62 The general Saint Domingue the source. Bergad et al. note that depending on slave in their about 55 to 60 percent, percent of the Cuban population cenbetween 40 and 45 balanced during the nineteenth comprised becoming more records contain disprosample, with ratios gradually collaborators do point out that their to balance tury.es Bergad and his of female slaves as Cuban masters sought This factor portionate numbers of sales forces in response to a cutoff fofimports. when ratios of their work several percentage points the gender number offemale slaves by Slave Market do. the apparent authors of The Cuban exaggerates only sales contracts, as the be more equal on smaller habitations. considering ratios tended to ratios that Itis also true that gender plantation workforces had gender this can be exGeggus actually found that sugar than those on coffee estates, but better balanced 64 The few sugar planwere a few percent creolization on the sugar plantations about 70 men.s plained by the greater coloreds in the sample employed percent more even tations owned by free small, and thus one would expect Most free colored slaveholdings were male big sugar plantations. ratios than on the overwhelmingly the marked predominance offemale of gender these factors do not explain as the sample However, even free people of color, especially wills, slaves owned by Saint Domingue's contracts contains many death inventories, ratio would notarial acts along with sales other acts in which the reported gender of sales of fentire plantations, and Bergad et al. suggest. An imposing owned 57 percent by free be skewed in the fashion ofadult creoles not and an even more surprising 64 percent bossale slaves were female. of free colored masters coloreds in the sample lie in the relative poverty and thus Part of the explanation may Female slaves were fractionally cheaper the difwhen compared to white planters. free colored masters. However, of the were more appealing to penurious Females cost about 94 percent few perhaps price was not marked. have been greater by a ference in reported The price difference may for males in the sample. In Bergad's Cuban populations, price in white-owned populations. for females between 1790 percentage points greater than prices for males were about IO percent after that time). 66 In addition, Debien lays prices 1810 (and were approximately equal thus on white slave owners' willingness and of slaves and great stress on the shortage slave that was offered.s female slaves, the posalmost any masters for to purchase offree colored The explain the preference must be considered. To fully cultural survivals in free colored society slaves has been proposed sibility of African slave owners showed for female preference that African populations. for females between 1790 percentage points greater than prices for males were about IO percent after that time). 66 In addition, Debien lays prices 1810 (and were approximately equal thus on white slave owners' willingness and of slaves and great stress on the shortage slave that was offered.s female slaves, the posalmost any masters for to purchase offree colored The explain the preference must be considered. To fully cultural survivals in free colored society slaves has been proposed sibility of African slave owners showed for female preference that African --- Page 132 --- Slavebolding Practices . 1O5 Atlantic slave trade. 68 Females ofmen in the as wives without as one reason for the predominance kin group, goes the theory, serving divided loyalties increased the slave owner's and provided children without troubleinconvenient brothers or fathers, while male slaves were potential Thus, often matrilineal societies, Europeans. in what were for useful products from labor-hungry inland where slaves enmakers best exchanged valuable than males at the point where European female slaves were more SO fewer made it to the coast we have seen. tered the Atlantic slave trade circuit, affected slaves' view ofthe world, as free colAfrican values behavior, records were kept. also molded their free cousins' To the extent that these values slaves is comprehensible. were oreds' preference for female rates of slaves on white-owed plantations them. In As demonstrated above, fertility by slave owners in increasing despite expressions ofi interest fertile. For 1,072 women aged 15 quite low, free coloreds' slaves were highly infant mortality striking contrast, under age 5- Assuming 40 percent for any there were 316 persons a reasonable assumption to 44, the figure for modern Haiti and of413 children per up to age 5, about population, this works out to a ferilityindex slave population staneightenth-century birthrate by Caribbean plantations women, a rather impressive of 356 for coffee 1,000 favorably with Geggus's figure is even more striking dards. This compares 1755-919 This figure (much larger 1767-92 and 328 for sugar plantations of the adult population considers that a large proportion as adults without when one plantations) were bossales, imported stress that would than on the white-owned to disease and psychological children, usually, and subject creole mothers in the sample began their reduce their fertility. Whereas their first recorded be expected to of 20.3 years, bossale women had childbearing at an average age 21.6. Giving up at least one physically possible child more than a year later, at age population nonetheless far outperformed then, this besale-dominated slave population in the production pregnancy, white-owned plantation the creole-dominated whole in the Caribbean has offuture Haitians. decreasei in slave populations as a had little value in the The steady natural field to the conclusion that children wisdom led most students ofthe them. Thus, conventional to the cost of maintaining owners were not economically momarket compared strategies among slave Even in the Amerihas it that pro-fertility absence oflimitations on slave imports. the first half of tivated, at least in the increased dramatically throughout for where slave numbers slave imports, slave breeding can South, in the absence of legal ofthe period. 70 the nineteenth century economic history 77 according to the foremost Domingue, it is profit was a "myth," logic to the economy ofSaint An adult creole Applying Fogel and Engerman's even less viable economically. under policies were during the period clear that pro-natalist between 1,500 and 2,000 liures workerin good health cost of tivated, at least in the increased dramatically throughout for where slave numbers slave imports, slave breeding can South, in the absence of legal ofthe period. 70 the nineteenth century economic history 77 according to the foremost Domingue, it is profit was a "myth," logic to the economy ofSaint An adult creole Applying Fogel and Engerman's even less viable economically. under policies were during the period clear that pro-natalist between 1,500 and 2,000 liures workerin good health cost --- Page 133 --- I06 . In Society and the Esonomy study. Food for the slaves would expense. One act in the be the largest of in the sample gives a component their colony at a small store owned "market basket" ofbulk maintenance ner, Marie Josephe, in Fort by a Sieur Guillemet and his commodity prices A sack (of about Dauphin in 1785, a free black 20 kilograms) of year of peace and parta pot (about two liters) of rice cost 12 livres, a sack (relative) plenty. peppers 3 livres. 71 The cheap cooking lard I livre 5 sols, ofbeans and 8, lires 5sols, six pounds of starches weekly ration established in the a pound of chili and two Code Noir for ports that masters usually pounds of salt beef or three of fish.72 slaves was food forones slave for replaced the meat with Debien rea year beans and oils or cost about 175 livres. In purchased at wholesale byt the lard. Therefore, clothing (the addition to food, there were grasserie Guillemet would for fouryards of cloth a secondary 5 to 8, livres apiece), year specified byt the Code Noir expenses such as housed a of housing (a new case à sold at family five or six, and negres cost about 150 livres thegraserie ing major renovation), and medical might be expected to last a decade to build, provision grounds, care. Many masters before needthemselves expected them to grow a provided their slaves with (contrary to the goodly proportion of their produce some of the other requirements ofthe Code Noir), and used sustenance least gives some idea of goods needed on the slave labor to the cost to maintain plantation, but this capacitylost to the primary a slave, either in cash or calculation at tation records and crop. Debien has in came up with a calculated the cost off food productive given to the first gang workers: somewhat higher figure, based from planniers a day, or about he estimated that daily on better rations less than that of 465 livres a year. 73 A child's sustenance cost 25sols 6 dean adult, but how ration would Even using the lower much less is unclear. certainly have been not have been financially figure derived from the sample, woman needs profitable for Saint raising slave children to be taken off heavy labor Domingue slave owners. A must delivery and then needs to devote for several months on pregnant ing for her child at least at least a significant either side ofher forits first minority ofher from, at the latest, its third year oflife. The child must be time to carany significant economic year oflife until age 9 or IO before it fed by the owner must reach its midteens contribution to the plantation can begin to make and childhood before it becomes as valuable whatsoever, and the child mortality ran about as an adult ing into account 5o percent, or worker. Infant support provided for the Twenty SO years hood) at even I5O liures a children who did not ofsupport (takfor an adult's year-abour two-thirds ofthe survive to adultworker sustenance Or one-third of Debien's estimate from the rapidly becomes unprofitable. estimate- for each sample Once again, the new adult into consideration. non-cconomic Creole value of slaves to free slaves, born in the owner's coloreds must be taken houschold, in the African , or worker. Infant support provided for the Twenty SO years hood) at even I5O liures a children who did not ofsupport (takfor an adult's year-abour two-thirds ofthe survive to adultworker sustenance Or one-third of Debien's estimate from the rapidly becomes unprofitable. estimate- for each sample Once again, the new adult into consideration. non-cconomic Creole value of slaves to free slaves, born in the owner's coloreds must be taken houschold, in the African --- Page 134 --- Slaveholding Practices . I07 and increased members of the household master were junior or second-class slave's value to his free colored SO paradigm, Thus, a creole the more the owner's social position. in terms of a market price, cannot be measured that such a slave would ever enter in Saint Domingue been significanty less likely sales where the objecsince it would have purchases from whites and by the market. Indeed, excluding only 67 of 249 slave sales contracts performed a the liberty of the slave, some of these contained tive was included creole slaves (and 36 percent of free free coloreds (26 percent) slaves), while creoles made up mixed bag of creole and bossale when one coloreds' slaveholdings. value of slaves is especially visible tended to have This attention to non-economic female slaves by free coloreds. They valconsiders the value ascribed to than did white owners. White masters in their slave labor forces were favored women men overwhelminglyf more on the plantation, but such as sugar ued women for some jobs also dominated most technical jobs more or positions. Men and other trades that were for leadership coachman, carpenter, mason, technical fields were open to refiner, cooper, in free society. However, some female. The less exclusively male valuable technical jobs were exclusively were all white women. Indeed, some very medical doctors trades profesional mostly is the healing by nonlicensed, best example medical care of slaves was provided ofvarious demen by law, but most or traditional medicine practitioners for free birth female, accoucheuses (midwives) midwife, was reserved or professional to this status. scriptions. The term sagefemme, who made it out of slavery might aspire Fort Dauphin in attendants, but accoucheuses widow of Pierre, lived in in the sample: Marie, her wealthier cross-town competitor, Two appear straightened circumstances, while land, and buildings on several somewhat and selling slaves, Their average Magdeleine Godin, was buying were described as accoucheuses. occasions." 74 Thirteen female slaves liures. could obtain higher-status value was 2,998 way in which women from Domestic slavery was another work-loss of privacy by moving drawbacks to domestic the of sexual jobs, but there were slave huts to the big house and domestic posibility roles in free the mostly single-family Nonetheless, women served in domesexploitation by their masters. their numbers in the sample: 48 of79 households in proportion to slaves averaged 2,427 livres colored were women. Female domestic tic slaves in the sample domestics averaged 2,925 liures). slaves were esin declared value (male though, it was as mothers that female value out of slave Among free coloreds, it was difficult to get economic with children over pecially valuable. Even though coloreds valued women slaves who nonetheless free livres. The 539 female slaves reproduction, Adult female slaves averaged 1,922 lieures, despite the fact those without. were worth an average 2,004 can be identified as mothers ,427 livres colored were women. Female domestic tic slaves in the sample domestics averaged 2,925 liures). slaves were esin declared value (male though, it was as mothers that female value out of slave Among free coloreds, it was difficult to get economic with children over pecially valuable. Even though coloreds valued women slaves who nonetheless free livres. The 539 female slaves reproduction, Adult female slaves averaged 1,922 lieures, despite the fact those without. were worth an average 2,004 can be identified as mothers --- Page 135 --- 108 . In Society and the Economy peak, while the average age was 32 years, past the productive This further reinforces the that their average age slaves was slightly lower at 30 years. for social as well as ecoof all adult female slave workforce was assembled view that the free colored's nomic reasons. MANUMISSION either freedbecause all free coloreds were the existo study manumission A custom SO crucial to It is important of freedmen. themselves or the descendants men our attention. common reason tence ofthe caste requires master and slave was an extremely acts inFamily relationship between the only reason. The sample ofnotarial whites and but by no means 539 were owned by for manumission, for 984 slaves. Ofthese, of mixed race, cludes acts of manumision of those freed by whites were persons Creoles outby free coloreds. Half free coloreds were black. of the slaves freed by with the proportion of creoles whereas 73 percent blacks freed by 267 to 170, whites. Females numbered bossales among free colored masters than among with both somewhat higher among a ratio ofa about two to one, being the newly free by whites were outnumbered males among of gender bias. However, showing the same degree by men, whereas groups of masters slave workforce that was dominated of freeing mostly women from a close to the proportion they comprised freed. coloreds freed women in something for about 40 percent ofthose free Children accounted members. Among free their total slave population. freed by whites were their family of whites, howof slaves In the case About 30 percent climbs slightly to 34 percent. be inferred from supporting coloreds, this percentage relationships had to were freely ever, all but a few of the family almost all of the family relationships data, while among free coloreds, the result of a foradmitted/s legal and official manumission was such an act, In the period under study, before a notary. In order to perform and indimal act of donation, performed title and needed to have special of the slave needed to prove of the colony. Such permissions the master from the chief administrators were required to pay a vidual permission request, but usually masters the eighteenth granted upon several times during were routinely The standard tax was increased 1,000 liures for an adult quite large tax. lirures for an adult female slave and the of the reaching 2,000 by governors century, in 1775, even though approved taxes in male in 1775- 76 The changes take effect for some time. Liberty taxes in that same year, did not actually mark until 1781 at the earliest. Liberty colonyi reach the 2,00oliures about 500 lirvres for the sample did not livres for a female slave and around 1,000 in the 17705 averaged Or reduction. absent some tax exemption a male, of the reaching 2,000 by governors century, in 1775, even though approved taxes in male in 1775- 76 The changes take effect for some time. Liberty taxes in that same year, did not actually mark until 1781 at the earliest. Liberty colonyi reach the 2,00oliures about 500 lirvres for the sample did not livres for a female slave and around 1,000 in the 17705 averaged Or reduction. absent some tax exemption a male, --- Page 136 --- Slavebolding Practices . 109 Slaves who had nursed their be waived OI reduced for cause. Or served in These taxes could them from maroons Or rebel plots, serthrough illnesses, saved Tax exemption for military masters benefited from tax amnesties. masters, as one would expect, the colonial military in wartime. Influential slave's case for a tax common in their vice was particularly the authorities of the merit slave was very lowfound it easier to convince where the economic value of the tax would ofreduction. Finally, in cases and those with crippling illnesses-the some means of slaves the slave had for aged or very young it could be established that ten be waived as long as finances. Debien after manumission. role in colonial support to have played an important "financial exigency." "It These taxes appear of the 1745 tax in Martinique to of the total colonial attributes the imposition would represent as a proportion cited Moreau what these revenues and 1789 by is unclear manumissions' between 1785 an anHowever, ifthe 1,765 livres each, this would produce budget. taxed at an average of1,500 ofthe livres were 43,236,316. de St. Méry liures, which is a healthy 1.2 percent cities ofthe colonyi in 1786. nual average of 529,500 ofslaves in the markets of the major of slaves and not sales spent on purchases that this represents only new imports This would also be the It seems from context sales of slaves born on the island. the or value added while bringing between plantations and would not include any that slave owners would wholesale market price consumers. Even SO, itisi impressive for new slave slaves to their ultimate noticeable proportion of their budget from to spend a manumissions have been willing senior slaves. The figure of1,765 were considpurchases on liberating more 78 Julien Raimond claims there used for this 1785-88 is from Moreau de St. Méry. but because the limited sample acts a figure of 204), of all notarial erably fewer (giving and includes about 4 percent The for that period Moreau de St. Méry." book contains 139 one is tempted to believe the average price for for the period under study, report is 1,996 lirures, while at 1,000 price of a slave in this 1786 was 2,011 livres -the tax, average between 1785 and 1789 in the sample the price of a new slave, a slaves noted therefore, was at least one-half case of a head, licvres for a slave in the self-purchase. to 2,000 sum for a slave owner, or unchecked in spite of these pretty significant manumissions continued reasonably evaded the tax. Slaves reIt appears that slave owners successfully in the sample for taxes, perhaps because many of all slaves appearing only manumission make up 23 percent between 1785 and 1789 make up ceiving slaves receiving manumission This is a minor all years, while in the sample during those years. be more comof all slaves appearing slave would 2I percent explained by the fact that purchases even ifsteadyin absovariation plausibly less common, thus proportionatdlyl mon, and manumissions before a notary and perlute terms, in peacetime. the master was free to appear Once the tax was paid, appearing only manumission make up 23 percent between 1785 and 1789 make up ceiving slaves receiving manumission This is a minor all years, while in the sample during those years. be more comof all slaves appearing slave would 2I percent explained by the fact that purchases even ifsteadyin absovariation plausibly less common, thus proportionatdlyl mon, and manumissions before a notary and perlute terms, in peacetime. the master was free to appear Once the tax was paid, --- Page 137 --- IIO . In Society and the Economy especially in cases of selfof manumission. Often, however, but would grant form the actual act perform the act in person the the master would not actually of the slave. In fact, purchase, family member or patron perof attorney to a (free) often be the first step, requesting a power involvement in the case would effect, raising the taxes and master's last after the 1775 "Ordonnance" took before the notary mission. Particularly could make their appearance masters to anyone acting changing the procedures, granting irrevocable permission M. Jean of the process granted by at the beginning seek his freedom. The permission his slave Julibehalf of the slave to and local white elite, to on former militia captain their freedom serves as Barthelemy Leclerc, quarteron, to seek sO his mulatresse, and her son Auguste, 80 The boy was born in France, enne, "irrevocable permission" act. of or the ofan was a case self-purchase an example It is unclear if this act from the mother to the masstatus was in question. it cited dutiful service case was freeing of an illegitimate son; Another "irrevocable permission" including two trips to France. to her daughter Therese, aged ter's wife, Guyany, who granted permission of mortality (being that ofMadelon the mother was clearly feeling pangs would not be reenslaved 50, to seek her freedom; wanted to ensure that Therese in her late 60s) and cases. at least two very different to the authoriafter her death." Same procedure, free family member or agent, appeal This The slave would, through a officially grant freedom to themselves. colthe tax, and to leave the ties for permission, pay when the master was ill or preparing be taken as ipso procedure was also common permission' form cannot for France, SO use of the "irrevocable was a case of self-purchase. the ony that the manumission in question in the sample were facto proof proportion of the manumissions members. This OCHowever, a significant of ransom of a slave by free family seen as result of self-purchase or the authorities to suppress the practice, never outdespite ongoing efforts by order. Self-purchase was curred disruptions in the social financial motives had to the cause of potential cause aside from mere to be lawed per se, but an appropriate for permission for government approval be asserted in the original request were seen as a disincentive to self-purchase. the and increased liberty taxes of fun-house mirror for society, as granted, the law book serves as a sort of commission of the Once again, reveals the frequency ofl legislation on a subject lafrequency and ransom were not often offense. ofthe legislation, cases of Fself-purchase slave was freed by an admitted Because notarial acts. Often, even when a from a former white masbeled as such in who had purchased the slave motive would free colored family member (faithful service) or some other acceptable Barbe ditte Léonore ter, bons et agréasliasersics for the manumission. For example, her in from still be cited as the reason aged 66,in 1780, having obtained Guittonne, freed her godmother, offense. ofthe legislation, cases of Fself-purchase slave was freed by an admitted Because notarial acts. Often, even when a from a former white masbeled as such in who had purchased the slave motive would free colored family member (faithful service) or some other acceptable Barbe ditte Léonore ter, bons et agréasliasersics for the manumission. For example, her in from still be cited as the reason aged 66,in 1780, having obtained Guittonne, freed her godmother, --- Page 138 --- Slavebolding Practices . III Mme Dalcourt de Chambellan. vices received from the said She cited "benevolence, free of tax in slave" in the act of friendship, and good sermembers recognition of the advanced manumision, which was were often more frank in the age of the subject. 82 granted ten, manumission would be act of purchase of the Masters and family slave against made an explicit condition of future freedman. Of reenslavementi the or the ifthe purchaser's sale, to protect the purchaser to die before property were to be tia noncommissioned. consummating the attached for debt Jean Baptiste officer Pierre Amoune sold manumission. For example, milifor Malic, or Mali, a to his old 1,000 liures in 1778. 83 The 9-year-old female creole slave commanding officer, though not in the act ofs little girl was described in named Marguerite was that Malic sale, as Malic's natural Malic's marriage free the little girl within daughter. 84 A condition contract, Self-purchase remained a two years, or the sale would be ofthe sale larlyin bad years. This could significant source ofincome for voided, to free people of fcolor that reverse to some degree the flow slave owners, particuing this period. Robert was a significant part ofthe ofwealth from whites in the Plaine du Cul Forster cites the case of the economy ofthe colony dursell older du Sac in which the Provenchère sugar slaves to owner applauds the plantation way in which the themselves or to their free relatives. 85 In manager's efforts to slaves to overcome plantation could get sufficient this case, this was one Ofthe losses through capital to purchase 606 notarial high mortality and enough new as acts dealing with marronage. being acts of self-purchase or manumission, 61 can be significantly understates ransom by free family clearly identified The expense and the prevalence of the practice. members. Presumably, this guaranteed that penurious cime-consuming nature ofthe formal masters manumission poning or entirely would grant their slaves procedure that there ignoring the legal informal was usually a long niceties. In fact, it is clear freedom, postfree de facto while period oft time during which from the records cited remaining slaves de almost all freedmen above, is only one jure. The example of were did not live the life among many: the Barbe ditte Léonore, of a slave during the godmother, Guittonne, almost kinswoman's ransom ofher from six years that certainly Some notarial her white mistress and intervened between her acts were even more her formal quasi-free status. Sieur Arnaud explicit about the manumission. beth Fortin, Daignon, master granting of temporary seamstress, tailor, gave his to raise the money for her permission to work for her own slave Marie ZaJude, liberty tax. 86 account in 1784 in required her slaves to work Demoiselle Rose Vois, order her male slaves for their freedom widow of were to in pay her estate her will in 1788. 87 fSieurJean erty, while another male slave, 300 liures a year for four Three of master tailor currently an apprentice years for their liboverseeing his apprenticeship for tailor, was to work for the two years after the end of the ap- her own slave Marie ZaJude, liberty tax. 86 account in 1784 in required her slaves to work Demoiselle Rose Vois, order her male slaves for their freedom widow of were to in pay her estate her will in 1788. 87 fSieurJean erty, while another male slave, 300 liures a year for four Three of master tailor currently an apprentice years for their liboverseeing his apprenticeship for tailor, was to work for the two years after the end of the ap- --- Page 139 --- I12 . In Society and the Economy A female slave and her two chilwith his wages going to the estate. were to be used to say masses prenticeship, be freed at no charge. All these payments estate was to pay the libdren were to soul, after which the them. for the repose of the Demoiselle's being divided among the oft the slaves, with the remainder' the authorities from erty taxes the social framework feared by that lent to the One ofthe hazards to slave to live as free was the cloak of of permitting the de jure is central to the historiography practice of marronage way slaves slave. The phenomenon as the most common runaway which rightly sees running away feared the runaway slave, slave resistance, their status. Colonial society as a threat to the resisted Or worked to change in bands in the hills and to order when operating both as a threat the slave owner. on this subject. Slaves pocketbook of used for this book contain very litde Ofcourse, the sources notarial acts. A regulation of 1777, intermittently to be making of free status be presented were not supposed in the sample, required that proof a notarial act. 88 Many observed by notaries before they were permitted to execute acts to prove by all persons of color of themselves as free in notarial contracts of people of color used descriptions papers-the marriage his in the absence of manumission Maignan used their free status usefulin this regard. For example,jcan in a sales contract parents were particularly dated 28/3/61, to prove his free status have been alive at the parents' marriage contract, 1782 (Not. 1179n). He must (the age he executed on Christmas Day, legitimized by the marriage contract in 1782), ofthe marriage and was merely that Maignan was a minor time and there is no suggestion in 1761 as to his status of majority was 25, accepted the word of the notary the North province hence, the notary in 1782 Many notarial acts, especially in contain any dewithout any further proof. not strictly enforced, do not titles of libwhere this regulation was apparently Nonetheless, a person whose of actors' proof of free status. a notarial act, as his repuscription would find it difficult to execute in the community as erty were questionable be known to someone as highly placed "living as free" tation would surely notaries did permit persons the notary. On a couple of occasions, noting that they had no papers. in the notarial acts, while as well as with the quasi-freei to execute of the evidence of the maron owners of runaway slaves. 89 Therefore, most notarial acts performed by Most of these were sample is indirect, through mentioned only 33 times in the sample. from someRunaway slaves were ofinheritances where a slave ran away rental contracts or resolutions notarial in possession. did not execute one after a change exception to the rule that runaways reasons. On 14 March The only significant is for many dit in the sample veryinteresting and Pierre TAllemand, acts that appeared a free mulatto butcher, deal with JeanEtienne dit La Rivière, Français, made a 1786, maker, both from Cap a free black mattress were sample is indirect, through mentioned only 33 times in the sample. from someRunaway slaves were ofinheritances where a slave ran away rental contracts or resolutions notarial in possession. did not execute one after a change exception to the rule that runaways reasons. On 14 March The only significant is for many dit in the sample veryinteresting and Pierre TAllemand, acts that appeared a free mulatto butcher, deal with JeanEtienne dit La Rivière, Français, made a 1786, maker, both from Cap a free black mattress --- Page 140 --- Slaveholding Practices . I13 from the countryside near the Baptiste Coutaux dit Hervé, a free mulatto planter Pierre, had run away some northwestern city of Port de Paix. Hervé's slave, small found him living in Cap Français, working as a supertime before, and Hervé had to take his property back home numerary in the maréchaussée. Hervé was prepared he was happy to accept. but the who intervened made him an offer with him, pair of making any binding On behalf of Pierre, who as a slave was legally incapable Hervé 660 liures in cash on his own initiative, the two paid financial commitments and to him a newly arrived male slave and promised to pay him 396 liures more give Pierre's freedom. Hervé agreed to aged 15 or 16 at the end ofthe year in return for 90 to the to free Pierre. present a request government the in which service in the colonial military This case is an example of way the that proves the rule. build circles of Fcontacts,itappears) here as exception La Rivière and helped could not execute a notarial act. It was Pierre, as a runaway slave, T'Allemand who executed it on his behalf. that it casts on the role of case is also interesting for the light The Hervé-Pierre the runaway slave was holding down a quite the maroonin free society. In this case, bottom rank in the maréchausée, but responsible job. The supernumeraries were the colored There is a nonetheless held significant power in the free community. the orthey slave, was part of very certain irony in the fact that Pierre, as a runaway Pierre had the ill luck or charged with the pursuit of runaway slaves. someganization where his old master could find him, doing poor] judgment to be somewhere shows how fimsy the proofs of free status thing noticeable. The case of Maignan Itis that, for every Pierre as free were. probable offered by some persons accepted who were able to fill roles perhaps less who got caught, there were several Jacques With a few notarial acts under but also less noticeable, in free society. working prestigious, accepted as free and could begin their belts, they could become generally role in free colored society. toward a respectable OF SLAVE OWNERSHIP BY FREE COLOREDS THE ECONOMICS plantations growing tropical The basis of the colony's economy was slave-worked tobacco, and cocoa occupyprincipally sugar, with coffee, indigo, cotton, and staples, offered economies of scale ing land not suitable for sugar. These plantations few slaves. In 27inMost free coloreds owned relatively rewarded large operators. occasion of the death of a free colored person that apventories compiled on the of slaves owned was 9. Only two persons peared in the sample, the mean number holding was 40, which would owned no slaves whatsoever, but the largest reported that Debien recorded. small in the world of the white planter be considered quite Pincemaille ofLimonade, actually controlled In one case, the decedent, Nanette ing land not suitable for sugar. These plantations few slaves. In 27inMost free coloreds owned relatively rewarded large operators. occasion of the death of a free colored person that apventories compiled on the of slaves owned was 9. Only two persons peared in the sample, the mean number holding was 40, which would owned no slaves whatsoever, but the largest reported that Debien recorded. small in the world of the white planter be considered quite Pincemaille ofLimonade, actually controlled In one case, the decedent, Nanette --- Page 141 --- I14 . In Society and the Economy slaves, but they were held in pieces ofland with at least 50 children under the terms three quite substantial rights in the names ofher 16 slaves life usufruct with the property ofher children. She personally owned donation from the white father ofa death. 91 small slaveholding at the time ofher value extracted from these (mostly) As an exSo how was economic The first was through peasant farming. Elizabeth, units? There are several answers. composed of the widow Poupart, Marie and slaves. ample, there is the household Marie Therèse, and their dependents the unmarried sister ofwhom were minors during her apparently had had at least three children, all district known as the Savane The Pouparts residents of the peasant village or sisters were apparently 1770s. 92 They were dominated by free coloreds. The The famwhich was officer Vincent Olivier. de Limonade, powerful free black militia or sold a number related to the locally times in the 1770S and pawned, leased, 1778 and ily seemingly fell on hard times in the notarial archives between were of slaves, appearing a total of 24 and the sisters' remaining possessions seemMarie Elizabeth died, of this process, 1788. In 1783, 7 slaves at the beginning of a 93 They owned above, and a family composed aretulyinentodete Pierrot, already introduced or second wife. Nothingly the venerable children, and an unrelated woman although father and mother, three the sisters were anything but peasants, in the records suggests that that their holding was an habitation, or planta- No ing maintained the fiction according to the inventory. they always small and sparsely furnished, earlier transaction. Their home was noted in the inventory or in any any standing crops or stockpile was have been highly unusual to have overlooked the tions related to the land. It would or lease of a plantation. In any case, habitasale contract, their so-called cash crops in an inventory, land for a profitable plantation: family did not have enough tion totaled 8 carreaux. 94 of a commonly overlooked phenomenon small were only one example household. The agriThe Pouparts the slave-owning peasant and its slave dein Saint Domingue slavery: for the subsistence ofthe family she would percultural operator, growing mostly in the colony's countryside. He or be sold pendents, was a common figure intended for the retail market, where it would the farm produce a small surplus grounds from which haps from the slave provision could not truly be conalongside the surpluses The slaves on such a farm through donawould hardly be distinguishable. to their owner in most cases goods, since they came themselves nor principally producsidered capital intended for the market Haitian restaveks, tions and were neither work from the example ofthe modern slave economy, ing for the market. If we of a substantial precapitalist rural can child servants, the existence at the time pretty accurately, or African conditions which may have duplicated be deduced. provision could not truly be conalongside the surpluses The slaves on such a farm through donawould hardly be distinguishable. to their owner in most cases goods, since they came themselves nor principally producsidered capital intended for the market Haitian restaveks, tions and were neither work from the example ofthe modern slave economy, ing for the market. If we of a substantial precapitalist rural can child servants, the existence at the time pretty accurately, or African conditions which may have duplicated be deduced. --- Page 142 --- Slaveholding Practices : I15 of the third quarter of in the rapidly growing economy the market that they bePeasants who prospered enough presence in could aspire to a large would be the half-brothers the century farmers. A good example ofthis process enlisted in the Chasseurscame capitalist Durocher. In 1779, the brothers the War of American InLaurent and Charles to fight at Savannah in and it was clear from Volontaires de Saint-Domingue made their wills before departing, like most wills, They both modest level, although, to dependence. that they lived at a quite onlyl bequest was these documents detailed inventory ofp property" Laurent's still slaves ofhis fortheirs contained no the freedom ofhis two children, their liberty tax, white neighbor to purchase to the slaves and pay a Ifhis estate did not suffice buy to work on their own account mer master. by the patron and permitted will took care of their they were to be bought Charles had no slave children, sO his former master, with to raise the liberty tax. another brother, both slaves of their did not suffice (or only! his?) mother and be priority if the estate that the mother was to given neither brothersnetworth the provision all. From this evidence, presumably, farmers. In that to obtain liberty for 1785, the brothers were capitalist slaves and 6 carexceeded about 6,000 lires. By number of with an unspecified of the Laurent rented an habitation of f1,800 lirures a year. Part payment of year, land for the princely sum including furniture made reaux of good property of good quality, was in the form of personal livres. 96 the acajou wood worth 3,300 uncommon in the colony. However, high-status stories were not cases had already achieved These rags-to-richcs families of the planter elite in many Trouillot's "Motion in the free colored planter time under study. Michel-Rolph free coloreds came this level before the "Blue and Brown" show the way in the mountains System" and John Garrigus's ofsecondary crops role in the development benefited from many ofthe to have an important 97 These landed elites addition, they were ofthe colony around midcentury." their white counterparts. In of scale available to and thus avoided administraeconomies to be resident on their plantations over white planters. much more likely also had other competitive advantages from the econotive overhead, and they could benefit in some degree to their Finally, small-scale slave owners owners by renting their slaves time. scale available to large plantation formalized by this mies of Slave rental contracts were relatively although there was a wide economic superiors. for a duration of five years, value of the The standard contract was between IO and 15 percent of the assessed taxes- were The rent was usually medical, head range. - food, clothing, housing, or lost value in slave per year. All charges- the renter. Ifthe slave died, ran away, of in value through age, typically the responsibility (excepting a natural declinei of these conduring the lease period The generosity some way would bear full responsibility. it appears), the renter oflabor in the colony. much about the shortage tracts says a duration of five years, value of the The standard contract was between IO and 15 percent of the assessed taxes- were The rent was usually medical, head range. - food, clothing, housing, or lost value in slave per year. All charges- the renter. Ifthe slave died, ran away, of in value through age, typically the responsibility (excepting a natural declinei of these conduring the lease period The generosity some way would bear full responsibility. it appears), the renter oflabor in the colony. much about the shortage tracts says --- Page 143 --- I16 . In Society and the Economy and free colored proprictors, were very attractive to small, it was the largeRental contracts in the sample. As already suggested, SO it is not 159 leases for slaves appear the most desperate for manpower, while in white landowners who were rented slaves to whites, scale in of these cases free coloreds the renter of fthe slaves. surprising that 73 the owner and the free colored was a way free only 14 cases is the white or more entrepreneurdal neighbor farmslaves to a wealthier without the necessity ofp fpeasant Renting ensure themselves an income One often sees the mixedcoloreds could into planting for the market. the father right the risks of getting the child by ing or renting the slaves given race child of a white planter neighbors. any nonback to him or to one ofhis commodifies the slave and rejects wills, and Of course, the rental completely have for his or her master. Inventories, that were the economic value the slave might list and describe all slaves were very careful to to them were not marriage contracts because property rights as far as SOsubjects of rental contracts, specifically n-that is, the "master" of the slave, who got the backed up by public recognition- not the owner. It was the renter was the renter, social among planters ciety was concerned, the slave, where position society, in white society for having workforce. In free colored credit by the size of the slave the household of the was often determined relative or neighbor did not increase who could be put slave rented out to a social éclat of a slave a did he or she bring nearly the about the non-cconomic valowner, nor those free coloreds most concerned work them themselves as opon display. Thus, would also be the most likely to feature a member of ues of their slaves 20 of the 159 rentals of slaves is a family them out: only cases, the lessee posed to renting and in a number of those the planter elite as the lessor, in the when he or she was traded member. commodification ofthe slave was of new slaves a year by The ultimate absorbing tens of thousands for the market. Saint Domingue was from Africa at 271,500 peestimates the French exports was going to Saint the 1780s. Curtin that about 75 percent ofthis traffic for this period, and calculates as he does riod 1781-90 rate of 5 percent, War of 98 Assuming a mortality each year after the end ofthe four Domingue. the colony at the slaves were entering 21,652 arrivals some 25,800 The census for 1786 reported were made by smugAmerican Independence. added unknown number ofimports main ports that year. An recorded in the census." 99 their and would not have been were purchased and resold upon of glers all of these new official imports houses, such as the house Almost number of French mercantile 100 The arrival by one of a Debien in his book on their sugar plantation." record ofhis Stanislas Foache described by Vincent Ogé, and there is no free colored merchant was only large in the wholesale slave market. house participating by smugAmerican Independence. added unknown number ofimports main ports that year. An recorded in the census." 99 their and would not have been were purchased and resold upon of glers all of these new official imports houses, such as the house Almost number of French mercantile 100 The arrival by one of a Debien in his book on their sugar plantation." record ofhis Stanislas Foache described by Vincent Ogé, and there is no free colored merchant was only large in the wholesale slave market. house participating --- Page 144 --- Slaveholding Practices . II7 the slave market at a lower level, either would become involved in owners and traders at some Free coloreds slaves Or as future ofbossales retail of the imported owned a higher percentage as purchasers slave's career. Free coloreds that slaves had for free later point in the the non-economic value slaves off the than did whites. And although would impel them to keep their both colored masters was important and users of the slave market, that free coloreds were frequent market, it is clear the table. Free and as sellers. is clear from as buyers slaves into the hands offree coloreds from whitesellThe net flow of ofs fslaves (ofvarying sizes) livres coloredsin the sample bought: 139 groups which works out to 1,077.945 free value of7.755 liures per group, At the same time, ers for an average from white to free colored owners. value of3,267 liures per worth of slaves moving of slaves, with an average from colored coloreds sold whites 205 groups liures worth of capital moving from which works out to 669,735 value of free coloreds' purchases who group, white. The relatively large average owners, hands to large transactions both with plantation in the major whites was a result of many and with the merchant houses which sometimes the buyers' relatives, whites to free coloreds, were leaving aside donations of slaves from the reader can see the steady ports. Even the reverse by a substantial majority, ownership that was one ofthe outnumbered to free colored fowo ofcapital from white ownership during this period. economic facts of the colony coloreds went to work and remained defining slaves by free slaves had lower Many of these purchased for years. Since free coloreds' for reaemployed on their masters' estates more efficient businessmen and the planters were generally made above-average mortality rates of this book, they generally in later chapters sons explored to expand their workforce. to sell. Most profits and often sought and free coloreds were sometimes prepared lots ofslaves - typiWhites needed slaves, free coloreds, were ofsmall seem to like sales between Small sales such as this sales to whites, slave family. of individual slave Or a single the than purchases cally, an individual slave for purchaser houses. per mercantile have been more expensive time from the large white-owned credit numbers of slaves at a were barter transactions of included large since many ofthese sales evaluation of the extra profit Unforrunately, widely from sale to sale, a precise these small sales terms that varied from white purchasers through of"seafree coloreds were able to extract colored seller had absorbed the expenses and In any case, the free a slave's working life in the colony isi impossible. the first couple ofyears of merchants for theirs, who soning" during for his slaves than the big sO deserved a higher price include right off the ship. from free coloreds to whites were mostly in the sample of slave sales rental value, especially The 205 acts commonly pawned-theirl high 22 pawns. Slaves were very varied from white purchasers through of"seafree coloreds were able to extract colored seller had absorbed the expenses and In any case, the free a slave's working life in the colony isi impossible. the first couple ofyears of merchants for theirs, who soning" during for his slaves than the big sO deserved a higher price include right off the ship. from free coloreds to whites were mostly in the sample of slave sales rental value, especially The 205 acts commonly pawned-theirl high 22 pawns. Slaves were very --- Page 145 --- I18 . In Society and the Economy could recoup at least 20 percent on meant that the lender the amount loaned, usuon short-term contracts, risk ofloss would be limited to Some pawns and the market value of the slave. his investment, halfto two-thirds ofthe slave would be ally no more than rental contracts where the pawned rents. In a by for exorbitant of slaves were accompanied these contracts were always black militia nonrented back to the borrower; slave, Jacques Coidavy, a free and example of a pawn of a Marie Therèse Celine, 12 years ofage typical his slave named Pommeau in officer, pawned merchant commissioned Fond "nation," s to a white retail debt and 660 liures a member of the liures in forgiveness of outstanding Pommeau for the four1786. Coidavy received 330 livres 15 sols a month rent to 101 comes out to in cash and had to pay 24 the use ofhis slave. This in order to have even for boom month life ofthe pawn investment, pretty good were annual return on Pommeau's for slaves under 16 was that they a 30 percent A rule of thumb considers Marie to be worth times in Cap Français. of age; even if one she would fetch worth about IOO liures per year and one-half to twice what liores, this rent is still about one was at most three-fourths ofher 1,200 market, while the pawn price on the open rental though. market value. an act of economic desperation, 9 CoiPawning a slave was not necessarily used it to share the risk of"seasoning. of how Zabeau Bellanton the three pawns We have seen notarial acts related to pawns in sample: much smaller scale, davy performed five Like Bellanton, but on a like Marie slaves and two recoveries of pawns. slaves, often quite young bossales bought inexpensive and used the capital to purchase he commonly pawned them quickly, his slaves, he Therèse, off the slave ship, came along for one of pawned buyer often at a signifimore slaves. If a permanent the pawn, and then sell the slave, "seasoning" would pay off the loan, recover deal bore most of the risk of the the new The lender in the pawn less at risk than adults from cant profit. perhaps children were of the slave, although disease environment. CONCLUSION from those slaves who were different in many ways was also difFree colored masters owned Their behavior toward their slaves Why was owned by their white neighbors. among their white neighbors. free ways from that observed small coffee planters- - that ferent in many ofthe economic role as be considered alongthis? Was it onlybecause Or must cultural explanations coloreds played in the colony? beones? led to a generalized side economic the notion that racial solidarity free colThe reader can discard of free colored masters. Many toward their slaves on the part nevolence those slaves who were different in many ways was also difFree colored masters owned Their behavior toward their slaves Why was owned by their white neighbors. among their white neighbors. free ways from that observed small coffee planters- - that ferent in many ofthe economic role as be considered alongthis? Was it onlybecause Or must cultural explanations coloreds played in the colony? beones? led to a generalized side economic the notion that racial solidarity free colThe reader can discard of free colored masters. Many toward their slaves on the part nevolence --- Page 146 --- Slaveholding Practices . I19 and almost all benefited, directly orindirectly, callousness oreds owned large numbers ofslaves, Zabeau Bellanton, were capable of Many, like willing enough from the slave system. that ofthe whites. They appeatiohaeben toward the creoles toward slaves that rivals slaves. It is only more from the labor of the African-born at least. Free coloreds were to profit behaved anomalouly-in some cases, and thus to have formed close that they on their plantations than whites to grow up age. However, this tendencywould likely with their slaves from an early with which white men personal relations by the much greater frequency to free both misseem to be outweighed their slaves. Their resulting tendency between formed sexual unions with least one form of personal relationship illustrates at to have engaged in to any tresses and offspring colored masters do not seem master and slave that free to activists appealed great extent. Revolution, free colored political n 102 At the time ofthe French by laying claim to their "Frenchness." colrepublican sentiments of equality the racial against free French while clearly holding prejudice attributed some Moreau de St. Méry, whites in the colony shared, nonetheless on whiteoreds that almost all the coloreds and perhaps saw them as verging values to the free in its purest form in bispanibourgeois ofwhitening, seen perhaps of this century, has ness. The whole ideology or in Brazil in the early years and suppress dadin the Dominican Republic cultural values-v would overlay idea that "whitel blood"-- or in a slave society, cut off from asits core American ones. The free colored by class prejuAfrican and native by familial Or clientage ties to whites, for a quasithe majority African culture would seem to be the best candidate the differences dices and interests, and by status, one possible explanation for ofvalues. However, as slave owners is the persistence total "whitening" of free coloreds and whites between the behavior free coloreds. to sell of African cultural values among more bossale slaves, were more willing in free coloreds owned to give them training In general, slaves, and also were more ready to manumit their them than their creole they were more willing of ofincreasing their value. Similarly, This data is subject to a number explana- on hopes than were white masters. bossales would stay creole slaves slaves lived longer, and SO high-valued. fecund. This would tend tions. Free coloreds' longer. In addition, they were more in the population as the plantations roster ratios-bothi in the skilled trades and free coloreds had creole-bossale owned by to redress short order. Many establishments s-andyetthey a whole -in fairly than those of manywhitesas the been in business for many years-longert of bossales at all levels. This suggests, show the slaves at a very continued to preponderance coloreds were liberating their creole evidence bears out, that free aping coloreds were consciously high rate. too far to suggest that free It would be going plantations roster ratios-bothi in the skilled trades and free coloreds had creole-bossale owned by to redress short order. Many establishments s-andyetthey a whole -in fairly than those of manywhitesas the been in business for many years-longert of bossales at all levels. This suggests, show the slaves at a very continued to preponderance coloreds were liberating their creole evidence bears out, that free aping coloreds were consciously high rate. too far to suggest that free It would be going --- Page 147 --- 120 . In Society and the Economy most cursory study of the Clearly they were not-the this.109 CulAfrican models of slavery. in the eighteenth century demonstrates Free colored masliterature on African slavery much more subtle than that. and influences on behavior are unconscious assumptions tural have had a different set of nearly which to send off as an ters would simply which slave to buy, which to sell, if any, to consider for priorities when deciding skilled and which, apprentice or to promote to a position, between free manumission. for the observed differences addition, part of the explanation Fofthe free colored planter. In slave owners lies in the mentalité the most slaves coloreds and whites as the most wealthy who owned ancien régime. The free colored planter- especially the French aristocrat of the to emulated, more Or less consciously, becoming more bourgeois secking SOnobility was hesitantly finding As the real French through new agricultural techniques, in reincrease profitability of estates Or trade, even participating Saint acceptable ways to invest in manufacturing e-the free colored planters of cially revolution like the young Lafayetteto nobody in their conpublican the fervor of the converso, were yielding were often Domingue, with white plantation owners in Saint Domingue Thus it was that free servatism. Meanwhile, and valued profit above all else. valuable "nafrom bourgeois backgrounds their neighbors to wait for the most in a coloreds were more willing than Looking at slaves as long-term assets bossale slaves. bonanzas might tions" when purchasing instead oflabor units producing would quick contribute to the quest for social acceptance better living conditions. This slaves. A feudal have driven them to provide fertility among free coloreds' toward observed lower mortality and higher account for their unusual tenderness sensibility might also go some way to ofslaves. than and are their creole explanations can be no more them. guesses What is clear Both of these proposed others will evaluate and build on of the fered here in the hopes that free coloreds owned a significant minority is that both on a personal from the data, though, treated those slaves very differendy, for these slaves in the colony. They did their white relatives. The explanation colored economic level, than in the role free and an but does not lie wholly in differences differences is elusive forces played in the colony's economy. slave owners and their labor their creole explanations can be no more them. guesses What is clear Both of these proposed others will evaluate and build on of the fered here in the hopes that free coloreds owned a significant minority is that both on a personal from the data, though, treated those slaves very differendy, for these slaves in the colony. They did their white relatives. The explanation colored economic level, than in the role free and an but does not lie wholly in differences differences is elusive forces played in the colony's economy. slave owners and their labor --- Page 148 --- CCG CHAPTER SIX Landbolding Practices Sieur Thomas Peignanan, a sugar planter in 1782.1 He wanted to leave his originally from Bordeaux, made his will twenty-five sugar plantation to his years, Julie Dahey, a free Creole menagère (housekeeper) of seven mulatto children. He had a black, and her (presumably their) Catherine. He willed all his legitimate heir in Bordeaux, however, his sister niture, household utensils, personal property, a quite luxurious collection of furhe left the jewelry, clothing, and SO forth, to plantation and slaves to his sister with the Dahey directly. Then, to lease the property in condition that she be perpetuity to for required and 15,000 livres a year. in wartime. This Dahey 25,000 livres a year in peacetime sonable rent for a developed appears to have been a more-or-less reain this case.2 He included large plantation, although there is no exact the proviso that ifthe inventory she was to be struck from the succession sister attempted to contest the will, ofhis white neighbors, and replaced as universal two who, one presumes, could legatee by that his children got their rights. Later in the be counted upon to make sure strategy he had adopted, he recast the year, seemingly uncertain about the 3 slaves of their choice to each of the will, granting 12,000 livres to Dahey and Dahey.3 The average value of adult children, with life tenancy in the slaves to Twenty-one slaves times slaves in 1782 in the sample was 2,179 livres. mother works 2,179 livres plus the 12,000 liures cash out to an estimated value of outright gift to the clear what the value of the 57,759 livres for this bequest. It is unvariables, from the business original bequest might have been-there are too and cash could climate to Dahey's skill as a many have been invested safely plantation manager. Slaves Dahey up in business as a middling through rentals or loans or could have set den of that 15,000 to 25,000 liures capitalist farmer, without, of course, the bura year payment to the sister in Bordeaux. The I2I outright gift to the clear what the value of the 57,759 livres for this bequest. It is unvariables, from the business original bequest might have been-there are too and cash could climate to Dahey's skill as a many have been invested safely plantation manager. Slaves Dahey up in business as a middling through rentals or loans or could have set den of that 15,000 to 25,000 liures capitalist farmer, without, of course, the bura year payment to the sister in Bordeaux. The I2I --- Page 149 --- 122 . In Society and the Economy same provision moval from the protecting the colored heirs by Foiled in this succession first appeared in the second threatening will, the white heir with reShe rented at least attempt to become a sugar planter, men in 1781, land that 75 carreaux in the Plaine near Croix Dahey tried again in 1781. with the she had gotten as a grant from des Bouquets to four white stated. support of her patron, the government- - The lease was to last for twelve Peignanan, although this is, of presumably was for a quite modest 600 livres years, longer than the course, nowhere reau, quite low for flat, a year (suggesting a value ofabout traditional seven, and ever, the renters were undeveloped, irrigable land in Croix des 80 livres a cartures, build irrigation obliged to construct a sugar mill and Bouquets). Howand canals and live a number 4 in food crops at the end ofthe fences, and leave 40 carreaux in ofother strucnal IOO, and 4 "inches" lease. Dahey reserved growing sugar lease. 4 In ofwater, for her own 25 carreaux ofthe 1793, at the expiration market garden for the origiand in the ofthe lease, Dahey duration ofthe land and meantime, she could live expected to be a 600 livres a year in cash. fairly comfortably on 25 carreaux sugar planter, This was not her only ofi firrigated 30,000 coffee bushes income, as she apparently owned a Croix des growing on it in the mountain coffee plantation with Bouquets that rented in 1779 for district of Pays Pourri pottery and roofing tile 3,600 livres a year. 5 She near War of American manuficturing facility, which also operated a fore that. The Independence but generated eventually failed during the partnership between story of this enterprise is told in substantial the income in the years beher and Sieur La 1782 act of scope of her Bacheliere.- dissolution of the oreds'artitudest undertakings, but it illustrates Daheys story is unusual for the toward many characteristics of the longed for the stability landholding. They were free colcial cachet from oflanded wealth. They entrepreneurial, to a point, but also planter theirland holdings. There hoped to gain both wealth and class, to which Dahey were significant differences soThis chapter first looks belonged, and the between the Domingue. The at agriculture as it was military class, on all these levels, and basic primary vocation oft the practiced by free coloreds in Saint processing, of tropical colony was agricultural. The vided the economic raison luxury crops, particularly production, either d'être of the sugar and coffee, directly or colony. proThe second indirectly, was almost the Participation in these half fofthe chapter only way to advance industries, ticular how free coloreds considers the free colored. economically market value obtained land. In addition landowner, and in ofland, this section looks to parextracted. The at how considering questions of of Caribbean colony of Saint Domingue, while non-economic values ofland were island colonies, well developed were relatively nonetheless contained by the standards unexploited by plantation agriculture. large expanses of land that Settlement of these remote in these half fofthe chapter only way to advance industries, ticular how free coloreds considers the free colored. economically market value obtained land. In addition landowner, and in ofland, this section looks to parextracted. The at how considering questions of of Caribbean colony of Saint Domingue, while non-economic values ofland were island colonies, well developed were relatively nonetheless contained by the standards unexploited by plantation agriculture. large expanses of land that Settlement of these remote --- Page 150 --- Landholding Practices : 123 land values varied widely at the time of the Revolution; to the next. This variaareas was still underway could change sharply from one year from place to place and for of all colors. the and a fertile field speculators coffee planters in 1770S tion provided colored families who became wealthy white men and free colored The free their roots in relationships between into the game 1780s mostly had before. Julie Dahey and her family got in earlier women in the 1750S OI as it must have worked or slave permit us to observe the process and slaves from their white late, but they these families received gifts ofland suitable for sugar but decades. Many of often located in remote areas not many forebears, with the land when the coffee boom came. Additionally, blanc for coffee 1770S, and 1780s, the petit eminently appropriate inhabitants of the colony in the 1760s, coffee boom, were not natives ofthe white make their fortunes in the the end of class who were trying to in a wave ofwhite immigration after newcomers who came families were generbut instead The established white sugar-planting success in the Seven Years' War. ofcoffee wealth, having already achieved the island and ally less enthusiastic pursuers free coloreds were mostly native to another field. The fact that the tied in, often through family relationships, elite among them were were often poor and that the planter while the white immigrants to land in levels of white society, had easier access good to high meant that the free coloreds As long-term resinot well connected, than did their petit blanc competitors. were well positioned to coffee-growing regions of the territory, free coloreds dents with good knowledge and many did. the North provdo well in the land market, ofSaint Domingue, to recap, startedin plains along the The French colonization and then spread on the mainland who wanted to ince on the island of Tortuga the seventeenth century cattle. Next were north coast, driven by colonial goverorsint frebooting and hunting ofwild as the and Archaye, provide an aarematicinduaryiof Léogane, Saint Marc, Gonaives, century. The the coastal plains around in the first thalfofthe eighteenth midboom took hold in the colony were developed around sugar and the area around Port-au-Prince that was suitable forits cultivationSouth province took over almost all the land this period that free colcentury as sugar close to water transport. It was during and they were flat, well watered, proportion of the colony's population, after 1760.s oreds became a significant in the third wave ofinternal colonization thanks both well positioned to participate had been neglected until midcentury, slaves. The mountains of the colony of aggressive bands of runaway lack of a suitable crop and the presence by daring investors, to of coffee were demonstrated treaties that kept them Once the commercial properties driven out, or bullied into to settlement the maroons were exterminated, regions of the colony were opened rival sugar as the quiet, and the extensive highland slaves. 9 Coffee quickly came to owners and their by plantation , after 1760.s oreds became a significant in the third wave ofinternal colonization thanks both well positioned to participate had been neglected until midcentury, slaves. The mountains of the colony of aggressive bands of runaway lack of a suitable crop and the presence by daring investors, to of coffee were demonstrated treaties that kept them Once the commercial properties driven out, or bullied into to settlement the maroons were exterminated, regions of the colony were opened rival sugar as the quiet, and the extensive highland slaves. 9 Coffee quickly came to owners and their by plantation --- Page 151 --- 124 . In Society and the Economy it). Coffee (although never surpassing agricultural crop or extremely fertile colony's most important reliefand does not need irrigation use than was sugar can grow on land with sharp less expensive to develop and with weeds of soils. Coffee land was significandy at competing with or coexisting on (and land. Coffee bushes are pretty good much extra watering, and can grow of descriptions, do not require cultivation does provide economies various the soil on) very sharp relief. Their an investor to start a coffee planstabilize as does sugar, permitting estimates the startup scale but not sO strongly than a sugar planter. Trouillot tation with much less capital six times that of a coffee establishment: of fabuas boom. Rumors cost of a sugar plantation beneficiaries ofthe coffee after the Free coloreds were important ofmodest means to the colony, especiallys for the most part) lous wealth brought manywhites War. These young men (as they were, cases, that the end of the Seven Years' but they found, in many mounto become wealthy coffee planters, Free coloreds who had acquired poor hoped coloreds were there before them. 'back ends' of their white relatives' free donations Or inheritance of the who cleared the tain land-by concession to them as the pioneers in the plantations Or by government had turned this land into coffee plantations oft that land-in the 1750S and before in coffee in 1780, according to the census for at least There were 106,570 carreaux carreaux in coffee in 1760s. in the sample controlled 3,459.84 of all notarial acts year. 11 Free coloreds includes about 4 percent of of this period, and the sample -1791. Thus, an estimated 80,000 the part registers during the period 1776 free colored hands during the colony's carreaux came into or passed through less than half oft the free populathose IIO,000 while they made up for coffee in France, but period, or about 70 percent, ofland and plenty of demand colored proprietors tion. There was still plenty an uphill battle against free led the new immigrants were fighting share of the market. This competition acquired an important whites, with political reperwho had already between free coloreds and poor and 1780s. friction in the 1760S, 1770S, to considerable form of discriminatory legislation from their comcussions in the the free colored coffee planters wealthier durNone oft the legislation dislodged ofthe colony, though-they grew manding position atop the hills source ing the 1770S and 1780s. waste landin the mountains, another of into formerly in the third quarter Aside from expansion white and free colored proprietors of into of new land available to under irrigation. The expansion sugar was land brought around Torbeck the century was valley and the plains oft the South province of the arable land the Port-au-Prince irrigation, area as was a considerable expansion This was a method that made possible by oft the Artibonite River. Archaye and in the valley lacked the substantial capital around to free coloreds, as they often dams. There were a few excepwas less profitable of irrigation canals and needed for construction Aside from expansion white and free colored proprietors of into of new land available to under irrigation. The expansion sugar was land brought around Torbeck the century was valley and the plains oft the South province of the arable land the Port-au-Prince irrigation, area as was a considerable expansion This was a method that made possible by oft the Artibonite River. Archaye and in the valley lacked the substantial capital around to free coloreds, as they often dams. There were a few excepwas less profitable of irrigation canals and needed for construction --- Page 152 --- Landholding Practices . 125 of Croix des Bouquets was one. They used water rights tions: the Daugé family ofrather poor land) in the Grande Rivière de coming to them as landowners (albeit Croix des to irrigate several hunCul de Sac watershed in the parish of Bouquets Much that they owned and to turn themselves into sugar planters. dred carreaux colored who sold or leased land though, were the free proprietors more common, who had the capital to develop the land. As an and water rights to white investors Guiot dite Plaisance sold 12 carexample oft Fthis process, in 1779, Marie Magdelaine to Sieur ofwater (inches ofirrigation pipe or ditch, presumably) reaux and 71 pouces local planter, for 6,000 licvres. Victor Antoine Pere Deshormaux, a prominent price for that parish and Five hundred livres a carreau was a quite respectable to the what Deshormaux would have had to spend develop time, but far less than property. LAND VALUE in notarial archives, corresponding to Land was classified under several categories Evaluating land by these for and its level of development. or its utility agriculture both because plantations were often sold descriptions is difficult. This is true different and beofland with descriptions, rented as a unit but contained parcels other variables: distance to market, access cause land values fluctuated sharply on host of other factors. Nonetheless, the fertility, relief, and a to water, anticipated the notaries and their customers have some descriptive categories employed by used and seemed to mean a analytical value ifonly because they were so frequently to attach cash Therefore the following is an attempt good deal to the participants. Let us look at the most common ofthese categories. values to the descriptive terms. ballier, or brush, indicating land that had The least valuable category ofland was This is in contrast to for but had been allowed to regrow. been cleared agriculture which was kept clear even while not culfallow land, usually referred to as. savane, value, depending on its location, tivated. Land described as ballier varied widelyin used times in the sample. Valaccess to water, and SO on. This description was 24 with the mode being from 91 liures per carreau to an anomalous 720, ues ranged around 125. useful for grazing, especially for pigs, but mostly Some ballier might have been animals and termed corail (corral) or parc à pastureland was kept cleared for larger Or not. pasture clear, depending on whetheri it was fenced Keeping bêtes (pasture) livestock are kept on it, but the initial clearing of course, is simple as long as the often much like ballier. These task. Unfencedcorail was priced would be a laborious the The lowest-valued single piece descriptive terms were used 26 times in sample. Montagnes at the head of ofland in the sample was described as corail, at Double ) or parc à pastureland was kept cleared for larger Or not. pasture clear, depending on whetheri it was fenced Keeping bêtes (pasture) livestock are kept on it, but the initial clearing of course, is simple as long as the often much like ballier. These task. Unfencedcorail was priced would be a laborious the The lowest-valued single piece descriptive terms were used 26 times in sample. Montagnes at the head of ofland in the sample was described as corail, at Double --- Page 153 --- 126 . In Society and tbe Economy the Grande Rivière de Cul de Sac. for a mere 2,040 livres in 1785. 13 The place was veryl large at The same pasture had been At 9 lires a carreau, it was 225carreaux but sold maroons of the bought in 1778 for practically given area had made 4,000 livres, and since away. either peace with the that time the Most overgrazing or considerable authorities, SO one must corail land was somewhat degradation ofwhat suspect about 80 liures more valuable infrastructure there a carreau, varying between than this, though, and the was. Fencing added 50 and IOO mode is pensive both in considerably to a piece ofland's depending on access to water. labor and, value, as the fence fencing with hedges increasingly as wood became itselfwas exbecame in came to be a favored scarce, in materials. Live short supply. Woodland alternative to wooden term suggests native with useful fencing as wood second or old-growth forest but timber on it, Or bois de bout growth as well) was valuable in seems to have been used for (the woodland was sometimes proportion to its local mature and rental ofland often more valuable than cleared scarcity. Near towns, another contained agricultural land. to cut wood, either for stipulations regarding the Acts ofsale timber and construction sale or for agricultural right of one party or wood feature needs, and ample, in 1786 in the remote prominently in stockpiles ofcut Alexis Bremond and still forested many notarial acts. For ex- (formerly known as parish of Mirebalais, carreaux of mixed Bourbon) and his wife, free Jean Baptiste plicit condition of the cropland and bois de bout to Sieur coloreds, sold shingles, and sale was that the sellers Jacques Penide. 15 An exde bout varied planks on the land. The term were permitted to cut fence posts, widely in value appeared IOI times in the posed on its sale or rental, but depending on its location and sample. Bois colonywide, with it seems to have the conditions imand extremes of 1OO livres averaged about 350 livres 1,029 in Grande Rivière in per carreau in another per carreau the highly sale in Generally, the term savane developed North Mirebalais rently under was used for agricultural province. 16 cultivation. In some cases, land developed but not less-pejorative term for balliers. More savane seems to have been a curasjardin or place. generally; somewhat its total Thejardin of a agriculrural land was area but was by far its plantation might take up only a referred to crop, ofcourse, and varied most valuable land. The value quarter or less of of widelybyw what that lay in the pastureland at Double crop was. On the growing found some.jardins. Montagnes in Croix des 225-carreaux piece was However, they were described Bouquets, the 1785 reported-s suggesting that the as "old," and no purchaser land, probably letting most ofit 1778-85 owner tried to live as standing crop tion as a pasture in the return to balliers, a peasant on the previous act of salealthough it retained its notarial acts. 17 The descriptions were often descripwhite babitant, including 1785 purchaser sold half of the land copied verbatim from thejardin, in return for the to a neighboring price ofa a survey ofthe land, quets, the 1785 reported-s suggesting that the as "old," and no purchaser land, probably letting most ofit 1778-85 owner tried to live as standing crop tion as a pasture in the return to balliers, a peasant on the previous act of salealthough it retained its notarial acts. 17 The descriptions were often descripwhite babitant, including 1785 purchaser sold half of the land copied verbatim from thejardin, in return for the to a neighboring price ofa a survey ofthe land, --- Page 154 --- Landholding Practices . 127 surveyor might charge up done since before 1778. The public itis clear that in which had not been piece ofland. However, if liures for his services on a large was only marginally greater, to 1,000 value of the land described as, jardin this case, the wasteland that surrounded it. could be exceptionally at all, than the well-maintained land in cash crops halfin coffee and half On the other hand, Limbé, composed of 32 carreaux, While the offivaluable. A plantation in for 3,500 liures a year in 1788.8 bois de bout, with 3 slaves, rented was 51 based on metropoliin ofinterest on overdue loans percent, reasonable return cially approved rate notaries in the colony generally calculated was worth 35,000 tan French conditions, rentals at IO percent, SO this plantation and 8,000 liures in land value ofthe 3 slaves on investment 6,000 lirures as the declared of bois de bout leaves 21,000 liures lirures. Deducting liberal, value of 16 carreaux as the assumed, and coffee, or 1,312 lirvres a carreaux. their land to their for 16 carreaux of growing valuable. The Baugé heirs rented rent-free Sugar fields were even more 19 The brothers got the land to be turned into a sugar plantation." were to be setting up the sugar brothers during which one assumes they of the lease. By the end of for seven years, to establish by the terms each in sugar cane, plantation they were obliged six fields of 4 carreaux to they were to have established more years with an option that time, remainder of the lease period (two to an assumed value for which, for the liures a year. That works out brought a extend), they were to pay 3,600 family members. Anne Françoise Roy in 1779. 20 of 1,500 lirvres a carreat, among with René Nicolasi sin Croix des Bouquets plus the plantation toher marriage rented for 15,000 liures a year sugar of 163 carreaux and 40 slaves While the precise size and Her plantation to make some improvements. value ofthe 163 carrequiremento on the renter cannot be ascertained, the average carreau. value of thejardin in this act well as sugar jardin, was 492 liures per and as - wasteland pasture reaux times in the records. traded would have a buildThe term appears 50 urban areas. Often, the land far exceed the Land was also tradedin value of the building would typically sort on it, and the the value of Fundeveloped ing of some difficult to determine these, we find value ofthe lot, sO it is sometimes plots, though. From foot in land. A number of acts were for undeveloped from 0.07 liures per square varied value of urban land ranged lot sizes that the average foot in Cap Français. Average des Mirebalais to 0.76 liures per square square feet in Croix Bouquets. feet in Mirebalais to 14,389 des Bouquets, at 0.46 liures per from 4,037 square price of land in Croix metropolis The anomalously high for the much larger and faster-growing the foot, and the low value foot, explanation. Clearly, square at 0.28 livres per square require urban area must have had an of Port-au-Prince, to permit expansion ofthe not supposed to be an governments willingness Croix des Bouquets was on land values in that area. impact et in Mirebalais to 14,389 des Bouquets, at 0.46 liures per from 4,037 square price of land in Croix metropolis The anomalously high for the much larger and faster-growing the foot, and the low value foot, explanation. Clearly, square at 0.28 livres per square require urban area must have had an of Port-au-Prince, to permit expansion ofthe not supposed to be an governments willingness Croix des Bouquets was on land values in that area. impact --- Page 155 --- 128 . In Society and the Economy urban services in the repolicy was to concentrate The urban area at all. Government the exception of a parish church. government inwith in the area around the church; gion in Port-au-Prince, urban lot-type concessions for urban develdid not award small of their agricultural land local landholders resold portions to encourage urban development, stead, Without free government donations On the other hand, the government opment. there was artificially inflated. this and had just the cost ofland ofPort-au-Prince during period hundreds of the expansion "New Town," granting was encouraging after a major earthquake) the Mirebalais was also an anomaly: created (in 1770, The low value for free govthe 1770S. and given new lots throughout because ofits status as a capital ofa quartier and several of the ten defined as a town nonetheless a very small urban area, to have been ernment land, it was that appeared in the sample seem lots. The "lots" in this parish as urban building undeveloped reserved for development but by geogragardens rather than being hindered not by official reluctance leadof Cap Français was between the bay and a steep hillside expansion is located on a narrow strip could expand only to the south phy; the cityi Cape Mountain. The city land that first needed to ing up to the 2,00-foot there was considerable swamp and only with difficulty as cennury.21 put their be filled in during the eighteenth to which landowners shelsecondary use (after agriculture) were useful- providing An important site ofs structures. These structures and housland was to be the offering defense against potential enemies, Of course, the elements, ter against for agricultural entrepreneunship. were imimportant equipment necessary Houses luxurious and otherwise ing also have non-economic value. society as well as being capital goods. the buildings ofstatus in Saint Domingue varied widely. In portant markers Construction standards thatched roofs. BetterBuildings defy easy categorization. wattle and daub with were and in exceptional countryside, most buildings made ofwhole logs, palm Or hardwood, on the inside. houses might be covering the thatch quality! be plank walls and a ceiling term referred to firedbricks cases, there might used, although whether this bricks imported from "Bricks" were occasionally de Provènce were clearly fired and west Africans toor adobe is unclear. Briques bricks could be anything. Haitians ancestors knew the France, while ordinary to suppose that their buildings. day use adobe, SO it is not unreasonable used for flooring in better-quality tiles also. Bricks were often roofs made out of shingles or even technique might have and only the Buildings with pretensions wooden construction was more common, in the from France. In the towns, construction. Concrete made an appearance but class ofhouse used mud was the height ofl luxury lowest over bricks. Stone construction it for new city, often mortared Français, where fire regulations required outside ofCap was uncommon throughout the period under study. humble: the case, Or hut, owned construction residences could be Buildings used as primary Bricks were often roofs made out of shingles or even technique might have and only the Buildings with pretensions wooden construction was more common, in the from France. In the towns, construction. Concrete made an appearance but class ofhouse used mud was the height ofl luxury lowest over bricks. Stone construction it for new city, often mortared Français, where fire regulations required outside ofCap was uncommon throughout the period under study. humble: the case, Or hut, owned construction residences could be Buildings used as primary --- Page 156 --- Landholding Practices . 129 feet wattle and daub, and widow Poupart and her sister in 1783 was 30 by 15, by the also be Vincent Ogé brokered at 150 liores. 22 They could spectacular: was appraised and the rue du Cimetière in deal for a house on the corner of the rue d'Anjou a was built out ofmasonry, had three main rooms, Cap Français in 1785- Thel building and and a separate apartroom), a kitchen with oven chimney, a cabinet (smaller with two more rooms, a paved courtment upstairs (servants' quarters, apparently) at the end of the courtyard, and another kitchen and some other outbuildings liures a year and sublet yard.2 He leased the place from its white owners for 13,500 de a livres. In European context, the Duc Saulx-Tavanes, it for a profit of 1,320 the sword paid 7,320 liures (Tournois, and powerful member of nobility, wealthy rent on his Paris townhouse in 1787.24 or 10,980 liures colonial) ACQUISITION AND TRADING OF LAND crucial of the economic strategy of everyone Land, and its acquisition, were parts garden to the greatthe island, from the slavei in his provision-ground; who lived on showed in the case of slaves, in her sugar plantation. As the last chapter est planter from white to free colored hands throughout the peland was also moving quickly riod under study. method by which land moved into the hands Donation of land was a common of mixed race discharged their obof free coloreds. Fathers ofi illegitimate persons giving them land. Gifts of ligation to provide for their children's support through of the more common categories land, often in combination with slaves, were one the value of these doofnotarial acts in the sample. Itis hard to ascertain precise calculated based on valEstimated land values throughout this book were nations. acts of sale or rental for the most part. Occasionally ues ofland revealed through for land involved in an act of donation, most a precise value could be ascertained These values were included in the often when the recipient sold or rented the plot. elsewhere in this chapter. of estimated land values found overall calculations but most were of suffiGrants, of course, ran the gamut from tiny to immense, A half-dozen carreaux a and employ a couple ofslaves. cient size to support family suitable for fields producing food crops. Or even less would suffice if the land were supplying a total populaof found 67,319 carreaux in food crops, The census 1780 less than one-quarter carreau per capita. tion of282,000, or an average of slightly ofcorail might be needed Ifgrazing was to be the primary: activity, 25 to 50 carreaux of for subsistence herd: the 1780 census found 118,167 carreaux pastureland for a or about one-half of a carreau per head.26 253,239 sheep, pigs, cattle, and horses, livestock would have to have at least 50 head Someone trying to make a living from donations was 31 carreaux. of animals. The average size of all rural land ofa father's responsocial meaning in the context Donations had an important Ifgrazing was to be the primary: activity, 25 to 50 carreaux of for subsistence herd: the 1780 census found 118,167 carreaux pastureland for a or about one-half of a carreau per head.26 253,239 sheep, pigs, cattle, and horses, livestock would have to have at least 50 head Someone trying to make a living from donations was 31 carreaux. of animals. The average size of all rural land ofa father's responsocial meaning in the context Donations had an important --- Page 157 --- 130 . In Society and the Economy donations ofland It turns out that 62 out of146 doto his illegitimate offspring. to child. Most of the remaining sibility acts were from parent although in the sample of notarial often between unmarried partners, of an exnations were within the kin group, donations that were probably part donor in of fcases ofnon-kin Whites were the there were a couple in the notarial act. the donachange or sale that was not explicit while in the remaining 80 cases, and the recipients in 12 others, 54 cases free colored to another. as this was seen as tion was from one donations by whites to free coloreds, and into colored The law discouraged out of white hands which capital was flowing of color to receive any a route through Code Noir of 1724 forbade free people accepted' by hands. The Louisiana 27 This law code was never formally it in his Loix from a white person." St. included gift or legacy but Moreau de Méry law in Saint the courts of Saint Domingue, ofits provisions became customary struggles Constitutions because many As is clear from numerous et other French colonies. and Domingue as well as France between parlements did not century in metropolitan enroll a royal decree during the eighteenth that the law court failed to this leauthority, the fact of the law. In any case, royal that that act did not become part government necessarily mean the state of feeling of the metropolitan of donations to gal provision demonstrates in the colony, on the subject its representativess and, one presumes, overturned in COfree coloreds. from whites to free coloreds were rarely with resources to spare. However, donations almost by definition, people and lonial courts. Donors were, dominated by capitalist agriculture alive mostly translated, in this society were also, by definition, Wealth Donors into influence over government. we would call it an inheritance). commerce, took effect (otherwise the be called into the time the donation should gift at could defend their actions personally, Therefore, they members. in by the authorities or family hand, were occasionally challenged question on the other success. On to free coloreds, then with only indifferent Bequests white heirs, but even found in favor colonial courts by Conseil Supérieur du Cap Français had for example, the deceased in 1770, who ;October 1775, mulatto sons of Charles Hérivaux, totaling 348 carreaux, of the illegitimate in the North province, other buildings been willed two coffee plantations 80,000 coffee trees, and "certain after a slaves, 30 head of livestock, the mulatto sons' possession only 28 These items came into for its scale, their success as and utensils." unique in the sample Colored heirs drawn-out lawsuit. Although in the courts of Saint Domingue. bemany times them, but in the struggle heirs was repeated receive what had been willed rights were not guaranteed to property right of the testator, property the trend. tween racism and the unrestricted will serve to demonstrate had the upper rhand. A few examples generally after a slaves, 30 head of livestock, the mulatto sons' possession only 28 These items came into for its scale, their success as and utensils." unique in the sample Colored heirs drawn-out lawsuit. Although in the courts of Saint Domingue. bemany times them, but in the struggle heirs was repeated receive what had been willed rights were not guaranteed to property right of the testator, property the trend. tween racism and the unrestricted will serve to demonstrate had the upper rhand. A few examples generally --- Page 158 --- Landholding Practices e 131 of Sieur Gilbert Viau, real estate deIn 1778, the (presumed) illegitimate sons Baptiste, came to a settlement with veloper in Cap Français, named Jean and Jean in The deceased had and half-sister, also resident Cap.2 their white step-mother allowance, of 1,800 livres a willed the two young men a pension viagère, or living This would have been a good shared between them- -a quite substantial sum. Viau's year or other professional employee. legitimate salary for a plantation manager to the lower court that the will was family, living in Cap Français, had appealed themselves. The court inequitable since it left them insufficient means to support The legitimate Viau reduced the colored children's allowance to 1,200 livres a year. made for the would have to be heirs, who seemed to accept that some provision masonry house on offered them 3,000 lirvres in cash and a seven-room two boys, the rue du Lion, in a mixed neighborhood in Cap 5,120 square feet of land on that all legal costs were to be Français. The free colored heirs accepted, stipulating for pension viagère bequests borne by the legitimate family. It was quite common worth something the executors with a grant of some capital good to be fulfilled by liures in this case. This house was like ten years' worth ofliving expenses, or 18,000 sized houses in Cap were to 25,000 lirvres, as similarly worth an estimated 15,000 In this case, the free colored heirs seem going for at least that much at this time,30) somewhat better deal than, what their something close to, or even a to have gotten and in the form of a concrete asset that would give father had intended for them, instead of a simple cash dole. them status and permit entrepreneurship the had even less power than the White heirs who were not present in colony in Saint Domingue. The with free colored heirs who were Viau women to argue ruled twice on similar cases where white Conseil Supérieur de Port-au-Prince deceased whites to free coloreds, in 1782 and heirs in France contested legacies by livres in 1782 and 24,000 livres in 17841784.1 Both were for moderate sums, 6,300 and the higher lower courts ruled that the legacies were appropriate, In both cases, court rejected the white heirs' appeals. would In 1781, M. le ViNonetheless, on occasion the heirs in France prevail. Aucourt to compel one Roger comte Maille obtained an order rin a metropolitan willed to him by his presumed guste, a free colored, to turn over property illegally the Vicomte as the husband of father, M. le Roux, which should have gone to had an easier time ofit in le Roux's daughter." 32 One presumes that the nobility ancien régime courts, especially in the metropole. heirs, white testators would In order to avoid any chicanery by metropolitan that would take alternate to a (white) neighbor or friend often make an bequest free colored heir was challenged. Such a provision effectifa particular bequest to a introduced at the beginning of this in the will of Thomas Peignanan, appears chapter. . le Roux, which should have gone to had an easier time ofit in le Roux's daughter." 32 One presumes that the nobility ancien régime courts, especially in the metropole. heirs, white testators would In order to avoid any chicanery by metropolitan that would take alternate to a (white) neighbor or friend often make an bequest free colored heir was challenged. Such a provision effectifa particular bequest to a introduced at the beginning of this in the will of Thomas Peignanan, appears chapter. --- Page 159 --- 132 . In Society and the Economy Another inventive tactic as repayment of a debt. Debts adopted of by white testators was to bequests could be an estate had to be disguise the bequest more securely satisfied, SO the rights ofthe colored paid by the executors before guaranteed. Quite heirs would menagère was owed frequently a white testator thereby be even vice. In addition, many thousands ofliures as back would declare that his some important testators in this situation were often wages for many years of serAs an pieces ofpropertyv were careful to state in the will that example ofboth ofthese actuallyownedi by the children or babitanto ofCroix des processes, there is the will of Sieur menagère. a free black, back Bouquets. Hes statedi in 1781 thathe owedi Léonard Simiat, she had loaned him wages of 600 livres a year for his employee Louise, owned a further 1,800 livres three years and, in 2 horses that on various addition, that out with her the were housed in his stables. 33 It occasions. He also said that she ingthe debts next year, because at that time appears that he had a that he had he made a codicil fallingto serve him for the formerly: acknowledged and to his will denytrue character of remainder of his time in the alleging that she was the former colony required bequest. 34 thereby lrappears that inheritance revealing the is, grants ranged in size from ofland followed the same at a minimum sufficient for a pattern as donations; that up to enormous peasant family and a scription of the land plantations and hundreds of couple ofs slaves absent from the transferred often awaited the slaves. Specific detransferred notarial record. The wills death to inventory, free coloreds generally frequently agricultural as places, or babitations; both referred to pieces of land be described operations, small or large, and not terms suggest as morceaux de terre, subdivisions complete Land was not an jardins, emplacements, thereof, which would children in a will, indispensable component champs, or similar terms. but, as in the case of the ofprovision made for one's specified cash, the heirs would Viaus, even when the illegitimate sion that they often get real testator originally trusted in generally preferred real estate-indeed, one gets the their own estate, for social impresAnother ability to extract value from reasons and because way free coloreds got land capital assets. they participants in the land market. was by buying it. Free coloreds strategy ofcapital acquisition. Land acquisition could be were active lative gain, Free coloreds also part of a long-term It especially during the boughtland for should not great economic boom of short-terms specuhigher in the surprise us that total value and unit the 1780s. colors major cities, as these were the value ofland came to buy and sell places the wealthy and transactions were including free coloreds, capital. Thus, Cap powerful of all Cap with an average value Français of had a total ofto4 land sales Français (a parish with 12,65r livres. size only a few square miles Rural land sales in ofsoscarreaica and an average value ofr rural land) had an per. carreau of845 liures. The average average value 1780s. colors major cities, as these were the value ofland came to buy and sell places the wealthy and transactions were including free coloreds, capital. Thus, Cap powerful of all Cap with an average value Français of had a total ofto4 land sales Français (a parish with 12,65r livres. size only a few square miles Rural land sales in ofsoscarreaica and an average value ofr rural land) had an per. carreau of845 liures. The average average value --- Page 160 --- Landholding Practices . 133 liures, while the average size for all rural land sales for the whole sample was 5.793 of 279 liures. Many of the largest was 84 carreaux, with an average price per carreau located in other parof these transactions obviously refer to high-valued property oft the isolated area and thus had a higher proportion ishes. Mirebalais was a very the local notary than did those areas high-valued transactions carried out before of the rural land sales in the that were closer to the large cities. Almost 40 percent is an interesting anomin Mirebalais. Croix des Bouquets sample were registered of rural land transactions of any parish in the aly, with the highest average size was very strong there dursample at 222 carreaux, perhaps because sugar growing the plantations traded under study. The enormous value of sugar ing the period value and size ofl land sales there, even if the would tend to push up the average reserved for the notaryin the big city. very biggest transactions were still the balof urban plots traded that were undeveloped suggests The proportion uses ofthe urban landscape. An "imance between "improving" and "speculative" ofland, either through purchase or proving" urban landlord would obtain a piece would be more develop it, and rent Or sell it, while a speculator government grant, the outskirts oft town cheaply and sell it, still likely to obtain undeveloped land on reachedi it. Cap Français, an older town, had empty, when the wave ofd development did with 61 percent of a lower rate of this sort of speculation than Port-au-Prince, to 38 in urban land sales being of developed properties, as opposed percent Cap's In rural areas, it was harder to determine how significant any the case ofthe capital. improvements made on the land really were. racial categories. Sales Characteristics of sales ofland differed markedlyl between and 26 were just about as common as the reverse (25 perby whites to free coloreds difference), but the average value of sales by cent of the sample, an insignificant liures). Once again, as with slave-related whites was much greater (10,640 to 5:473 fowing from the reader can see the pattern of crucial capital goods the transactions, the market to supplement imporwhite hands into free colored ones through social trend inheritance and donation. This was a veryimportant tant flows through for the nervousness of the colonial government that might provide an explanation of the free colored population. about the growing power made white sellers, made by colored sellers, The proportions of land sales by covariant with the racial balance and between two free coloreds were not notably stable throughout the peofthe free population but instead remained remarkably of whites and free riod studied. This suggests that the economic interdependence size of the free colored coloreds in the colony was affected not by the growing where the proportion of but perhaps by other factors. The two parishes des Boupopulation whites was Fort Dauphin and Croix sales from free coloreds to largest, of plains into sugar plantawhere the pace of transformation quets, were parishes land sales by covariant with the racial balance and between two free coloreds were not notably stable throughout the peofthe free population but instead remained remarkably of whites and free riod studied. This suggests that the economic interdependence size of the free colored coloreds in the colony was affected not by the growing where the proportion of but perhaps by other factors. The two parishes des Boupopulation whites was Fort Dauphin and Croix sales from free coloreds to largest, of plains into sugar plantawhere the pace of transformation quets, were parishes --- Page 161 --- 134 : In Society and the Economy tions was highest during the racial categories were least period under study. The places where Prince, were places where common, on the other hand, sales between were old and well established coffee was strong, and the few Limonade and Port-auPrince along the south (in Limonade in the sugar plantations there shore northern to sell to free coloreds ofthe Cul de Sac River). plains and in Port-auin Mirebalais, a Whites were the most transformations, and one where the place on the outskirts of both likely colored population was white population was agricultural The number growing rapidly. stagnant, while the free ofyears a piece gests whether the seller used that oflanded property was held before it Free coloreds in piece ofland in a was sold sugthat general held their land for speculative or they were much improving way. economic increasing its value before longer than whites, value in being commodifring it as well as suggesting from being land speculators. landholders in preference to transient seeking nongetting government Whites, on the other hand, often monetary profits very quickly, often to free concessions to develop unoccupied land speculated and in land veloped land and then coloreds, or snatching a quick profit then selling it with full pockets. selling out, with the eternal dream from a piece ofdeThe label ofbabitant of returning to France a lot to free coloreds of all (implying a gentleman farmer, above sister, relatives of black economic and social levels. The peasant scale) meant sphere, typical of militia captain Vincent Olivier, widow Poupart and her ing sister, Marie peasant farmers with a couple ofslaves. were, in the economic the death inventory Therèse, was careful to have her farm Nonetheless, the survivdid sell 4 carreaux ofher sister, Elizabeth. 35 André defined as an habitation in nomic distress to a neighbor in 1779.36 Poupart, Elizabeth's and was followed Obviously, this sale was the husband, time ofAndrés death in by further economic result ofecoa half-dozen slaves that year until Elizabeth died collapse. However, from the inch ofland, It and rented out portions of their in 1783, while the sisters sold is seems to have been the land, they never sold despite the fact that Limonade least dispensable part of their another during the period, and was experiencing capital. This Land in Limonade they probably could have considerable economic growth parishes. had the highest average value gotten good money for their Instead, the sisters per carreau of plot. they had not rented to preferred to keep living on the any of the rural slaves and neighbors, making a portion of their land Itis clinging to the title of subsistence crop with their clear that habitantes. remaining of all economic levels. landholding had important non-economic had an enormous Non-economic values of value to free coloreds value for the capital goods, monds, and Chavannes, their planter elite. But next door to the especially ofland, peasant neighbors loved their Laportes, Railand just as much. plot. they had not rented to preferred to keep living on the any of the rural slaves and neighbors, making a portion of their land Itis clinging to the title of subsistence crop with their clear that habitantes. remaining of all economic levels. landholding had important non-economic had an enormous Non-economic values of value to free coloreds value for the capital goods, monds, and Chavannes, their planter elite. But next door to the especially ofland, peasant neighbors loved their Laportes, Railand just as much. --- Page 162 --- Landbelding Practices . 135 Many free colored their land peasants in Saint hung on to it for generations. Domingue who managed to sample were invariably The acquire title to those longest-held to a free colored pieces conceded back in the pieces of land in the fee bushes. The proprietor who grew a small amount first half of the century intendant government even offood and a de Liancour recognized this non-economic maybe few cofgovernment unless it proposed in 1781 that no value when the could be liberty should be own at least a small demonstrated that the approved by the adopted by the amount of land to support newly freed person would minister of himself.37 The the colony, the people marine, but this suggests the proposal was not landholding responsible for approving way the high officials of among free petitions for as a way to create a landed coloreds not only as a hedge manumision, saw small against connected to those ofthe farming class who might then find indigency but also gentlemen their Renting a slave to another farmers through economics interests ers had to be careful sacrificed the and status, title in wills and non-economicy value of to them be lost. Similar death inventories to list all slaves that slave: rentpiece ofland did not logic did not apply to renters ofland. rented out lest with land ownership. necessarily sacrifice all the The lessor of a part ofland Renting land to small non-economic value associated ownership in rural peasant to let their France. occupiers was a land - - traditional out- "Respectable" down, and scientific operating it oneself, in the landowners were supposed ifthe power farming was the next worst metropolitan context, was a relationship was thing to 7) step was still an babitant, more equal, or tilted in engaging in "trade." Even tility. This while the renter was a favor ofthe renter, the was one oft the curses of rural speculator ofsomewhat suspicious owner entrepreneurial tenants were not development in genbe argued that the rewarded either early modern France, as the more act ofleasing one's land to another socially or financially. It can even stance, the respectable Poupart landlord, or at least solidified the converted the peasant into rated the honorific sisters had rented out their right to the title. For title. 38 To the extent paltry 8 carreaux in inadopted the mentalité ofthe that free coloreds, at 1779 and still have learned from white French rural landholder, the any social level, had ancestors and from mentalité that they spectability" for them lay education in would ers. Rental ofone's land specificallyi in renting their land France, the route to "refinancially to another was a socially out, even to white plantLet rewarding choice. appropriate as well as us look, then, at some potentially tarial archives. Value ofa lease general characteristics of rental sis, at ten times the contract has been set, for contracts in the nostated in the annual rent unless the value the purposes ofthis act. This conforms of the analyofland in cadastral to practice at the time in property was otherwise surveys and death inventories. estimation of the value This appears to slightly under- inancially to another was a socially out, even to white plantLet rewarding choice. appropriate as well as us look, then, at some potentially tarial archives. Value ofa lease general characteristics of rental sis, at ten times the contract has been set, for contracts in the nostated in the annual rent unless the value the purposes ofthis act. This conforms of the analyofland in cadastral to practice at the time in property was otherwise surveys and death inventories. estimation of the value This appears to slightly under- --- Page 163 --- 136 . In Society and the Eonomy value the land when the evidence for this compared with what it would have fetched practice of the time conclusion is not on the market, but in estimation of sufficiently strong to overturn the Overall, the West property values, notarial had the most valuable province, and especially Croix des liures rental contracts. Bouquets and per contract, while the These two parishes Mirebalais, was the subject of about colony-wide average was around averaged over 24,000 land rental two-thirds ofall rental 20,000. Rural land Croix des contracts was 34 carreaux, with a contracts. The average size ofrural Bouquets. range from 6 in A significant number Limonade to 70 in the renter that of rental contracts imposed this value for clearly added value to the lease improvement conditions on statistical without brun, acting purposes. For example, in M. allowing estimation of through their 1777, and ous land from their agents in the colony, rented Mme de Chamof their neighbor habitation in Mirebalais to Louis 40 carreaux of mountainhave been Sieur Louis Blanchard, for seven Blanchardfh, a quarteron son lords undeveloped at the time of the rental. years. 39 The land 1,200 liures a year in rent and, in Blanchardh was to pay appears his to three-room principal addition, was to landall its hardware. In residence, four slave huts, and an construct on the land a planted in addition, he was indigo refining indigo, 3 in yams, and required to leave the land facility with all the fields. This 1,500 hands of bananas with 6 carreaux value of the land represents a substantial standing, and to hedge had by much more than the improvement, probably obliged himselfto 8,400 liures in cash increasing the Such pay during the life oft the lease. rent that Blanchard white lessors. practices were common in Cases where free lated Julie Dahey's second coloreds rented at the beginning ofthis attempt to become a their land to tract can be seen as a chapter, is an outstanding sugar planter in 1781, resince immediate commitment by the owner to the example. This sort ofconprovements. return on investment was long-term value of the Free coloreds were sacrificed in favor of land, renters, in fact, than whites more likely to impose such long-term imwhites to coloreds upon colored renters; 24 conditions on white oreds to whites included such charges, while percent ofrentals ofland were in this form. 34 percent of by must simply be counted These sorts rentals by free coldervaluation at their stated cash ofcontracts cannot be evaluated and of the real cost of renting value, even though this leads to Undeveloped urban land land. an unfigures on value per square foot was in almost never rented, and SO there free coloreds, were the rental market. Urban are no reliable generally for rentals, at. towns, at least the large developed land. There were least among poses, although there towns, where free coloreds usually sections of is only fragmentary congregated for residential evidence of official residential pursegrega- stated cash ofcontracts cannot be evaluated and of the real cost of renting value, even though this leads to Undeveloped urban land land. an unfigures on value per square foot was in almost never rented, and SO there free coloreds, were the rental market. Urban are no reliable generally for rentals, at. towns, at least the large developed land. There were least among poses, although there towns, where free coloreds usually sections of is only fragmentary congregated for residential evidence of official residential pursegrega- --- Page 164 --- Landbolding Practices . 137 tion. Free coloreds owned generally investment quantities of land outside these Many rentals of urban properties. areas, but they were term rentals were property were not the subject of in 1788, former common, as can be seen from notarized acts. Shortbrother Chasseur Volontaire Jean-Louis secondary evidence. For ised Jean-Baptiste for assistance Robineau had to example, to pay. Jean-Louiss with his living expenses. apply to his for six months' back landlady, Rosalie dite Jean-Baptiste rent. 40 There's Duperrier, 241 liures promsample, and the original no sign ofa notarized 5 sols 3 deniers cadastral survey refer act does not refer to one. rental contract in the to "various renters" Several of the However, only 3 of the or describe the entries in the ofless than a 129 rental contracts for urban property as "lodgings." "41 From the year. real estate were for periods rentals fragmentary evidence that were a potentially does exist, it is end ofthe scale, very profitable way ofu apparent that short-term Vincent Ogé, using urban real three apartments in acting for an absentee white estate. At the top rather small, very fashionable sections of town. 42 proprietor, rented out located and typically one large room and a hall or These apartments were tion to, residences. perhaps intended to serve as business antechamber. They were well quite The rents ranged from 198 to premises instead of, or in addiimportant sums, Houses 375 livres a or more large in the wealthier section month. These are The rooms, hence each of these oftown would most valuable house in this rentals was at most a contain four in 1784; anyone who could neighborhood in the sold quarter of a house. a house would be count on receiving 1,000 liures sample for 64,000 liures But it was realizing a rate ofreturn on a month in rents for not only investment of such short-term rentals people at the level of the at least 20 percent. 43 the Place ofurban land. Sieur Ogés who made de FIntendance in Pierre Arnaud, a merchant high profits on wood in the Port-au-Prince, rented with a shop on for courtyard in back ofhis two cabinets (small 36 liures a month. 44 The shop to one Marie rooms) in structing small wooden value of the land is not Therèse, free black, in 1785, easily seven feet buildings was determined, but consquare each and could not relatively inexpensive. These naud, to the extent that he have cost over 500 livres to were a mere a truly princely could keep his rental produce. Sieur Ar85 percent annual return property full, would have Short-term leases, of on the cost realized month for course, had the ofbuilding these shacks. those drawback oflacking course, there is ourbuildings would be nice, if stability- 1 36 liures a the no way to estimate one could get it sale and rental what occupancy rates every month, Of and Croix des price ofurban property is were, except inasmuch as Bouquets, deflated in suggestive of There were other Port-au-Prince. fdemand-high in Cap drawbacks to short-term rentals, In 1785, former Chasseur- the ofbuilding these shacks. those drawback oflacking course, there is ourbuildings would be nice, if stability- 1 36 liures a the no way to estimate one could get it sale and rental what occupancy rates every month, Of and Croix des price ofurban property is were, except inasmuch as Bouquets, deflated in suggestive of There were other Port-au-Prince. fdemand-high in Cap drawbacks to short-term rentals, In 1785, former Chasseur- --- Page 165 --- 138 . In Society and the Economy Volontaire Fabien Gentil, who house to a white man, a Sieur appears again in chapter II, leased (innkeeper). The house Edouard Niort or Niord, a rather large auberge: in must have been fairly well described as an of any case, Sieur Niort was located ifit was to aubergiste three years. 45 However, the willing to pay 2,000 livres serve as an Anbossy, almost house came with an per year for a term rooms of the house certainly a single white man, who unexpected tenant- a Sieur his rights, and and who refused to vacate. The was residing in one of the fore and Gentil declared that lease included no he had been asked Anbossy's tenancy had mention of out, though. Niort to leave. He had refused run out some time beit. He tried to nail Anbossys door on several occasions to move threatened to beat shut, but his wife, who had Niort; then he went into Anbossy caught him at whole to protect herself with Niort's home and matter before the local a stick. Niort and "mistreated" of the facts ofthe courts by making out a Gentil brought the case, which they declaration before a February 1786.4 46 Asis presented to the senéchausée notary However, it common in such cases, ofCap on an lords gives idea of the kind of there is no record of the Français in short-term rental trouble that tenants could outcome, cible Sieur situations. One make for landAnbossy was one presumes that the term lease to a white motivation to Gentil to presence of the irasIf man who put his we compare the might have a better chance in building on a longdata on plots sold, average value per carreau of the courts. be developed we can see that, like urban rural plots rented with similar when rented. The plots, rural land was 634 livres per carreau, while average value of rural land in more likely to rental contracts for sales contracts the rental contracts was the specified further average was 279 livres. whole, the lessor was most improvements as a condition of the Some ready put into production. likely to seek steady income from lease, but on French The land he had world, and the world ofSaint improving tenant was a rarity alexception. Domingue's free colored throughout the In the West landowners was no province, were putting more and especially Croix des Bouquets, the For this more land into coffee and sugart booms reason, in these production during the their land to whites- parishes free coloreds were the period under study. much higher -both the number of such most likely to be than in the other acts and their renting Croix des parishes. The average value was Bouquets was 65,636 liures, average value for white 23,970 livres. The more than twice the lessors in average value for all leases colony-wide participants, was 18,638 livres. in the sample, average of In the big urban regardless of race of more market of Cap Français, whites frequently than in other parishes. This seem to have been the proportion of white lessors in is no doubt an lessors urban leases as a whole: artifact ofthe increased whites executed 26 percent 65,636 liures, average value for white 23,970 livres. The more than twice the lessors in average value for all leases colony-wide participants, was 18,638 livres. in the sample, average of In the big urban regardless of race of more market of Cap Français, whites frequently than in other parishes. This seem to have been the proportion of white lessors in is no doubt an lessors urban leases as a whole: artifact ofthe increased whites executed 26 percent --- Page 166 --- Landbolding Practices . 139 ofurban rental contracts in the rental market in Cap was dominated sample as opposed to 20 Percent of all greater extent than that by urban real estate leases. The ral hinterland included rofPor-au-Prinee reflecting the much business to a much Notarized leases within the borders of the latter more extensive rusharp contrast were for land within the parish. to land sales, where parish for the most part. notaryin a nearby large city. large trades were quite often This is in were Land rental executed perhaps not seen as SO crucial contracts, as more before a special skills of an urban to either party's social evanescent documents, 5 were for land outside notary. Oft the 134 rental standing or requiring the au-Prince, the borders of the contracts executed in only 4 were from outside parish, and of the 52 Cap, only Aside from donation, the parish limits. contracts in Portlegal rights to the soil was purchase, or rental, another way free ment claimed all land through government concession. coloreds often gained men at the time ofthe within its borders that was not The colony's governteenth formal establishment oft already settled by century. In return for a minimal the colony at the end of Frenchpromised to develop it. Grants fee, this land was to the sevenconsiderable size: units could be of any size but given any person who Dauphin, ofzoo carreaux in the were typically blocks of Limonade, and Croix des countryside upper Artibonite Bouquerts and as Fort offon-au-Prince, around Mirebalais. much as 225 survey the land and place Recipients of concessions carreaux in the and perhaps even boundary stones. The surveyor's fee were required to fen has described greater than the could be substantial there the process in his undeveloped value of a piece of is no plantation Voyage: "with land. WimpfThe first without capital), he [the enough fortune (for expense, which I newcomer] can start effectively, the concession fee and the estimate at three to four thousand his plantation. son, accompanied by his surveying. His first step should be to liures, would cover been surveyor, the land reconnoiteri in border previously ceded to another, which conceded, to ensure that it had perstones, to avoid all discussion sometimes happens. he not He then goes on to with his neighbors. "47 must then set clearing it, explain the process of the cash planting food crops to feed the developing the land for crop, obtaining water, and slaves, acquiring a work agriculture, and capital-consuming other necessary duties. This force, planting this reason, process, which many small was clearly a timein the creation many concessions of land that operators could not afford. For ofp plantations but appeared in the did farm, to satisfythe instead in the development sample not result a vast expanse of scrub government regulation that the land be ofa small subsistence plots remained in land used, perhaps, as worked, surrounded by this state for marginal pasture. manne sold 13 many years. For Some conceded carreaux to his neighbor, the white example, Jean François dit Drababitant Sieur Charles Dangoise, a timein the creation many concessions of land that operators could not afford. For ofp plantations but appeared in the did farm, to satisfythe instead in the development sample not result a vast expanse of scrub government regulation that the land be ofa small subsistence plots remained in land used, perhaps, as worked, surrounded by this state for marginal pasture. manne sold 13 many years. For Some conceded carreaux to his neighbor, the white example, Jean François dit Drababitant Sieur Charles Dangoise, --- Page 167 --- 140 . In Society and the Economy in 1787, for 858 liures, 48 This valued land-less than half works out to 66 livres a carreau, balais. No the average value per which is quite lowconceded improvements were mentioned in the carreau even for remote by the act of sale. The Miregovernment to Jean land had Conceded land was often François in 1752. been velop it, however, resold rapidly and without develop the land despite government regulations that any significant effort to desold himself, In 1781, the an urban lot in the Marie Louise Descaline concessionaire must tiste Vasques. 49 She had village of Embarquadaire de ofLimonade, free black, what is been conceded the in Limonade to Sr. Jean described as a "ruinous" plot the spring ofr Bapregulations, but it is clear case, or hut, on the land to 1780 and had built buyer's from the price satisfy the letter of the interest in the lot was in its (600 liures for 720 ence of any small potential as a construction square feet) that the perhaps he outbuilding. The price was site and not the Free gave her some credit for the somewhat higher than prescoloreds occasionally wood in the hut as average, SO out having title went ahead with building materials. legal to the land. This agriculture and by the quasi-free slave took place in construction withOr the maroon, and that shadowy world frequently the squatters. Almost indeed it was these inhabited notarial record. by definition, persons who were However, squatting Cases rarely conceded land Wimpffens advice to the appear in the one else carefully to seei ifany piece ofit had new proprietor to check his Often, suggests land title was never too clear. already been conceded to somesurveys of pieces ofland would enormous quantities. Battles reduce ori increase to this day and were over property lines are a their supposed size by no less feature of ting was often troubling in colonial Haitian rural life An very dependent on the situation days, SO the definition of and with whom squatofPierre emepibefinunginalinstens Perodin and one was and Sieur 50 questionable land titles is talking. in the hills of Dondon Navarre,s Perodin, a free offeredbyt the story perhaps also until 1780, when he colored, was a coffee have provoked the seems to have run onto hard planter Their story first hostility of a powerful times and when they appeared in the sample in a white neighbor, Paid Perodin's 178I act, a Navarre. armed with farm a visit a report from the a complaint by Navarre during sweep for runaway maréchausée and that slaves. ofhaving sold his slaves accused Perodin They were work the land conceded and having ceased to work his ofharboring" "bad sorts" Navarre claimed to him would have plantation. Failing to that the horses threatened his land ing on his, Navarre's, land. kept by one ofPerodins "bad title. In any case, without good title. Perodin had taken one sorts" were wanderhad dubious Several ofthe people ofNavarre's slaves, he titles living there, claimed, the offreedom. The according to parish, and his detachment Chevalier de la Puisaye, Navarre's claim, of cavaliers came and took maréchausée officer for several of these people to that the horses threatened his land ing on his, Navarre's, land. kept by one ofPerodins "bad title. In any case, without good title. Perodin had taken one sorts" were wanderhad dubious Several ofthe people ofNavarre's slaves, he titles living there, claimed, the offreedom. The according to parish, and his detachment Chevalier de la Puisaye, Navarre's claim, of cavaliers came and took maréchausée officer for several of these people --- Page 168 --- Landholding Practices . 141 arrest Perodin. Letters from other neighbors supaway, although they did not that Navarre's complaint Perodin and his dependents, leading to a suspicion ported Perodin of his land. The slave that Perodin supposedly was an attempt to divest Perodin's or perhaps belonged to stole, said the neighbors, was actually originally been taken by Navarre without good ofhis on the farm and had one dependents concluded his report with a recommendation that Perodin reason. The Chevalier dismissed with warnings and another "bad element" and two ofhis dependents be from the quartier. living with Perodin should be expelled of being able to refer to oneself as a This story shows us the social importance had a long history, Perodin, planter. Although the dispute with Navarre obviously by the mawith slaves and cash crops, had never been troubled as an babitant ceased production and sold most ofhis slaves that réchausée. It was only when he and the quasi-free, and his he entered the shadowy netherworld of the squatter his slaves and land came into question. title to remaining CONCLUSION in the land market in the colony. They both Free coloreds were important players ofinheritances and donaand sold land, and they were often recipients bought Since their sales ofland were genertions ofland from white relatives or patrons. combination with the gifts received, their ally small and their purchases large, in sharply over the time under study. share of the colony's landholdings increased share of the colony's slaves that When one takes into consideration the growing and growing presence in possessed, iti is clear that they were a very significant they its economy. were small. The free colored was, in general, Nonetheless, typical landholdings than his white neighbor. However, there al more careful and knowledgeable planter even in the coffee business, and were economies of scale in plantation agriculture, vis à vis their white free coloreds suffered under a handicap in this sense, anyway, competitors. --- Page 169 --- CHAPTER SEVEN Entrepreneursbip military leaders who reappear in The la Bastide family of Croix des Bouquets, fortune with a gift from a white man, chapter I2 of this work, launched its family than such things usually are, to two possibly the father, although this is hazier even in just after their libmulatto men named Pierre and Joseph la Bastide 1755,. Mirebalais young received a piece ofland in the hills between erties became final. They the la Bastide brothers and Croix des Bouquets. 1 From these humble beginnings, urban and rural, located in three collection of real estate, both built a substantial in 1778, Pierre, the older brother, formed a partparishes. In a notarized agreement the original piece of land as an indigo plannership with a white man to operate this plantation was to be operated by the tation. In a reversal ofthe usual pattern, make for la Bastide's greater contriwhite man, who invested "sweat equity" to up coffee and indigo in Mirebalais, bution ofland and slaves.2" The brothers also grew and Mirebalais. located in three collection of real estate, both built a substantial in 1778, Pierre, the older brother, formed a partparishes. In a notarized agreement the original piece of land as an indigo plannership with a white man to operate this plantation was to be operated by the tation. In a reversal ofthe usual pattern, make for la Bastide's greater contriwhite man, who invested "sweat equity" to up coffee and indigo in Mirebalais, bution ofland and slaves.2" The brothers also grew and Mirebalais. cattle and owned urban properties in Port-au-Prince and they ran well in land or slaves as the greatest free colored The brothers were not as supplied of rural land of varying quality, no planting families, owning about 400 carreaux ofwhich were undeveloped, and no more than a dozen urban lots, at least four these men were living quite comfortably more than 50 or 60 slaves. Nonetheless, safety and growth prospects of and could have great confidence in the long-term cash crops, cofinvestments. They were producing two different important their food to satisfy the great appetites fee and indigo, and, in addition, were producing Plaine de la Cul de Sac, which lay between of the growing sugar plantations ofthe with investments in urban real estate, they their different pieces ofland. Moreover, needs ofa free population growing at were well positioned to supply the housing catastrophe, the la Bastide famsome 51 to 6 percent per) year. Absent a colony-wide ily fortune was assured. --- Page 170 --- Entrepreneurship . 143 ofland. This chapter turns covered the acquisition and trading with which ownThe last chapter defined as the aggresiveness to sacuse ofland, and their willingness to the entrepreneurial economic value from their land varied widely in ers sought to extract values for economic ones. Free coloreds operarifice its non-economic land. Many remained very small agricultural use ofthe their land. That is, they preferred their entrepreneurial attitudes of peasants toward priadopting the held their slaves. They produced tors, land for long periods of time, as they for the market; they were to hold and only secondarily tenuous way. marily for their own consumption in tropical cash crops in only a very to use connected to the capitalist marketi status above the peasantry began free coloreds who rose in economic rapidly on the market, leasing Some their slaves very aggressively, trading return on their the land and needed, seeking to maximize the economic left the countryside capital goods that they level that free coloreds often once It was at this economic money for the day when they might property. in the cities, saving of as mere peasants. and began to operate this time as habitants instead even again return to the countryside, tended to use their assets more conservatively In contrast, the planter elite careers. between urban the early stages oft their and the link during also considers the urban entrepreneur economic value of This chapter The tendency to maximize most and rural free colored populations. value part of Fentepmeneunhig- urban free colassets at the expense of non-cconomic coloreds in the colony. At the same time, and less marked among urban free younger, more likely to be childless, that these ored populations were significantly too much ofa stretch to suggest married. It does not seem moved to the city to seek likely to be Young, single free coloreds who had achieved some variables were connected. and parenthood set in, those having sometheir fortunes. As middle age moved back to the countryside and, reasonable: facsimile of a fortune both became conservative. non-economic goals, thing to conserve, free coloreds were perhaps pursuing them to make money and to be Thus, although it was important for good at making in slave and land ownership, free coloreds were pretty money. Luckily, as a group, on the island, but they were among seen making were not the largest capitalists money. Young, single free coloreds who had achieved some variables were connected. and parenthood set in, those having sometheir fortunes. As middle age moved back to the countryside and, reasonable: facsimile of a fortune both became conservative. non-economic goals, thing to conserve, free coloreds were perhaps pursuing them to make money and to be Thus, although it was important for good at making in slave and land ownership, free coloreds were pretty money. Luckily, as a group, on the island, but they were among seen making were not the largest capitalists money. They its most successful. RURAL ENTREPRENEURNIP obtainable the nature oft the fortunes observers laid great stress on fragile to revealing the "fraColonial Wimpffen devotes two chapters millionthough tropical agriculture. the "myth of the Dominguan where of colonial fortunes" and exploding n he says, "there is no country gility when Itell you, . nowhere where aire. n "Believe me, Monsieur, [than Saint Domingue), and . . individual fortunes are less solid --- Page 171 --- 144 : In Society and the Economy wealth and happiness are less d'Aigalliers reported that the synonymous than they are here."4 as wealthy as Croesus, were (white) colonists of the French Similarly, Brueys were no more than "ill-at-case" actually bowed under a weight ofdebt Antilles, seemingly The merchants of. La at best,5 and disaster and offloans to impecunious Rochelle, reports Robert Forster, Abandoning the colonial planters in the colonies who could routinely had to write social trade for in not repay their debts. advantage of the merchant landowning rural France not their capital than family he studied, but it only was to the gue. 6 Paul Butel continuing to do business with the was also a wiser use of face of climatic described the wealth of the colonial sugar barons ofSaint Dominwithout any real catastrophe, and even worse, market planter as "fragile - : in the the Seven Years' War possibility ofreaction. the social fluctuations which left him confrontation to the Revolution is history of the Antilles from between perhaps more slaves." N7 merchants and planters than strongly marked by the by that Free colored between masters and ferent as the Chavannes agricultural entrepreneurs free colored and the Pouparts occasionally failed, also. Families as dif rebel ofLimonade (the former black militia captain Jean-Baptiste Vincent Chavanne and the latter the family of period under study. Olivier) suffered major economic family the relatives of harassment of his Certainly Pierre Perodin, victim setbacks during the 1770S and early 1780s. neighbor, was not going up the economic ofmarthausee raids and the they were exceptions. However, these stories attract the escalator in the late coloreds who The general rule, at least for the chronicler's eye because The appeared in the notarial middling to free Laporte family, whom record, was wealthy encounter again in we met at the beginning ofsteady of success. the 178os. The chapter 8, were among the chapter I and whom we Louis family launched its fortune upper ranks of the arrived in the sometime in planter elite in coffee colony as an immigrant from the 1750s when the first according to the model France and first put forward settled down to marriage to a white woman of by Wimpffen. A few farm him with one son, this Louis fmodest property ended with her years later, after a undeveloped land in the Laporte married a free colored death, leaving other pieces of area where coffee woman who owned ancestor property held by the in growing was starting up. A by the government family the 1780s had been couple of pieces ofland came during the 1750S and had conceded to the they to the family through been handed down,s Other capitalized on their favored purchase or more recent duction to become an position as one ofthe first to concession, as mid-170s, they had important force in the get into coffee prodied sometime no close white relatives regional (the market by the 1780s. By the before 1776) and received original Louis no donations of land Laporte having during the period had been couple of pieces ofland came during the 1750S and had conceded to the they to the family through been handed down,s Other capitalized on their favored purchase or more recent duction to become an position as one ofthe first to concession, as mid-170s, they had important force in the get into coffee prodied sometime no close white relatives regional (the market by the 1780s. By the before 1776) and received original Louis no donations of land Laporte having during the period --- Page 172 --- Entrepreneurship : 145 information on day-to-day matNotarial records do not contain much in the hands of various memunder study. sales, but with a galaxy of habitations at least 300 slaves, they ters like coffee totaling at least 800 carreaux, employing in one generation bers of the family in the parish. Having gone the owners of a colthe leading producers farmer to were among and free colored peasant that they were effifrom new white immigrant establishments suggests lection of very large coffee-growing to the brothers Or the Laportes cient producers. situation of the la Bastide amounts to Compare the happy described by Brueys d'Aigalliers, owing fluctuations enormous in the single white entrepreneur in the large city, at the mercy of price the hazards ofwar, flood, epihis business agent always worried about on the part ofl his primary product he produced, or mismanagement and dishonesty demic in the slave quarters, examples. Free économe, OI manager. without the need to further multiply more The general point is clear closer to the ground and could respond were coffee boom, or to minor coloreds, as resident proprietors, such as the changes in the marketplace, Also, as resident quickly to major common, if less earth shattering. talfluctuations that were more deal of professional management could dispense with a great If were needed, proprietors, they corruption on their plantations. managers without having to ent and also decrease could generally provide a candidate also could, and the large free colored family blancs. Free colored proprictors them more the ranks oft the petits la Bastides, making search among as in the example ofthe did, diversify their capital, of the marketplace. There resistant to the vagaries between white and free colored landholding. Pierre Perodin difference with Scale was another among the "bad sorts" the one was living Thibault, said by were white peasants- habitation in Dondon, a certain Joseph to laziness." 9 Most on his defunct coffee who was giving himself of officer to be a malingerer the acceptable roles manager maréchausée seem to have stuck to socially in the cities. Whites who poor whites, though, OI tradesman to sink worker on a large plantation were much more likely or technical following the advice ofWimpffen, rather than start with could buy farms, debtin order to become large planters growth. themselves deeply into of their capital and work toward long-term credit terms something within the reach of notarial acts bought on explicit were on White purchasers in the sample of sales between free coloreds of the time, while only II percent beginning white habitant to buy! land 17 percent 10' This greater willingness ofthe farther to get a bigger place. credit terms. that he was stretching his resources make a fortune, and reon credit suggests was to establish himself, who had The goal oft the white immigrant life. Finally, those white habitants when comthe to live the good even turn to metropole for fortunes had enormous operations, succeeded in their quest notarial acts bought on explicit were on White purchasers in the sample of sales between free coloreds of the time, while only II percent beginning white habitant to buy! land 17 percent 10' This greater willingness ofthe farther to get a bigger place. credit terms. that he was stretching his resources make a fortune, and reon credit suggests was to establish himself, who had The goal oft the white immigrant life. Finally, those white habitants when comthe to live the good even turn to metropole for fortunes had enormous operations, succeeded in their quest --- Page 173 --- 146 . In Society and the Economy elite. The plantation that levels of the free colored planting in his standard pared to the upper for his chapter on colonial society of 520 carPierre Pluchon chose as typical Cottineau sugar plantation, consisted history of the colony, the than any but the very biggest habitation general slaves." 11 This is much larger reaux and 171 colored. in sugar. One owned by a free in agricultural production, especially and no sugar Size produced economies to use a sugar mill economically, mill. The instineeded a certain level of production could make money without its own cenin Saint Domingue central mill, found in the nineteenth plantation farmers supplying a until the late nineteenth tution of small sugar did not catch on in Haiti the cane to the in Brazilian sugar country, rail lines to carry tury of narrow-gauge from buying with the introduction a certain advantage century Even in coffee or indigo, one gained share would give the planter central mill. wholesale, and a large market one's slaves in large lots, with buyers. that grew up better negotiating position of scale. The intimacy a there were also reverse economies in a small unit on a remote However, slave when both lived together the slave's morale between master and have had a positive impact on with could be expected to slaves would also havebeen easier plantation on the would have been lower. and thus productivity. Keepingwatch and thus runaway rates in part the fewer of them per free overseer, also have been easier, perhaps explaining 12 A smaller proSecing to their health must of slaves owned by free coloreds." slave morale demonstrated lower mortality oftasks, which would also help keep were more duction unit meant more variety his master. In addition, if slaves on build the slave's value to be the case up as well as as would more commonly have more than one specialty, with specialized knowledge likely to death, illness, or flight of slaves smaller plantations, disaster to the organization's efficiency. were and SO the would be less of a even if margins higher, the Smaller units meant less total income, to travel to the cities. Having havmaster would have less wherewithal more efficient than free colored would seem inherendy the hand on the plantation in aggregate, master on or Paris. Certainly, than were him resident in Cap or Port-au-Prince be resident on their plantations ing were much more likely to free coloreds that the colonial miliwhite proprietors. from their plantations units who Whites were absent SO frequently officers for the rural parishes' militia Mailhert, found it difficult to provide for duty. M. de Carnage de tary counted on to be present this to his superiors could be reliably complained about problem better in the the colony's military commander, evidence that the situation got any in France in 1739, but there is no be adensuing fifty years." 13 meant that the plantation would Absenteeism among whites usually the colonial miliwhite proprietors. from their plantations units who Whites were absent SO frequently officers for the rural parishes' militia Mailhert, found it difficult to provide for duty. M. de Carnage de tary counted on to be present this to his superiors could be reliably complained about problem better in the the colony's military commander, evidence that the situation got any in France in 1739, but there is no be adensuing fifty years." 13 meant that the plantation would Absenteeism among whites usually --- Page 174 --- Entraproncuribip 147 ministered by an économe, or with 1,636 appearing in the manager. This was a profession Some of these men 1780 census out of a total greatly in demand, Toussaint were quite white population Bréda, later professional. For example, the ofa0.543.4 tions in the North Louverture, Bayon de Libertat, former master of fee. Many économes province. Owners clearly felt he managed several plantawere rank was worth his whites, with little or no amateurs, however, recruited from the considerable Wimpffens letter from experience the in the colony, with the class of poor laid habitation crops, orwith the great stress on the Désert, in the mountains slaves. not only their "stupidity" and "laziness" of the north of Jacmel, Abadie, économe professionalism but also their économe. 15 In many of the habitation honesty was in doubt. cases, lying ill in was Borgello and Sieur Pierre 1777, SO Fontelaye in Croix des ployer that he willed him conscience-stricken 600 about his disservices Bouquets, When free colored livres to repay the costs ofhis to a former emcarried out by a family member. owners were absent, management of their "negligence." P16 volved in land deals in In 1788,Jean-Baptiste L'Eveille lands was often to manage his habitation Cap Français, sent his son] dit Riché, fully inNord.17 The in Boucan Jean-François Edouard land had been leased Quimby, in the parish of L'Eveille to reclaim it at the end of the to a white man, and the son's Grand Rivière du production. The lease, repair any and responsibility was usually family strength and size ofthe free colored damages, get the land back in reliable outside members around to carry out these tasks family meant that there were White help did not need to be SO that expensive and unplanters were much more employed. though there were creole white likely to be on their own in the tions, most whites on the island families, some ofwhich owned colony. Allies. Those who were able were recent who extensive plantawith to marry on the island immigrants came without famifrom management the tasks, as would the creoles. Even might have relatives to help them there strong desire of whites to these families, or not. Young creoles, "return" to France, though, suffered their education, and male and female, often whether they were born to a hireling. many remained there, leaving their traveled to the metropole for places on the family farm Frequently, a colored family would member-c child, younger brotherform a partnership in which the sources, and the senior provided junior we have the family members provided management most of the services and some reDame Marie long-standing Madelaine and apparently quite successful capital. For example, ored although her racial Duchemin, widow ofSieur partnership between Pierre status was never Turgeau, apparentlya a free colTurgeau, her son. Pierre was specified in any of the acts, and le Turgeaus (others ofwhom apparently the oldest of a nommé are frankly described in the substantial brood of notarial record as mulâtres/ junior we have the family members provided management most of the services and some reDame Marie long-standing Madelaine and apparently quite successful capital. For example, ored although her racial Duchemin, widow ofSieur partnership between Pierre status was never Turgeau, apparentlya a free colTurgeau, her son. Pierre was specified in any of the acts, and le Turgeaus (others ofwhom apparently the oldest of a nommé are frankly described in the substantial brood of notarial record as mulâtres/ --- Page 175 --- 148 . In Society and the Eronomy muldtresses) and was the one chosen 1773, the widow Turgeau to take responsibility for the her from declared before a family farm. seeing to her own notary that her In five years. Her age could affairs, SO she formed a great age" prevented not have been too partnership with Pierre to threatening as the great nor her last The younger partnership was renewed three times in handicaps especially lifeone-third of Turgeau was to manage the notarial the operating capital provided entirely his registers. half of the gross income. expenses out of his own by mother, pay early November Greatly formal, the two pocket, and get for his for an visited the pains 1777 to 1786, omitting accounting. Nine of these notary every year in of American 178I. They cleared about accountings have survived, from never actually Independence and up to 9,500 livres 6,500 liures a year during the War the paid him more than 800 a yeari in son usually took liures cash in peacetime. The mother would have substantially less. A any one of those years, and it be paid demanded at least 800 livres a professional manager for such an out of the proceeds of year salary and would have estate was added to a each harvest. The rest of his insisted that paid "later"-f from running total in each of the annual "management fee" less way of her estate, one presumes. This case accountings, is which was to be (as debts) from transferring one's assets to one's heir of a neat example ofa painattachment by other choice while quirement under French law that claimants to the estate, protecting them purposes here, let us assets be divided circumventing the reterm success note that the equally among all heirs. For who did not need plantation got a our Free coloreds to be paid large sums manager of cash dedicated to its longeither family occasionally formed in salary. members or partnerships like the assets without it patrons. This also often Turgeaus' with whites, were officially appearing to be either a proved a handy way to transfer frowned upon between bequest or a 6. donation-both chapter As an example of whites and free ofwhich Jean Pierre Pavie, this process, we have the coloreds, as was discussed in his quarteron, and the widow partnership step-mother. 19 She Cochet, a white established by 3slaves. She was to build provided a piece of land and woman, presumably to personal a house on the land and 3 slaves, and he service from her3 slaves. reside in it, and she provided with her if she traveled. She also had the had the right cent ofthe He was to manage the farm right to take one ofthe slaves profits. This sounds like a and had a right to managingit, while young man getting 5o perCredit is taking care of an aged control over an important relative. property and that is component of performed on credit can be Tentrepreneurship. A as a certain level of said to be almost business transaction will be lost. economic return on investment automatically is entrepreneurial, ing to Agricultural credit was to required or the put as much as two-thirds available free coloreds. capital good of the price of slaves sold Negociants were willto planters on credit managingit, while young man getting 5o perCredit is taking care of an aged control over an important relative. property and that is component of performed on credit can be Tentrepreneurship. A as a certain level of said to be almost business transaction will be lost. economic return on investment automatically is entrepreneurial, ing to Agricultural credit was to required or the put as much as two-thirds available free coloreds. capital good of the price of slaves sold Negociants were willto planters on credit --- Page 176 --- Entrepreneurship . 149 ofcredit houses sin France extended vast amounts the harvest." 20 Mercantile themselves saddled with uncollectible against Sometimes they found The Deas well. Rochelle merchants. to planters like the Depont family ofLa in Saint Domingue. bad debts as a result, lirures by various creditors owed more than 50,000 could also touch unofficial ponts were debts were decades old.21 Free coloreds as we have seen, Some of these of patrons and family members, far from their networks composed whites operating support ease than could immigrant probably with greater goods that were typifamilies. for the expensive capital the cash payment was unusual was rare in colony, Actual notarial acts. Real French cash money of circulated in cally the subject of currency to pounds sugar sales made at and a host of substitutes from Spanish for all commodities in my sample, stated that Of1,408 sales contracts On occasion, acts that its place. cash totaled 487, or 35 percent. as explained in least in part for were actually credit sales, when for cash payment in subsequent acts a sale was performed would be revealed sales, the subterfuge Only 299 chapter 2; occasionally live to the unwritten payment agreement. of acts, no terms the purchaser failed to up credit terms. In the majority made compwere on some explicit be said to have been or 2I percent, and often the sale would stated, were explicitly a billet, obligation, mantant, or on account. form ofcredit was variously termed to at some time The most common but in all cases it was a personal promise pay and in propordat, or lettre de crédit, in the issuer's economic universe in the future that was negotiable Foache's billet was negotiable in That is, Stanislas count on having his billet tion to his creditworthiness. while a planter could ofhis habiin the colony, vicinity France Or anywhere where he traded andi lin the immediate hands several times accepted in the port city his bills. Billets could change for in the tation to the extent that he paid we find sales being paid issuance and recovery, and frequently than the one to whom it was origibetween in the hands of another person seller's paper, this might be only a nally issued. though. In some cases, office and Commercial paper had a lifespan, of the contract in the notary's oblibetween the negotiation In other cases, couple of days, on a distant plantation. laid out. of cash from a strongbox plans carefully the recovery for years, with elaborate payment the cost from being gations would be good objections prevented if the Credit cost, of course, but religious Obviously, the price was inflated stated in these notarial acts. often assessed in court orders specifically Interest ofs percent was often went to was to be delayed. by law, but creditors payment debts, as permitted them to court. for payment of past-due overdue debtors instead of taking with (with legal great lengths to negotiate as insufficient recompense that creditors saw 5 percent One presumes years, with elaborate payment the cost from being gations would be good objections prevented if the Credit cost, of course, but religious Obviously, the price was inflated stated in these notarial acts. often assessed in court orders specifically Interest ofs percent was often went to was to be delayed. by law, but creditors payment debts, as permitted them to court. for payment of past-due overdue debtors instead of taking with (with legal great lengths to negotiate as insufficient recompense that creditors saw 5 percent One presumes --- Page 177 --- 150 . In Society and the Economy ofdifferent of payment terms fees eating up too much ofthat). The profusion types but given the to determine the precise actual rate ofinterest, make it impossible annual return on investment used to estimate rental relatively standard IO percent we must assume that money cost at value in cadastral surveys and notarial acts, least that much. to have been the aggressive consumers of Free coloreds, though, do not appear on the average, their credit that white proprietors were. As smaller-scale operators, that white plantdid not have the same broad geographical range as oflarge their paper havel led merchants to be less willing to accept paper. ers. Racial prejudice may! among the planter elite, made them Finally, their natural conservatism, particularly white to plunge as deeply into debt as their competitors. less willing stated that the white planter needed to pay only oneFor example, Wimpffen costs and would get the remaining twothird oft the value ofhis slaves in up-front ofthe price ofs slaves On average, only about 20 percent purchase thirds on credit.2 was credit. This marked prefbought by free coloreds from whites in my sample white sellers, for in sales for cash sales was not forced upon free coloreds by erence of only 23 percent of the purchase price was between free coloreds, an average loaned.23 the free colored landowner and entrepreneur? ObviSo what, then, motivated Breaking even financially, at least ously, avoiding financial losses was important. over the long term, meant staying in business. was to get rich and go "home" The essential motivation oft the white proprietor of France as home; a "Mecca" France. Even whites born in the colony thought to said observer Cornelius de Pauw, to to which they aspired like "Mohametans," could see and be seen and flaunt their journey: at least once in their lives-so they wealth.24 free colored, although they did travel to This motive meant much less to the The Police des Noirs regulawhile there. France and did consume conspicuously display ofwealth by visiting were concerned with the overweening tions ofFrance would send their colored sons (and sometimes free coloreds. 25 Many white men make valuable contacts. Individuals daughters as well) to France to learn a trade Or the slave dealer we met in chapas diverse as Vincent Ogé and Zabeau Bellanton, Free coloreds' public spokesmade commercial stays in the metropole. ter 5, long that they saw the colonies as their home.26 men, however, alleged this assertion that the free coloreds viewed Certainly their behavior supports their land for the long as home and were more likely to manage their plantations description in chapter 6 that the pattern of term. We can see from the statistical that held onto pieces ofland, on the free coloreds indicates they land ownership by of time than did whites. Iff they had to sell land average, for much longer periods public spokesmade commercial stays in the metropole. ter 5, long that they saw the colonies as their home.26 men, however, alleged this assertion that the free coloreds viewed Certainly their behavior supports their land for the long as home and were more likely to manage their plantations description in chapter 6 that the pattern of term. We can see from the statistical that held onto pieces ofland, on the free coloreds indicates they land ownership by of time than did whites. Iff they had to sell land average, for much longer periods --- Page 178 --- Entreprencurship e 15I both total and per unit, than in smaller units and lower value, small or undevelto whites, it was that they were sacrificing whole what whites sold to them, suggesting while whites were selling plantations portions of their establishment oped described above, to them. partners in the agricultural partnerships would reward them for deAs landlords, orjunior n seeking a structure that they were free coloreds were "improvers, of their capital goods. Occasionally, they the productive capacity real estate, but as rural landlords veloping especially in urban who would improve the content to be rentiers, to rent to tenants built more likely than white proprietors to have the right to installations were for high cash rents in order land, not asking credit, even in a and fields planted. coloreds avoided the trap of easy rural free built for the ages, economiAs businessmen, within their means. Theyb would encash-poor society, and stayed that their children and grandchildren in the expectation cally speaking, worked for. joy what they had ENTREPRENEURS URBAN FREE COLORED bewith the rather aggressive free colored planter elite contrasts have seen in the demographic The conservative colored in an urban area. As we in urban areas havior of the free 3, the free colored populations also less likely investigation contained in chapter relatives in the countryside and were to tended to be younger than their single people are notoriously willing shoemarried or to have children. Young, retail Or wholesale, on a to be free coloreds went into business, land with the expectation take risks. Urban and developed white bought and sold land aggresively, the "boom times" mentality oftheir string, extent, theyshared the sugar and offat profits. To some river ofwealth that fowed between they offthe great extent, though, neighbors, profiting France in the 1780s. To a considerable fortunes, in coffee plantations and hoped would be longer-lasting the the bases of what they French merchants like Deponts, were laying if on a smaller scale, as and bought nobility much the same way, their La Rochelle mercantile house who took their gains from to be involved and royal office. the cities, free coloreds were very likely the third Whatever else they didi lin was growing sO rapidly during estate. real estate market. The colony in urban real in the urban it was difficult not to make a profit for exquarter of the century that with the countryside; Cap Français, rapidly, along in The cities were growing of 1,751 in 1775 to 4,123 1788.7 onto their from a free population tended to hold ample, grew free coloreds in the countryside that would As we have seen, saw it as a family patrimony for the long term and frequently property growing sO rapidly during estate. real estate market. The colony in urban real in the urban it was difficult not to make a profit for exquarter of the century that with the countryside; Cap Français, rapidly, along in The cities were growing of 1,751 in 1775 to 4,123 1788.7 onto their from a free population tended to hold ample, grew free coloreds in the countryside that would As we have seen, saw it as a family patrimony for the long term and frequently property --- Page 179 --- 152 . In Society and the Economy build social status as well as more tightly on financial produce financial gain. In the colored sellers in the gain and were willing to buy and cities, they focused much ingit, sample held urban land for sell land quickly. Free Free significantlyless than their an average ofssyears coloreds were also average tenure in rurall land, before sellOfigo sales of land in more willing to deal in which was 8.asyears. This urban areas by free undeveloped land in urban areas. suggests that, whereas free coloreds, 74 were buy land, turn it into colored ofundeveloped plots. a farm landowners in rural and then worki it, free ofwhatever level of areas preferred to colored a piece of land, await landownersint urban sophistication areas they could afford, the city's were often someone who would expansion, and then sell the content to buy entrepreneurship. improve it- -constituting piece at a profit to speculation, an extreme form of Furthermore, as landlords, urban free cousins, and, indeed, even more coloreds were more come of their lands likely than their white likely than their rural ants. In only 6 rather than build for the long term neighbors, to take the inthe oftzg urban rental contracts by seeking owners, was the renter in the sample where improving tenerty. All but one of these required to make significant free coloreds were the often major simply required repairs or minor improvements on the proptracts. On the other developments that were a significant renovations instead of 7 cases the hand, ofst rental part of many rural lease renter was contracts where whites con2 cases this was obliged by the terms of the lease were the owners, in important to do some place, construction adding work, and in significantly to the value of the Alongside land trading, urban free were involved in commerce, from coloreds engaged in other ony. At the very top was the the most humble to the businesses. Many was a future leader highest levels in the colprominent white revolutionary Vincent merchant); négociant (a term Ogé. Ogés father upon his death, implying the highest level The Ogé house Vincent, as his legitimate ofwholesale Ogé also owned shipped sugar and coffee to France as its son, took over his business. inter-island one occasion, he boats, one ofwhich traded primarybusiness. Vincent criticized the with North planning to take his schooner. captain of one of his vessels who America. On sion-Ogé may have La Normande to New was said to be lating the been trying to cover England without his permisexclusijfzs Ogé was also himselfin case he was own name, in that ofhis involved in urban real accused of vioIn an example of free mother, and as an agent for absentee estate, apparently in his tom ofthe economic colored urban owners in France. scale, entrepreneunhip that is a Sieur Guillemeti Marie Josephe, free closer to the bottotal in 1785 to manage a small retail negresse, formed a capital was 2,362 livres Iosols. business in Fort partnership with Sieur Dauphin. Their Guillemet was to manage the store, which ofhis involved in urban real accused of vioIn an example of free mother, and as an agent for absentee estate, apparently in his tom ofthe economic colored urban owners in France. scale, entrepreneunhip that is a Sieur Guillemeti Marie Josephe, free closer to the bottotal in 1785 to manage a small retail negresse, formed a capital was 2,362 livres Iosols. business in Fort partnership with Sieur Dauphin. Their Guillemet was to manage the store, which --- Page 180 --- Entrepreneurhip . 153 is unknown, but it 29 The source oft their money acted for Marie would operate in rented premises.? habitant, Formel des Rivières, significant that a white how he set up a dependent, perhaps is perhaps This may have been In any case, in the Josephe before the notary. ofhis children, to take care ofherself. the white manformer lover Or mother imposed on a of the store, the tight conditions the very small amount ofcash Spartan furnishings creditt to his friends, and to break to refrain from granting idea of a desperate attempt ager 462 livres), we can get a good ofboth the free colored and reserves (only be one's own master on the part was esand Josephe out of poverty scheme. The boutique Guillemet/Marie) as no act the white investor in this seems to have survived at least three, tablished originally for one year but in the notarial record. final appeared business startups of dissolution or accounting however. In fact, like small that a sizNot all such attempts succeeded, countries today, one gets the impression the 1782 act of in developed and developing failed. Let us consider in this light Julie able minority, if not a majority, Sieur La Bacheliere and the menagere between 30 La Bacheliere dissolution of a partnership in Croix des Bouquets." of a manufactory salary for operation Dahey to operate pottery as he had a 4,000 livre annual with the did not do badly in the deal, and equipment of the company, Julie was to get the buildings The share ofthe 74,651 liures the facility. between the partners. largest salaries of several skilled slaves to be split equally accumulated in expenses was for the Sieur Richie, 3,300 that the partnership 9,000 livres for a livres for La Bacheliere, for a Sieur Redas, and 3,000 employees: 12,000 who made bricks, 600 livres were also paid, linres for a Sieur Croziat (for whom rental charges as a slave The partlirvres for a nommé Thelemaque freedom during the life of the company). that he gained his of slaves, as many as 22 at one point, of suggesting also rented widely varying numbers that the renter pay the cost nership liures with the usual conditions liures for dead slaves for a total of 18,500 them an additional 5,500 deceased slaves- - costing to back their runaway missing or for slave catchers bring to official several expenses of 8 livres 5sols much more, according and would have charged them livres in income, which slaves (the maréchausste seems to have made 36,214 schedules). The business price detailed in the final accounting, the free colored partner was a is not substantial business. Again, the case of This was a fairly by a white man in the backgyround-in whom we woman, possibly supported might have come from Thomas Peignanan, of Dahey's potJulie Dahey, such support 6.31 Itis interesting to note in the case asalso already met in chapter as her share of the partnership's she the land and buildings of the planter tery plant that kept with her class identity as a member colored. While sets. This is entirely consonant her than it would to an urban free busiLand meant much more to both of the other two elite. business, an established Vincent Ogé was managing -in whom we woman, possibly supported might have come from Thomas Peignanan, of Dahey's potJulie Dahey, such support 6.31 Itis interesting to note in the case asalso already met in chapter as her share of the partnership's she the land and buildings of the planter tery plant that kept with her class identity as a member colored. While sets. This is entirely consonant her than it would to an urban free busiLand meant much more to both of the other two elite. business, an established Vincent Ogé was managing --- Page 181 --- 154 . In Society and the Economy riskier than the agricultural partnerships Free discussed here were considerably sO in the sample. nesses that appeared frequently in busithis Or that plantation risks when engaged to exploit have been willing to take great seems to people of color seem to the experience of the pottery manufactory in in the cities although Her subsequent appearances ness Dahey of risky business ventures. in chapter 6. have cured Julie approach, as indicated their trades. reflect a more conservative skilled workmen plied the record were the place where most sugar The urban areas technical skills required for crop transformation- areas. Many free With the exception ofthe concentrated in the urban of a skilled and indigo mill workers-trademen themselves in the notarial record as practitioners that trade. It was coloreds identified much Or any of ftheirincome from and free coltrade, even if they did not gain free colored illegitimate son a trade, a free respectable to teach one's One Joseph dit Aubry, socially members of the trade associations. goldoreds could be himself as a compagnon orfeure (journeyman technical skill, black, for example, identified 32 He thereby laid claim, not only to tradessmith) in an act of sale in 1787. fraternity yoffrenchjpournement a social and political in the creation of a labor but to memberhipina been identified as an early step Aubry which has variously the medieval guild system: men of the death throes of to claim membermovement or as part ifindeed he was entitled livingi in probably joined the compagnonnage, France. There was a white Aubry family to his trade in travel to France ship, while studying who may have helped Aubry for a Cap, perhaps former masters, man, as one would expect journeyman includHe was a reasonably prosperous He owned at least 2 slaves, study. boom town like Cap Français. in the act of sale.341 Pergoldsmith in a woman termed a marchande as this was ing one talented and expensive she was destined for freedom, business. she was his shop clerk, and perhaps women who had succeeded in haps often applied to free colored his trade in the colony. The a term most the tradesman who had learned the and More common was could be convinced to come to colony white master tradesmen who with slaves, who were frequendly few finding labor. Along process, had no difficulty the set up shop learn technical skills through apprenticeship to them their masters to for opportunities get sent by coloreds' families were looking with free masters for a number ofyears, many young typically worked for their number of years required. The training. Apprentices family reducing the the number of payment from the apprentice's seemingly, to significantly limit the guilds were not strong enough, Only white craftsmen were describedint free coloreds out. have you. Howpractitioners Or keep "master" carpenter or tailor or what the notarial record by the term even without the title, were doing time under study, free coloreds, The white masters do not ever, by the teachers had done before them. the fee for same thing their white money out of the deal, either: average much more seem to have gotten the number of payment from the apprentice's seemingly, to significantly limit the guilds were not strong enough, Only white craftsmen were describedint free coloreds out. have you. Howpractitioners Or keep "master" carpenter or tailor or what the notarial record by the term even without the title, were doing time under study, free coloreds, The white masters do not ever, by the teachers had done before them. the fee for same thing their white money out of the deal, either: average much more seem to have gotten --- Page 182 --- Entrepreneurship . 155 livres while the overall average fee, with a white master was 1,262 was 1,166 livres. apprenticeship supervised by free colored journeymen, of a particular including apprenticeshipe in the notarial record as practitioners successful miliNot all people identified from that skill. One of the most Pierre Augustrade got much, Of any, income Volontaires de Saint-Domingue was landowner in Cap veterans ofthe Chasseurs-V in this book. A tary' first mentioned in the introductioni the notarial record throughtin, who was he was described in noted that he turned habitant in the countryside, At one point, his notary formally as a maker. Limbé."35 out his early career wig and now an habitant in la Souffrière, in west Af- "once a wig maker in Cap, a bossale from somewhere was in his past, Augustin, stuck even after it would Clearly, at some point maker, and the description n had been trained as a wig him a "real estate investor and developer. rica, accurate to have termed have been able to make good have been more active in their trades seem to workman was a Persons who were like the retail merchant, the skilled and nothing although once again, in tools and slave workmen money, investment with a heavy sole proprietor fuctuations ofthe market. and entrepreneurial to protect him against businesspeople, thus, were aggressive Their mentalité All of these urban of their cousins in rural areas. ofthe of capital, in contrast to most Or perhaps a product users the result oft their youth, childlessness, the leadership group, may have been between the planter elite and military the conditions difference in attitudes and II of this book. Of course, in chapters IO risky nature offree which are described above are further indications ofthe seems to have oft the businesses described in the cities. The free colored plantation Not SO for colored economic behavior in the previous subsection. safe investment, as indicated merchant house ofVinbeen a quite commercial enterprise: even the mighty (and France's disadvanthe free colored the at risk ofwar bad faith by was always close to precipice, bad debts OI cent Ogé in the naval struggle with England), regulation, Or changing conditageous position changing governmentr or Marie the planters, like Julie Dahey their customers, in France. The small commerganté, almost half of all nontions of their market risk. in my sample, to have was much more at Certainly High risk, high gain, seems Josephe, were dissolved.* agricultural partnerships for free coloreds in the cities. been the consensus strategy LINKS AND ENTREPRENEURAIP URBAN-RURAL as two distinct pheconsidered urban and rural entrepreneurship have moved back and forth So far, we have individuals and families seem to their resources in a comnomena. However, with great ease and to have split and people between city and farm circumstances. This mobility of capital plicated response to changing in my sample, to have was much more at Certainly High risk, high gain, seems Josephe, were dissolved.* agricultural partnerships for free coloreds in the cities. been the consensus strategy LINKS AND ENTREPRENEURAIP URBAN-RURAL as two distinct pheconsidered urban and rural entrepreneurship have moved back and forth So far, we have individuals and families seem to their resources in a comnomena. However, with great ease and to have split and people between city and farm circumstances. This mobility of capital plicated response to changing --- Page 183 --- 156 . In Society and the Economy coloreds. This places Saint Docommunities of of free reinforced the unity of regional contrast to other Caribbean populations the towns were mingue's free coloreds in sharp where the free coloreds in for example, living as peasants coloreds, such as Jamaical's, maroon - free people of color distinct from the - often sharply the ofToussaint in remote rural areas. range of free coloreds, family this peofthe regionwide small during an As example from slavery to the status of planters slaves in rural Grand Louverture was moving owned a farm and two dozen on.37 At the same riod. Toussaint's son-in-law operated that farm from 1779 ofland and Toussaint himself He owned a small amount Riviere, himself was an urban landlord. Français, part ofwhich he sold time, Toussaint area ofthe city ofCap a house in Cap at Haut du Cap, an outlying him.8 His wife was to receive reached and subsequent in 1781 as urban expansion will of Pierre Guillaume Mirebalezia in the predeceased her)." as a rental property unclear whether Mirebalezia actually codicils (although it is both urban and rural. Pierre Aucould be miscalled wig maker The same family oft the same process was the to proud rural Another example tradesman to urban land speculator not abanAugustin moved from decades. Even as an babitant, he did gustin. in the space of about two habitant immune from the lure don urban land speculation. clan of fLimonade was not who was not among Even the planter elite Laporte done business with a Cap notary They seem to have in-law Guillaume Castaing (Als) of the city. on one occasion, their 40 On another those sampled. However, of a town house on the rue Royale. rein the records as renter the daughter ofMarie Anne Laporte, appears Catherine Françoise Ardisson, in a convent by her mother." occasion, time before being placed were the same sided in Cap for some then: if urban and rural free coloreds coloreds in rural areas The question remains, different? To recap: free their behavior sO and as slave ownpeople, why was than whites both as landholders it rather than were generally more conservative whites and often sought to improve use credit held land longer than it. were less likely to ers. They cash rent or sale value from They in land or slaves, to extract maximum They did not trade speculatively The rural planter than their white neighbors. their land value for the long term. Miliextent, and they built of for the New World. any great themselves as a group scignicurs as the planter elite seemingly saw while not nearly as conservative The rural leaders resident in rural areas, than their urban counterparts. taryl more conservative the return ofthe group, were rypically for their part, were a peasantry (foreshadowing In the cities, on the other free colored poor, after the Haitian Revolution). and sold land rapnewly free to peasantry active land speculators. They bought than rural landhand, free coloreds were all. were much less likely without improving it at They used credit more commonly idly, often They renters to make improvements. lords to require while not nearly as conservative The rural leaders resident in rural areas, than their urban counterparts. taryl more conservative the return ofthe group, were rypically for their part, were a peasantry (foreshadowing In the cities, on the other free colored poor, after the Haitian Revolution). and sold land rapnewly free to peasantry active land speculators. They bought than rural landhand, free coloreds were all. were much less likely without improving it at They used credit more commonly idly, often They renters to make improvements. lords to require --- Page 184 --- Entrepreneursbip . 157 businesses that involved in non-agricultural albeit relatives. They got plantation, than their country the diversified and well-managed were much more risky than Why? urban and rumuch more rewarding. difference between full of potentially lies in the generational data that the city was Part oft the explanation from the demographic fortunes. free coloreds. We can see went to start their ral coloreds. This is where individuals and wouldbe most young, single free would often be trained in a trade families, like Mixed-race children ofwhites children of rural free colored the cities to it in town. Younger make their way to likely to practice Catherine Ardisson, would Guillaume Castaing or wheel and deal. slaves also and be seen and to from slavery. Freed see might also lie in distance the Some of the difference learned and through which they accumulated set in had trades that they had too, would most likely up often move out of slavery. They, and enercapital necessary to freed from rural areas who were young on business in the city. The newly farm next to the provision grounds wanted more than a peasant If any ofthese getic and who would head for Cap Français or Port-au-Prince. in the safe, conthe old plantation would reinvest some of their profits or busipeople were successful, they countryside, as a hedge against misjudgment environment ofthe environment for middle age. servative a comfortable to downtum and provide as it often was among metropoliness among free coloreds likely to take place in Marriage was postponed class. Marriage was much more IO and whites of similar social at length in chapters tan than in the cities, as is explored greater the urban environment as the the countryside departure from lands and often spelled into his country II. In fact, marriage husband, and father settled as much as for habitant, the benefit ofhis children newly respectable - for striving for social promotion began with financial advancement. between the military himsclf-along in aggressiveness and entrepreneuship of the explanation. The differences elite provide the remainder and their and the planter freedmen began leadership group though not exclusively, many Militaryl leaders were commonly, Even after retiring to the countryside, urban tradesmen or workers. As is demonstrated in chapcareers as still in their portfolios. with the generhad important urban holdings between these two groups combine difII, the differences to the apparent ters IO and rural and urban populations produce ational divide between coloreds in rural and urban settings. ahead in between the free one needed to do to get ferences though, was not the only thing had to be mediated through Making money, society. Money! Success as an pre-revolutionarys of the individual. this tradition-bound affect the social position social status, variables ofstatus to truly one in a position to acquire urban or rural, merely put entrepreneur, in the next chapter. as is explored --- Page 185 --- le CHAPTER EIGHT Non-Economic Components ofSocial Status The Raimond family of Aquin are among the of Saint Domingue. Their most famous of the free coloreds France most illustrious member, as an unofficial envoy of the free colored Julien Raimond, was sent to tections from the royal planter elite to help; gain legal France in 1789 and government just before the Revolution. He was still proplayed an important role in the in semblies over slavery and civil rights for debates ofthe revolutionary aspeople ofcolor. le CHAPTER EIGHT Non-Economic Components ofSocial Status The Raimond family of Aquin are among the of Saint Domingue. Their most famous of the free coloreds France most illustrious member, as an unofficial envoy of the free colored Julien Raimond, was sent to tections from the royal planter elite to help; gain legal France in 1789 and government just before the Revolution. He was still proplayed an important role in the in semblies over slavery and civil rights for debates ofthe revolutionary aspeople ofcolor. His important source for students ofthe politics writings constitute an Raimond family offers ofrace in the French an object lesson in the free Revolution.! The economic markers of social status to way coloreds manipulated nonsigned to them by racial prejudice. For assume a higher place in society than that asRaimonds referred to as le nommé orl la example, rarelyin the notarial record are the to be used for all free coloreds. nommée although this formula was supposed Raimond, although these Instead, they are often referred to as Sieur or terms were Dame nommé formulation is found, itis often generally reserved for whites. When the ond copyin his files but, interlined as ifthe notary put it in the secWritingi in the presumably, not on the original given to the 1780s at the beginning ofhis civil client. gested that quarterons be considered rights campaign, Raimond sugship.? Raimond himselfwas legally white and benefit from full skinned a quarteron, but he reflects the attitude citizengens de couleur who might have been ofthe lighterRaimond, in thought to be any case, was not alone in making this approaching white. Chambre de T'Agriculture de Cap suggestion: the influential 1776.3 Other Français had made a similar proposals would have limited this official recommendation: in "whitening" to "legitimate" --- Page 186 --- Non-Eronomic Components efSocial Status . 159 quarterons Or to those who had mained that free people ofc color could performed military service, but the combination of racial titles, somehow whiten themselves principle re- "Whitening" remained proper behavior, patriotic through some lation of an extremely an unattainable holy; grail in colonial values, and wealth. social status. Status complex galaxy of different times, but manipuIt should be was a goal unto itself, as well as indicators of status could no surprise to the reader that a way to secure grant concepts in colonial Saint race and color economic; gains. to refer to race as a malleable Domingue. It is hardly unusual in were socially defined tried to treat it as a scientific idea, although observers at the modern time scholarship Domingue and invariable classification. and since have The manipulated the variable ofcolor in their Free coloreds in Saint incomparable Moreau de St. quest for social many pages discussing the thirteen Méry, in his Description of the advancement. cal appearance and moral racial types he identified, both colony, spent ofscientific character, in an by their stable. genotypes. 4 Even he was aware attempt to create an invariable physiHe noted that the that these scheme the white" in "ang-méie (one-sixteenth. categories were by no means terizations appearance and, he did not African ancestry] after a while,s From add, became identical in approaches soon as the Code Noir and long before the time official characmixed other legal ofMoreau de St. race and white, those who disabilities began to draw a line Méry, as dominant group. Hilliard were mostly white began to between stain) to refer to the d'Auberteuil used the phrase tache try to slip into the ancestry made a principle that even one part in a inefogable (indelible a point at which person a member ofa a lower social thousand of African and slave mixed race became order, but in practice, Many light-skinned indistinguishable from there was gory by people of; partial African white,s passing as partially descent climbed a pagnie des Indes declared Amerindian. were mostly white began to between stain) to refer to the d'Auberteuil used the phrase tache try to slip into the ancestry made a principle that even one part in a inefogable (indelible a point at which person a member ofa a lower social thousand of African and slave mixed race became order, but in practice, Many light-skinned indistinguishable from there was gory by people of; partial African white,s passing as partially descent climbed a pagnie des Indes declared Amerindian. A March 1642 up racial cateofwhites in all the Indians of the French regulation of the Commélée respects. Moreau de St. Caribbean islands the woman who was able to Méry took the case of a equals nonwhite ancestor prove to the purported At was a Carib satisfaction of the court sangthe time ofhis visit Indian.? that her only the early settlers ofthe to the colony in 1721, Father one who was Plaine des Cayes in the South Jean-Baptiste Labat said of Debbasch, pure white, all being suspected of province that there was. modern French student of some sort ofracial hardly Chevalier de la Rochelard who racial stereoryping in the mixing, Yvan people of pure blood; complained from Cayes in colony, cites a firmed the they are almost all n9 1734 ofthe "lack ofwhite partial African mulattos." Moreau de St. three or four generations," 7 ancestry of many families Méry conwise, black physical he said, "although public reputed to be white. "After traits tend to weaken, and even in opinion would have it othersome white' families, these Chevalier de la Rochelard who racial stereoryping in the mixing, Yvan people of pure blood; complained from Cayes in colony, cites a firmed the they are almost all n9 1734 ofthe "lack ofwhite partial African mulattos." Moreau de St. three or four generations," 7 ancestry of many families Méry conwise, black physical he said, "although public reputed to be white. "After traits tend to weaken, and even in opinion would have it othersome white' families, these --- Page 187 --- 160 . In Society and the Economy indiscreet appearances of African always remarked upon, but the characteristics occur from time to scribed a case in which family remains time and are a officially 'white."10 a French regular purportedly white man, who had He also dedecree regiment and who had even served as an officer in confirming his whiteness, obtained la militia because his was refused a commission metropolitan French court authorities ancestry was in doubt. as an officer was A decision in his in the end he had insufficient to impose the favor by the to appeal to the Conseil man on the militia colonial right to be a militia d'Etat in France company, and in the officer. 11 before he could More recent observers establish his treat racial have also occasionally categories as absolutes when succumbed to the James, for example, made of the they should have known temptation to economic determinism free coloreds a Petit better. C. L. R. as Moreau de St. bourgeois class as in Interestingly, in SO doing he Mérys were in their racial unitary its latto resorted to racial to repeatedly describe determinism. and still has a all free people of color. categorization, In using the term mucolloquial fact, the Sé mulat, mulat limplication ofwealth, as in the term mulatto had In any povseneg (a rich black is a Haitian proverb case, free blacks were mulatto while a neg wiche the colony. almost as poor mulatto is a Sorting out variables numerous as free persons of black). difficult when the ofcaste, class, and mixed race in observer, in the personal alliance tary categories. 1780s or the 1940S, relies becomes more The color of excessively upon unimarriage and other strategies of free coloreds. A good partners was an important whose is part of the family tree is found in example given by the family ners SO as to whiten their appendix 3. They seem to have Laportes chosen ofLimonade, generation an almost offspring as much as possible, marriage partColor uniformly quarteron family. becoming by the fourth nomic and descriptions social in the archives were flexible and used by Moreau de circumstances of the people responded to changing ecocolor in official St. Méry were to be used in described, all Officially; the categories documents. In the cases of referring to a person's racial category clearly "scientific" paradigm of racial person of termined from the racial could not change over time. It could categorization, a appearance, style, category ofl his Or her ancestors. be precisely dewealth, or social It could not acquired characteristic. respectability; color was not respond to The terminology supposed to be an than Moreau de St. actually used in the notarial and chapter Mérys parish records was 2, most notaries complicated categorization simpler griffe, and occasionally restrained themselves to blanc, system. As described in would be described mestif and their feminine nègre, mulâtre, as tierceron, which forms. Very quarteron, seems to have been the rarely, someone equivalent ofa mes- not acquired characteristic. respectability; color was not respond to The terminology supposed to be an than Moreau de St. actually used in the notarial and chapter Mérys parish records was 2, most notaries complicated categorization simpler griffe, and occasionally restrained themselves to blanc, system. As described in would be described mestif and their feminine nègre, mulâtre, as tierceron, which forms. Very quarteron, seems to have been the rarely, someone equivalent ofa mes- --- Page 188 --- Components eFSocial: Status . 161 Non-Ecnomic the like existed onlyin the pages ofMoreau sacatras, sang-mélés, and nf.Mamalus Eneyclopédie. with relative ease. de St. Méry's apprentice changed their racial categories those somewhat In reality, we find that people people of mixed ancestry even without any common for wealthy in the notarial record It was quite the Raimonds-to appear tree illustrates how less wealthy than their name. The Laporte family of memracial identifier appended to elite. The "official" categorization worked among the planter with mulattos and quarterons prethis process ranged from black to white, was made in the act rebers of this group however, no racial identification to another dominating. Frequendy, identifiers would be used when referring act, the to them. Often, racial to perform a notarial ferring but when that person appeared Often, all descriptives would person not present, and omit the descriptive. in the would defer to them marked important turning points notary especially in crucial acts that wills, and death inventobe omitted, whole, such as marriage contracts, Ardisson life of the family as a of Charles Laporte and Catherine Françoise assisted in the tyries. The marriage contract in that twelve Laportes or their relatives child of the white is notable in this regard of whom (the father of the groom, elseing of the knot, all but one to a white woman) were identified in the Louis Laporte's first marriage were used anywhere immigrant of color, and yet no racial descriptions where as people his omission of text of the act." 13 ofLimonade, was particularly egregious omissions in were more This notary, Michel notable free coloreds, In general these did this to some racial identifiers for than in the West, but all notaries in the last chapter, common in the North province whom we met of The widow Turgeau of Port-au-Prince, as the mother of a number frankly extent. identified by a racial title, and yet, have been anything but a woman was never and mulatresses, she could not racial did identified mulatres that her invulnerability to categorization the resources and of color herself. It is strange but she was the one who controlled not extend to her children, and future revolutionary hired the notary. merchant of Cap Français knowlVincent Ogé, prominent in notarial act. It is only through by color any archives would leader, never was identified activities that the reader of the notarial in the archives, edge of his revolutionary ofcolor. There is no hint ofhis color in which she be aware that he was a person referred to as la nommée in acts although his mother was occasionally indicative of a person of color. society and this was usually the elite of free colored appeared, social redefinitions permitted redefinition, that took The intermittent of"passing, or more permanent from somewhere in were paralleled by a species culture. Pierre Augustin, who came a respectplace lower down in that himself as an African after he became identified West Africa, no longer his revolutionary ofcolor. There is no hint ofhis color in which she be aware that he was a person referred to as la nommée in acts although his mother was occasionally indicative of a person of color. society and this was usually the elite of free colored appeared, social redefinitions permitted redefinition, that took The intermittent of"passing, or more permanent from somewhere in were paralleled by a species culture. Pierre Augustin, who came a respectplace lower down in that himself as an African after he became identified West Africa, no longer --- Page 189 --- 162 . In Society and the Economy veterans ofthe ChasseursThe Durocher brothers, in the original act able freedman land developer. were described as free blacks of free Volontaires de Saint-Domingue, record and were enrolled in a company still in the notarial with close relatives in which they appear were socially marginal figures relatives. As they blacks.15 At the time, they to purchase and free these habiand with insufficient means coming to be known as in slavery success and social advancement, mutated to achieved economic comfortable ones at that, their racial categorization brother Laurent as a mutants, and pretty in an act that identified their older their mother was a nègresse, mulatto. In 1789, as a griffe while "calcubrothers' father was described according to the latto, the mulâtres as offspring combination that does not produce a of an lus" in Moreau de St. Méry. more common than the redefinition of children was even with dark classifications often The redefinition her lifespan. Two parents dit Gauindividual during his OI For example, François Le Roy the child with lighter classifications. mulatre libre although, as had offspring in his marriage contract as a a 17 However, his tier was described he should have been considered grifte. and an of a nègre and a mulâtre, returned veteran of the Savannah expedition was a Le Roy, was a François himself father Jacques of the Cap military leadership group. lover and freeing her and important member by marrying his long-time Hence, legitimate child. Moreover, himself fattained further respectability. his father's intheir children from slavery, François to reflect his and one can only presume, he got a racial promotion, to generation. creased status. demotion would take place from generation in notarial acts as a Occasionally, racial was almost always identified Duchemin of Mirebalais identified as a quarteronne Alexis Gertrude Chaulet, was almost always described lin mulâtre. His wife, Demoiselle. Their children were invariably Descriprated the title 18 Moreau de St. Méry's and generally and mulatresses. was not notarial records as mulâtres that the racial calculus the is clear in indicating produces quar- - tion - . de la partie) frangaise plus quarteron Or quarteronne that 1- milatre or millatresse the observer cannot help suspecting gender-bissedevery time. However, of the fact that their mother teron or quarteronne of these children was a product the racial demotion than their father. demotions paralleled lighter-ckinned and was apparently most of these color-based promotions and demotions. As As we can see, of social and economic promotions from bossale to and seem to have been part to businessman, he also went went from slave Chaulet "lowered" herself by Pierre Augustin without ethnic label. As Demoiselle her children were simisimple nègre, African grandparents than she, marrying a man with more reduced a level on the ethnic stepladder. restricted to white women. larly Chaulet used a title that was supposedly Demoiselle inned and was apparently most of these color-based promotions and demotions. As As we can see, of social and economic promotions from bossale to and seem to have been part to businessman, he also went went from slave Chaulet "lowered" herself by Pierre Augustin without ethnic label. As Demoiselle her children were simisimple nègre, African grandparents than she, marrying a man with more reduced a level on the ethnic stepladder. restricted to white women. larly Chaulet used a title that was supposedly Demoiselle --- Page 190 --- Non-Economic Components ofSocial Status . 163 and Demoiselle were indicators of gentry status. In France, the titles Sieur, Dame, nommé or la nommée (so-called) in would be referred to as le Any common person that whites were divided internally act. In Saint Domingue, we know an official and merchants on the one hand and the poor whites, between wealthy landowners there were few whites with actual noble the petit blancs, on the other. However, and ofpolicy, to encourage racial solistatus on the island. As a matter of practice, distinction from the free coloreds, all whites and to make a mark of darity among honorific titles as if they were members of the gentry. white people received these As a poem of the time had it: En France, l'on tire avantage de Téclat du rang du courage, du savoir, des biens ou du sang: mais pour se croire un personnage, laissant là tout cet étalage, il suffit ici d'être blanc [social] advantage comes from rank, In France, courage, wisdom, wealth, or blood: but to [be able to] consider yourself important, leave all that pomp over there, here, it is sufficient to be white. 19 Monsieur, Madame, and the Thus any white person was Sieur, Dame, or Demoiselle. Free people of color still reserved for members of the aristocracy. like were terms malefactor were the only people in Saint Domingue and the very occasional white before their names. who rated le nommé Or la nommée hijacked by free coloreds The "normal" white titles, though, were occasionally the Raimonds. Usually, their status in notarial acts-like seeking to raise apparent he also referred to the person as when the notary omitted the color designation, free coloreds of Persons who received this accolade were typically Sieur or Dame. received this deference only in their home area. So, high status, and typically they Jean-Baptiste Chavanne, Marthe Castaing, mother ofr frevolutionary, for example, referred to as Dame or Sieur in brothers and sisters were always and her numerous became, for example, le nommé GuilLimonade. 20 When they went into Cap, they laume Castaing, mulâtre libre. 21 would be omitted but the notary Occasionally, however, the color designation as a compromise the formula of le nommé Or la nommée, perhaps would preserve Bordier jeune stopped referring to the designation. Cap notary or intermediate by color after Louis returned Desrouleaux heirs, Louis and his sister Madeleine, himself from going the extra step from the Savannah expedition, while restraining ame, for example, le nommé GuilLimonade. 20 When they went into Cap, they laume Castaing, mulâtre libre. 21 would be omitted but the notary Occasionally, however, the color designation as a compromise the formula of le nommé Or la nommée, perhaps would preserve Bordier jeune stopped referring to the designation. Cap notary or intermediate by color after Louis returned Desrouleaux heirs, Louis and his sister Madeleine, himself from going the extra step from the Savannah expedition, while restraining --- Page 191 --- 164 . In Society and the Economy have been about the time that Sieur and Demoiselle. 22 This would social status as a and calling them reached his majority at age 25. His increased success of his property Louis, at any rate, returned serviceman, the financial and his connecresponsible adult and Attila ofthe Malic dit Mali clan, free coloreds ofPierre ofCap under the management group for the Attila to the powerful militaryleaderahip social standing enough tion through Louis Desrouleauxs might have combined to raise mark of distinction. and notice and give him some be described as Sieur notary to but rarely, an individual would to have been reserved Finally, on occasion, be This last case seems from the racial designator would applied. when the inspector the color with truly high status, perhaps the use ofracial for people of to enforce the regulation requiring that central court might be expected in such cases are often interlineal, suggesting sent to the Color descriptives second minute of the act was descriptives. have been added before the on the first minute, rethey might and perhaps did not appear no way to check regional court for safekeeping the act, although there is obviously tained by the participants in holding titles was by on this. coloreds could obtain socially significant the Another way free been closed to free coloreds during progressive office. Most offices had second and third quarters of the cighpublic of racist legislation during the holding still open to free coloreds tightening of office teenth century. The largest example service. could throughour this period was military there were still a few places free coloreds Or Outside the military, however, service. One was the church. Margouilleurs, Bleakley was to gain social position through or vestrymen. Vincent go could be free coloreds, as could syndics, in 178529 Bleakley, a quarteron, ushers, chapel at Sainte-Suzanne racial category. He was syndic of the subparish in the notarial records by his for almost never referred to were marriage material was and his daughters coffee planter in Limonade, a large and the Castaings. this period. Health care the Laportes forbidden to free coloreds during and 1760S and The professions were closed to them throughout the 1750S forbade whites profesions were progressively of 1764241 Laws that to act closed completelyi in a regulation courts of the colony, or were finally coloreds to hold seats on the various could ever hold such a married to free that no free colored before them, presupposed as lawyers professions and occaposition. coloreds practiced many less prestigious was one of However, free labels of some social weight. Vincent Ogé reserved sionally rated occupational of color. The term was generally who were people the Few free coloreds a select few négociants substantial business outside colony. merchants who did was quite commonly for title of marchand The lower-level were SO well capitalized. s to hold seats on the various could ever hold such a married to free that no free colored before them, presupposed as lawyers professions and occaposition. coloreds practiced many less prestigious was one of However, free labels of some social weight. Vincent Ogé reserved sionally rated occupational of color. The term was generally who were people the Few free coloreds a select few négociants substantial business outside colony. merchants who did was quite commonly for title of marchand The lower-level were SO well capitalized. --- Page 192 --- Non-Economic Components of: Social Status . 165 either alone or in combination with some trade-related applied to free coloreds, the bearer for noble title. Marchand implies retail trade and certainly disqualified disbarred from those position, but free coloreds were rank or high government than the simple craft title roles anyhow. The title was, however, more impressive respectable wealth in a society that valued money. and suggested to free coloreds, up to a point. ThecomTrade Or craft titles were also permitted Aubry, seen in chapter 7, is the pagnon orfevre (journeyman goldsmith), Joseph free colored, since there do not apdramatic example ofa craft title held by a most craft masters. The power to have been nonwhite officially designated pear to any guilds, and perhaps jealously create masters was the privilege ofthe metropolitan would have remained in the metrokept at home by them, while few free coloreds racial attitudes there permitted it. pole long enough to achieve this status even if status in offifree coloreds mentioned the journeyman However, as we have seen, worked actively in their documents even when it was clear that they no longer cial the title must have meant a good deal to them. trade, SO the name used to identify oneself to the More important even than title was and the French, the ofthe free, for the most part, world. The surname was privilege the or at least mark, surname to some extent was privilege, Or French-sounding, in the territory of other groups in self-identification of the mixed race. Treading in those groups or to advance oneself was a good way to pretend to membership socially. rarely, those names would Masters chose names for their slaves. Sometimes, very was African: one Cadiagnon appears be African or what the master fondly thought wife Muhama variant of Kadija, the first ofthe Prophet in the records (probably: West African Muslims) along with a med and a popular women's name among several Dahomeys, and a few Scipions. ofMuhammeds, an Attila, a Mali, influcouple Africa and Classicism, which was a much stronger The last suggests both their slaves. Many plantations could boast a ence on masters' choices of names for Caesar and more than one a Platon (but no Spartacus). were ordinary names given to slaves, though, Byfar the most common personal Gérards, Marie Claires, Plantation lists abound in Jean-Philippes, French names. been named after members of their famiand Jeannes. Creole slaves seem to have the choice of their names. the had some role in lies, SO perhaps parents names, often those of illustrious All families tend to reuse the same personal different. The first son was ofand free coloreds in the colony were no ancestors, name. This can make identification ofindividten was given his father's personal ofthe Laporte family bearing the name uals difficult, as witness the six members third all four of and "Louis." n There were two in each of the second generations, under In the abnotarial acts during the time study. whom were actively producing had some role in lies, SO perhaps parents names, often those of illustrious All families tend to reuse the same personal different. The first son was ofand free coloreds in the colony were no ancestors, name. This can make identification ofindividten was given his father's personal ofthe Laporte family bearing the name uals difficult, as witness the six members third all four of and "Louis." n There were two in each of the second generations, under In the abnotarial acts during the time study. whom were actively producing --- Page 193 --- 166 . In Society and the Economy birth where the father's role however, or in case of illegitimate prelationships straight. sence of surnames, name often helps keep Louis admitted, the personal her son, a mulâtre named is not officially slave named Constance and Louis Lamotte, even the When a black woman white habitant the child does not Lamotte, were freed by down-at-the-hed of liberty about support for in the act absence of any verbiage of the family relationship. This was not invalidate a presumption free coloreds, for the most part. be assimiFrench names were preferred by free coloreds frequendly sought to would in slave societies as a whole; In some cases, freedmen unusual into the dominant culture. was more typically the lated as much as possible changing status, and this name upon or Afican-named person take a new personal name by a classically names, especially assumption of a French-sounding kept their African-sounding themselves. the reverse. Some freedmen after whom to name than without real French relatives or in an attempt to free blacks, obviously of and convenience done out familiarity The free military Whether this was from the official record. further claim African roots is unclear a tendency that is proudly characteristic disproportionately, leaders exhibited this ofcolor explored in chapter II. administrators ofthe colony forbade free persons designed to ordinance ofthe white relatives. The law, A1773 after former masters or barrier that themselves the insurmountablel to name whatit said was a custom likely to "destroy de couleur, and that government prevent between whites and gens of color who baptized public opinion has placed all unmarried free women the African idiom or has wisely preserved," required for the child "drawn from the same their children to select a surname freed were required to follow color." n26 Newly persons that had taken place their profession or for themselves. "Usurpations" a certain delay. rules in choosing a surname were to be corrected after docuof the regulation or other official prior to the publication declarations, notarials, Public officials were not to accept of this regulation. The bearing surnames chosen in contravention in the breach than the observance. ments this was a law more honored continued to use the name of their Obviously, colored families of basLaportes and other legitimate hint of diffidence. In the case recognized faforebears with little Or no the child to use the name of the white French practice permitted colonial regulatardy, metropolitan overrode the aforementioned known ther. In some cases, this recognition example, "Marc Corbeille, formerly and in others not. For a negative child of Augustin Daniaud, tion libré" the recognized illegitimate not his father's.27 On the as Daniaud, mulatre in 1786 under a name that was tierceron libre, n recogin Mirebalais Thoreau, was married later, same church a month less than "Jean-François was married in the other hand, of Etienne Thoreau, white, skin of the secnized illegitimate son the difference layi in the lighter under his father's namea Perhaps not. For a negative child of Augustin Daniaud, tion libré" the recognized illegitimate not his father's.27 On the as Daniaud, mulatre in 1786 under a name that was tierceron libre, n recogin Mirebalais Thoreau, was married later, same church a month less than "Jean-François was married in the other hand, of Etienne Thoreau, white, skin of the secnized illegitimate son the difference layi in the lighter under his father's namea Perhaps --- Page 194 --- Components FSocial Status : 167 Non-Exonomi what this work, and most no- (tierceron in this notary's usage being wealth ofthe second couple ond groom, in the marginally greater articles between taries, term mestif), perhaps and about 7,000 lirvres in personal thousand (the first couple owned 4 cows slaves and 8 cows as well as several while the second couple had 3 them articles). illegitimate offlirres in personal became even more difficult for unrecognized with the qualifier ciThe situation were officially referred to In most cases, these people known as) Or dit (called) Or even oulgairement spring. sous le nom de (formerly white ancestors. Often, another devant connu the name of their This obviously must called) preceding "Corbeille." dit (popularly also be used, asin the case ofMarc right to claim kinship surname would for the free person, by diluting the their claim was not altogether have been humiliating the intent of the law. However, life referred to Marc as with whites, as was that most people in daily eradicated, and one can presume indeed, the qualifier dit implies). "Daniaud" and not as "Corbeille" (as, changed the spelling of the white progenitor's offiOften the alternate names simply Spelling had been formalized in Howwithout changing the pronunciation. well in advance of English. name French by the cighteenth century, variations in the informal written cial, printed to numerous and comical uncertain in the official ever, it was still subject whites and free coloreds seemed occasionfrequenty both be Even signatures were language; their names ought to spelled. in the same record as to how one act to another (while clearly being differently from produce an almost unrecogally spelled to a different notary might variation would be handwriting), and going in the body of the article. A small the letter of the nizable change of spelling the person while satisfying the unnoticeable to ordinary said the Raimonds did, changing spellpractically Garrigus regulation. This is whatJohn "Raymond." n29 drawn from the ing from their white forebear's to assume a personal name freed persons were supposed Again, this restriction Newly under the 1773 regulation. in ordinary daily African or from their profession officially but only intermittently the freed observed for the most part stated that newly was of manumission almost invariably When that person appractice. The act known as something African. the "African" name was to be henceforth identified by person the notary, either they wouldbei name would peared later before French name, Or, more commonly, the "African" was that of Louis, and described as dit a of a similar change in surname An example above. In the act of manumission, simply disappear. of Louis Lamotte, referred to >30 This was a favorite "African" presumed son the surname of"Dahomet." newly freed young Louis was given being given to several dozen unrelated the among notaries of Cap, ÎIn fact, one gets impression name over a period of several years. they were giving to people in the sample think much about the names that the notaries did not really frican" was that of Louis, and described as dit a of a similar change in surname An example above. In the act of manumission, simply disappear. of Louis Lamotte, referred to >30 This was a favorite "African" presumed son the surname of"Dahomet." newly freed young Louis was given being given to several dozen unrelated the among notaries of Cap, ÎIn fact, one gets impression name over a period of several years. they were giving to people in the sample think much about the names that the notaries did not really --- Page 195 --- 168 . In Society and the Economy never be used. knew that such names would probably the maréchausée the freedmen because they Lamotte for several years, joining - Louis used into some troubleIn any case, young ofmason. He then seems to have gotten no in the andlearning the trade his father apparently was longer with anare unclear, but seemingly in connection the reasons him--and made a notarial declaration, Dubois since he lived in colony to protect that he was now going to use the name the official record as Duother act, saying From that point on, he was known to name of his father, he a wooded arca.31 Lamotte. Unable to use the French one. Culbois, with no hint of 7 but another French-sounding "tiré de TidiomAfricainé" chose, not at name part of social promotion. surassimilation was an important names or simply abandoned tural of course, kept the African but sometimes quite Some free coloreds, often the poorest ofthe class, their These were famous Malic or Mali, kept names altogether. individuals, such as the the bossales, who might wealthy and powerful tendency is found both among like non-French names. This their African names, and among creoles, have been expected to try to keep France and white, having been to Malic. born in the colony, both colored in France attempted Among those French Police des Noirs regulations without marked was also very important. free coloreds to the metropole, the key edicts, and the flowofstarus-secking! never registered to restrain the Parlement ofl Paris made notarial acts success. For one thing, weight: 32 Free coloreds regularly return from there thus they had dubious legal to France OI their recent theirintention to travel achieved before all readers. that announced this evidence of status on the occacalculated to parade a mulatresse libre, in a manner Louise Lucrèce, known as Dufon, white businessman to manSo, for example, gave a procuration to a clear about ofher departure for France, the notarial act, she is quite sion and sell one ofher slaves. In having achieved this stepa3 age her affairs reader can see the pride she took in markers of staher plans, and the physical possessions were important The progJust as in modern society, to social advancement. ofmaterial wealth was important of wealth by free coloreds. tus, and display marks the acquisition the priviof regulations of free coloreds to usurp ress sumptuary to limit the ability The whole island was afThese laws were designed in the area of material culture. and the color bar, leges of wealthy whites in which, in the name of modesty or of of 1779, style, bearing fected by a regulation forbidden to "affect" the dress, hairstyles, coaches, have cerfree coloreds were forbade free coloreds to ridein without 34 Other, local ordinances (in the tropics, whites. furnishings, keep indoor privies of these sorts of tain types of household to?), and SO forth. 35 The growth who would want in wealth and ostentation running water, the growth that in the period after 1770 suggested possession of coaches suggests regulations free coloreds. A law forbidding to afford a coach. ofhigh-status affected group had enough money at least some of the , have cerfree coloreds were forbade free coloreds to ridein without 34 Other, local ordinances (in the tropics, whites. furnishings, keep indoor privies of these sorts of tain types of household to?), and SO forth. 35 The growth who would want in wealth and ostentation running water, the growth that in the period after 1770 suggested possession of coaches suggests regulations free coloreds. A law forbidding to afford a coach. ofhigh-status affected group had enough money at least some of the --- Page 196 --- Components of Social Status : 169 Non-Economic free coloreds who of course, did much to prevent may have enNone of these regulations, the forbidden articles and, indeed, would grant the could afford it from acquiring the specific items that them by allowing all to identify of couraged the archives gives a better idea most status. death inventories found in used them. AlA collection of 27 coloreds acquired and how they of status possessions free in this sample, Fort Dauphin what sort but Mirebalais are represented in these two parishes, though all parishes common locations. Apparendly, act as a matand Limonade are the most the second minute ofthe notaries copied the actualinventoryintot laborious task was only performed the while in the other parishes this reason was to preserve ter of routine, it for some reason. One very likely items, sO those invenif the family requested that the family owned some particular routine are doubly for the ages evidence where this practice was not tories coming from other parishes to status items. inventories ofthe valuable as guides contracts also included extensive detailed or comSome, but not all, marriage inventories were seemingly not as and not ofthe couple. These based on reports of the parties property inventories, as they were to be the most plete as the death The items reported can be presumed that the social value a physical survey by the notary. value is low, we can further presume also useful to unvaluable; when the cash contracts in the sample are be high. Thus, the 190 marriage of free coloreds. must different meanings ofthe possessions the slaves owned by derstand the inventories carefully enumerated Generally both types of where they were rented out to some neigh- the especiallyi in cases these inventories, since the party Or parties, only peripherally mentionedin more likely to have been bor. Land was generally them precisely and were much in the death titles to the land described ofsale ofthe slaves. Most important than the notarial acts evaluation of the deceased's personal conserved and were obvious however, was a description however. There inventory, were enumerated, Consumables were possessions. Not all possessions death as well as marriage. oft the deceased omissions in all of these inventories, constituted the stocki in trade also unless they and utensils were almost never mentioned, her farm. Kitchen eating for cash crops from his or value - fancy silverware, or were unless they had some extraordinary unless it was worrarely mentioned use was also not often featured, were the Clothing for everyday weapons, and livestock example. silverware, ofspecial note. Fumiturejewelry be in the inventories. thy items and were sure to mentioned by free coloreds, most important like other kinds of notarial acts performed in the sample range These inventories, all levels of society. The inventories (and perconcerned people from of the wealthy Pincemaille family with matfrom that of one Babet, a dependent in owning a bed, in acajou wood, in former slave) who died 1786 a lockable; two tables, haps their cotton, in poor condition; buffet, tress; curtains in Indian be in the inventories. thy items and were sure to mentioned by free coloreds, most important like other kinds of notarial acts performed in the sample range These inventories, all levels of society. The inventories (and perconcerned people from of the wealthy Pincemaille family with matfrom that of one Babet, a dependent in owning a bed, in acajou wood, in former slave) who died 1786 a lockable; two tables, haps their cotton, in poor condition; buffet, tress; curtains in Indian --- Page 197 --- 170 . In Society and the Economy six chairs with container" "ofl fProvence';s condition; a small water and two donkeys, one sap wood, in poor wood; another buffet, alsoin. sap; care seats; a dresser, in sap effects of this quite poor woman, straw Even in the enumeration of the free colored the locally prominent pregnantx someone, probably her executor, make sure her status goods, such was taken by Pincemaille, to built ofhard and her patron Michel François Hence, the bed was noted as being cloth from India. were, were not overlooked. made out of cotton as they and as having its hangings from France was and durable acajou the water storage jar imported Among the kitchen equipment, and thus most the only one enumerated. France were the most status-enhancing Asia or from Things that came from Clothing imported from the debe mentioned in the inventories. in the case of likely to sure to rate a line, as, for example, liures in his the mother country was ofLimonade. A humble man, with only 4,179 37 Some Pierre injinga, Ofr gingham. ceased carpenter nonetheless boasted a number ofoutfits among the possessions of estate, Pierre the comical: a beaver coat was in clothing verged on were inventoried in Fort Dauphin status LeMoine when they makes it unlikely that the militia officer Augustin Fort Dauphin, now Fort Liberté, the owner had 1777:39 The climate of the fact of owning one implied that coat was ever needed; perhaps climates where such things were useful39 around the head traveled to more temperate numbers of scarves to be tied women Women's clothing included large on the frequency with which shoulders. Moreau de St. Méryremarked of scarves in high-qualityi imported and numbers method of color bought and wore enormous clothing, he says, was their principal the fabrics at the same time. Luxurious evidence of this in the inventories: Nanette, their status. 40 We find old and 12 new scarves, along with ofshowing Pincemaille clan, owned 31 in Nanette's matriarch of the at the time ofher death 1784.11 and 28 corsets but Marie Jeanne, grife 17 blouses, 20 dresses, few hundred licvres altogether, and alone clothing was worth only a her 12 dresses were in Indian cotton 42 libre, was a much snappier dresser: head scarves cost another 72 liures. and her 12 best the estate of Babet; imported cost 200 liures, the Provençal water jug in dressed We have already seen in death inventories. The elegantly Anne dite daily use items figured prominendy coffee set and teapot in French pottery. and Marie Jeanne also owned a free colored woman, had pottery plates Fraicheur, anotheri independent detailed urban in her inventory in 1788.0 almost all from France, all lovingly out from the metropole, and SO cups to bring It varied widely in Furniture was very expensive of tropical hardwoods. imin the colony, When it included ofit was manufactured lengthy mention in the inventory. of the ecoquality but always rated it could make up a significant ofthe part cash value, portant works of craftsmanship, but even when it was a minor part nomic value of a small estate, woman, had pottery plates Fraicheur, anotheri independent detailed urban in her inventory in 1788.0 almost all from France, all lovingly out from the metropole, and SO cups to bring It varied widely in Furniture was very expensive of tropical hardwoods. imin the colony, When it included ofit was manufactured lengthy mention in the inventory. of the ecoquality but always rated it could make up a significant ofthe part cash value, portant works of craftsmanship, but even when it was a minor part nomic value of a small estate, --- Page 198 --- Non-Economic Components ofSocial Status . I7I clearly its social value was hardware, high. An armoire with prominent standing seven feet tall and made locking glass doors and place in the out of acajou, worth copper Ardisson (III) in 1783 and inventory of the effects of the estate 250 livres, had a though his total net worth absorbed considerable in of young Gaspard Moreau was almost verbiage its de St. Méry did 65,000 liures. 44 description, even playby free coloreds. not speak to the importance and women owned and However, itis unmistakable in the ofjewelry to public discommon in west wore as much silver and notarial record. Both men African culture as well as in gold as they could afford. Americas, SO this should not other cultures in the This is pagnon orfeure mentioned come as a surprise to the modern African free coloreds as well in chapter 7, had observer. Aubry, the comas whites. Two plenty of potential customers Jean-Baptiste Petigny and prominent free colored men among watch, produced by Jean-François Leveille dit ofCap Français, unique subject ofa Baltazar of Paris, a more Riché, made the sale of a to notarial act. 45 prestigious name than protect valuable Garrigus indicates the Aubry's, the it; we can see from property this bys getting notarial acts to propensity offree coloreds to these act that this attest to their men as, say, a piece of land piece of masculine jewelry was ownership as of Nicholas and Charlotte Le or a slave, the usual subjects of important Charles Dorien in Roy brought their notarial acts. mention in 1778, and the only daughter to be married to the marriage contract personal item she owned Jean Besides his freedom, Sieur was a gold watch, worth a worthy of specific gold watch and Pierre Guillon left his whopping, 700 liures. 46 of secondary 1,200 liures meant to pay for him to presumed learn mulatto son Alexis his these importance when a trade. 47 While examples show that the watch compared to wealth or slaves or white perhaps Feminine was a ancestors, standard jewelry was an equally crucial component or symbol of; gentility. marriage contract was the part of the female identity. Part principals and heirs should the provisions for division of of the separation. In almost all community of property be property between ofthe community contracts, parties were dissolved by death or called a property as theirs before the permitted to claim some precipit. The precipit official division took portion stated value in other usually included clothing and place; this was in the precipit was personal articles as well, The sometimes cash or a tracts in the to give the wife the right to her most common specific provision Other pieces survey with precipits, 90 included this jewelry. Of138 marriage conofmalej provision. The shoe buckle in some jewelry sometimes took pride ofp place pecially because its precious metal was a marker of alongside the watch. to get his feet dirty. possession The and shininess implied that masculine the gentility, escolored man, most notable and owner had no need though, was the decorated sword significant piece ofjewelry to the free or brace of pistols, Suggesting pre- tracts in the to give the wife the right to her most common specific provision Other pieces survey with precipits, 90 included this jewelry. Of138 marriage conofmalej provision. The shoe buckle in some jewelry sometimes took pride ofp place pecially because its precious metal was a marker of alongside the watch. to get his feet dirty. possession The and shininess implied that masculine the gentility, escolored man, most notable and owner had no need though, was the decorated sword significant piece ofjewelry to the free or brace of pistols, Suggesting pre- --- Page 199 --- 172 . In Society and the Economy and stressing the respectability, but to nobility, postensions, not just to middle-class the most gendered, and controversial, coloreds' military role, arms were free colored man could have. for official pronouncesession a free free coloreds was a frequent subject of limiting the right Arms bearing by and other early legislation spoke only without domiments. The Code Noir edict required that whites the bear arms. However, a 1721 of firearms with of slaves to and free blacks, register all purchases race, were required ciles, and all mulattos law, however, all habitants, ofany administration.* 48 In the same homes for all free persons in case ofinsurrecand rations at their it difficult to deal with the conto have weapons the law code found have all free 49 Once again, bar and the desire to tion or invasion." the desire to maintain a color threats might arise. A 1761 tradiction between the system against whatever and mulattos to citizens ready to defend of Cap forbade free blacks number of of the Conseil Supérieur order and the great regulation limits, citing the risk to public free and blacks bear arms in the city! A: 1762 law forbade all mulattos between individuals." on active militia Or maréchaussée armed fights militia officers to bear arms except the cities only to all areas who were not was extended from also shifted service. In this case, the prohibition legislation as expressed in its preamble social and color The intent ofthe of oft the colony. of public order to the maintenance from the preservation owned weapons, barriers. of free coloreds in the 1770S and 1780s have been displayed on Nonetheless, plenty designed for display and must Olivier and Lieumany ofwhich were clearly Colored militia officers Captain Vincent swords, said Moreau possible occasion. without their any Auba were never seen in public accorded them tenant Etienne taking advantage ofthe special permission on display. de St. Méry." 51" Theyweret were not alone in having weapons ofofficers, but they a militia noncommisioned as commissioned the beaver coat, Augustin LeMoine, with silver chasing and two The owner of also owned a brace of pistols and one described as Spanficer in Fort Dauphin, hilt (for show, one presumes) which was most swords, one with a copper for its ability to hold an edge), ish (Toledo steel was notorious s Femilikely intended for use as a weapon.s2 by whites as somehow "effeminate." at coloreds were often described and observers Free to them by popular prejudice were attached to some extent, as a growing group nine characteristics stereotypes fused Owning the time.s3 Racial and gender most whites on economic grounds. could of free coloreds appeared who passed activity, was one way that free coloreds masculine weapons, as a powerfully attack. house. These might range combat this gendered around the Most babitants kept some sort ofweapons firearms to frankly military weapons or machetes to hunting from simple spears coloreds were often described and observers Free to them by popular prejudice were attached to some extent, as a growing group nine characteristics stereotypes fused Owning the time.s3 Racial and gender most whites on economic grounds. could of free coloreds appeared who passed activity, was one way that free coloreds masculine weapons, as a powerfully attack. house. These might range combat this gendered around the Most babitants kept some sort ofweapons firearms to frankly military weapons or machetes to hunting from simple spears --- Page 200 --- Components of Social Status . 173 Non-Economic de Bury had tavelve muskets The widow ofJoseph to keep muskets with bayonets. habitants were required such as she died in 1783,.4 Free colored Colonial censuses rouat her home when legislation of the colony. hands in each on the premises by security and swords in private arms track of the number of firearms the free colored habitant tinely kept oft these weapons gave the However, the very presence its enemies. Nonetheless, area. defender of the social system against gilded or jeweled legitimacy as a designed for display-with colonial military. who owned weapons been members of the only people barrels seem to have of color scabbards, Or beloved by people hilts, the other status possesion masculine gender as Along with the firearm, attached to the but the horse was not as firmly off ffine horses, like bearwas the horse, However, horsemanship and possession as well as "effemithe gun or sword. coloreds to escape from "slave-like" was a for free white-dominated ing arms, way members of Saint Domingue's nate" roles and act as full-Aledged "dancing, ridsociety. the free coloreds' love oft the horse: his love of Moreau de St. Méry noticed three passions. . . As far as making love are [the mulatto's] to it: in all the colonies, ing, and one fact need be cited prove the horse is concerned, only call him wvolor choual, or horse-thief"ss insult for a mulatto is to After slaves, the horse was the the deadliest clear from the notarial records. acts. Like the This passion is to be the subject of notarial sales conitem of movable property the of notarized most popular horse trades could be subject Pierre Roux watch sale cited above, minor. In 1781, for example, to when the value was relatively the mail from Gonaives Cap, tracts even the postman who carried than most slaves.5s The sold Baptiste Clement, describedi in considerably greater detail for land or slave sales. Noan English horse, much smaller than the average of the cost of sale price was 786 livres, about 30 lirures, almost five percent of the notary made tarial fees at the time averaged the conclusion that the expense they did it. In this sale. One cannot escape proposition, and yet Cathethis sort of sale an uneconomical for a fine horse, but what about registering Clement had a professional need 1,450 liures in 1778257 this case, bought a roan horse for an impressive perform rine dite Cavailly, who riding mount. She did not regularly trader. draft horse, but a fancy urban retail This was no and was apparently a humble her most notarial acts, owned no land, with his car, her horse was probably including modern teenage American notarized sales Like a and certainly her proudest. Nineteen included horses along with valuable possession, and 14 other sales horses appeared in the sample, included one or more horses. Twenty-six only traded, while 14 donations marriage contracts mentioned other objects for horses, while 87 wills made specific bequests owned by one Or both parties. the carriage, assumed great horseflesh the horse and its companion, Among the wealthy, acts, owned no land, with his car, her horse was probably including modern teenage American notarized sales Like a and certainly her proudest. Nineteen included horses along with valuable possession, and 14 other sales horses appeared in the sample, included one or more horses. Twenty-six only traded, while 14 donations marriage contracts mentioned other objects for horses, while 87 wills made specific bequests owned by one Or both parties. the carriage, assumed great horseflesh the horse and its companion, Among the wealthy, --- Page 201 --- 174 . In Society and the Economy like the sword, that the coloThe coach was another object, Like as well. have kept an attribute ofwhite gentility. importance would have liked to this symbol for themselves, nial government coloreds found ways to appropriate them even greater the sword, free restrictions on the use of coaches gave tack ofMarie Anne and indeed, the very fine horses and expensive decorated of this act is cachet. In addition to the What strikes the reader her estate included a carriaget given that it was at least Laporte (II), in which this item was listed, was somewhat more the matter-of-fact way colored. Anne Françoise Roy a slave forbidden her as a free contract in 1779-it came with officially about her carriage in her marriage the slave was worth more than 13.500). effusive worth 1,500 liures (while of the colony, howcoachman and was was the central capital good economic value. Along with slaves, real property movable possessions in discussed the high-status, an habitant, as ever, far outweighing of social status. Being class of the Land was also a central component non of admission to the upper that was almost the sine qua Being a planter meant in chapter 7, what the colony was all about. in small meacolony. Planters were of Saint Domingue, even if onlyi with shared in the wealth and power and her sister, habitantes one we have the widow Poupart not often carefully desure. Thus, for example, Land, however, was cash crops. usually and no standing deeds and surveyors' reports 8 carreaux as notarized it was norscribed in the death inventories, mentioned. However, their transfer to the heirs was simply with short phrases that existed and and describe them record, the existence of buildings the notarial mal to note These phrases appear throughout toward real loaded with meaning. for a clue to attitudes were and can be analyzed notj just in the inventories, of all sorts. It was estate ownership. used descriptive term for buildings as resCase, or hut, was a widely andi in the city, used as outbuildings, unusual to find cases in the country à was a very common phrase), not and other dependants (case negres though, a value idences of slaves was to a principal residence, or conWhen the term applied was not made of the size or for storage. made. That the judgment the home judgment was being evident from a few examples sofguitelonuiosoaned in Croix struction standardsi is 200, rue St. Thomas d'Aquin Françoise dite Merthille at number its 3,000 liures a year rent, cement ofMarie described as a case despite dimensions of 48 X des Bouquets, was roof, and quite respectable Chavanne family construction, tiled floor, shingle home of the socially descending in wooden feet.co Similarly, the family it measured 84 X 34 feet, although as a case, albeitgrande, was described finds occasional small and construction." these large and impressive cases, one the residences of the In addition to valued term used for Fort Daumaisons, the more highly Dabadie, an habitant from unimpressive: For example, Sieur, Jean socially prominent. des Bouquets, was roof, and quite respectable Chavanne family construction, tiled floor, shingle home of the socially descending in wooden feet.co Similarly, the family it measured 84 X 34 feet, although as a case, albeitgrande, was described finds occasional small and construction." these large and impressive cases, one the residences of the In addition to valued term used for Fort Daumaisons, the more highly Dabadie, an habitant from unimpressive: For example, Sieur, Jean socially prominent. --- Page 202 --- Components of: FSocial Status : 175 Non-Economic that was a mere 33 X 16 feet, maison in Cap Français for Cap, phin, took a lease on a earthen Aoors, and rented for a mediocre, of an oven in plank construction, with of the important accessories cadet, Despite the presence named Dubertet 600 liures a year. that had the owner, a free mulatto been termed a case, Or and a well, one presumes free colored, it would have rented this structure to another used inmodern French, was at best a magasin. meaning warehouse or shopi in structure of any sort or The term magasin, acts to mean either an urban also used for retail discriminately in the notarial the terms maison or case were her as well rural storage facility. In fact, Croix des Bouquets was shop a s-the case ofMarie Françoise in and the term was frequendly premisesthen, was an intermediate step, So, for example, when as her home. Magasin, coloreds of the middling sort. of the midused for the homes of free himself a white habitant, apparently free François Nicolas Tribon, with Marie Jeanne Laroche, Sieur for his children of the rue de la dling sort, sought to provide them a magasin at the corner reof Mirebalais, he gave 63 The magasin was clearly combined quarteronne St. Louis in Mirebalais. and in back were Crête and the rue the street there was a gallery, and residential space. Along kitchen in the courtyard. tail hallway, with a detached was a social and another to maison progression two rooms from case to magasin Of course, the Thus, the progression from smaller to larger living quarters. maison was one of a rather than necessarily did improve. However, the acquisition the elite of free colcould and usually in the ranks of quarters in the "arrival" of a person had arrived, when, an important step for example, that Zabeau Bellanton juored society. We can tell, the notary Maitre Grimperel, Bordierjounes in she bought a maison from and the rue du Gouverneur Cap in 1781, ofthe rue St. Pierre 60 feet square, nior partner, at the corner enormous for downtown Cap, liures. 64 The house was and courtyard, all in masonry for 45,000 kitchens, a paved of the and had five rooms, two separate credentials, Bellanton paid two-thirds the house for construction. Proving her economic that Grimperel had taken on mark of a in cash and assumed a mortgage in these terms, was the price To own this house, described the remainder. important person. in the dominant wealthy and socially oflaying claim to full membership culture. The Another nonmaterial means the religion ofthat Code and enthusistically, the culture was to adopt, publicly was Roman Catholicism, confirmedint ofSaint Domingue were Protestants, royal prohiofficial religion ofSaint Domingue's whites Stanislas Foâche Noir. 65 However, many Prominent négociant council of Cap the contrary norwithstanding bitions to members ofthe Roman Catholic parish could not accept bemulcted by church offices he was regularly they elected him to minor a fine to escape the dutyse Français when faith and then required him to pay cause ofhis Calvinist was to adopt, publicly was Roman Catholicism, confirmedint ofSaint Domingue were Protestants, royal prohiofficial religion ofSaint Domingue's whites Stanislas Foâche Noir. 65 However, many Prominent négociant council of Cap the contrary norwithstanding bitions to members ofthe Roman Catholic parish could not accept bemulcted by church offices he was regularly they elected him to minor a fine to escape the dutyse Français when faith and then required him to pay cause ofhis Calvinist --- Page 203 --- 176 . In Society and the Economy Many more prominent whites had enment and were adopted the fashionable the comments of unenthusiastic Catholics, at best. deism of the Enlightwho described observers of the colony's Anti-clericalism was the clergy ofthe society, such as the Baron strong in curés await colony thus: lin peacefully a considerable "tranquil their Wimpffen, Divine services are income that allows them rectories, most ofthe and, rather than performed, more or less well, in to live at their ease. casionally preaching to nobody, they don't churches where nobody goes, children complained of the services preach at all. P67 Free of the widow Antoine they received from the local coloreds OCbury their mother in a timely Drouillard could not get the curé of clergy, too. The and make a notarial manner, SO they had to do the Mirebalais to declaration to take the burying Nonetheless, free coloreds place ofan entryin the themselves In an interesting tended to be strongly parish register. 68 oreds took parallel to their attitude pious in the period under up as a route to toward military study. to regard it as a acceptance in white service, which free colvirtue, free coloreds society just as whites were drifting away from it. took up Roman Catholic were ceasing Notarized wills and piety just as whites Each notary had his marriage contracts typically included who eschewed the preferred formula, from the religious boilerplate. practice frethinker usually had persons altogether, to the pious Bordierjoune ofCap, ag good Christian, making wills before him begin Leprestre their ofFort Dauphin, who his/her soul Catholic, Apostolic and declaration by to God, Roman, [the testator] has stating, "As him/her, pardon his/her supplicating his divine majesty very recommended blessed by the merits sins, and receive his humbly to take pity on of the Very of the Passion of our him/herin Lord holy paradise among the The Holy Virgin, and all the saints Jesus Christ and the intercession presence of the formula ofParadise." "69 making the act, but its absence means little as regards the to or modification piety of the individual "Apostolic" and "Roman" was means much. When can be assumed that the usually present, but the reference made such testator was a Protestant. dropped in one instance, it deletions; two were father and Only three free Navy and merchant son, Bertrand colored persons missioned marine, and his father, LeMoine, of the officer and beaver Augustin French LeMoines coat owner.? 70 LeMoine, militia noncomVirgin preserved the remainder of the Especially notable was that both the Mary; they were pious men, just not formula, about paradise and even the Occasionally; freethinkers would Roman Catholics. from Cap Français, where formulas omit the formula. Ifwe leave aside religious formula would be were uncommon, II out of the the records cent) omit the formula expected that were performed 242 acts where a or marriage altogether. Persons not by free coloreds (4-5p contracts as religious ran the wishing to be identified in their pergamut ofs social class and color. wills With such that both the Mary; they were pious men, just not formula, about paradise and even the Occasionally; freethinkers would Roman Catholics. from Cap Français, where formulas omit the formula. Ifwe leave aside religious formula would be were uncommon, II out of the the records cent) omit the formula expected that were performed 242 acts where a or marriage altogether. Persons not by free coloreds (4-5p contracts as religious ran the wishing to be identified in their pergamut ofs social class and color. wills With such --- Page 204 --- Components FSocial Status : 177 Non-Economic except to say that this it is difficult to make any generalizations common among free coloreds small numbers, more exreligiosity was signitficantly whites in the sample, again form of public whites-ofthe 63 wills performed by omitted the formula. than among Français, 6 (almost IO percent) formucluding those from Cap free coloreds was a strengrhened religious of a beMuch more common among with some other evidence piety: Often, this would be combined wish to be buried in some particular lation. church for charitable purposes, a of the 242 acts quest to the invocation of a particular saint. Twenty-five acts from Or an In addition, 5 place or manner, ofthe religious content. of God at all was contain some such strengrhening provision where any mention Cap Français have some religious the deceased stated whether unusual. ofburials in the parish registers and priests, were few and Finally, notations unction before death. Parishes, rare in the colony. had received extreme and this sacrament was ease their final far between in rural Saint Domingue, have made much use of priests to their do not seem to the services of a priest at Whites especially coloreds were more likely to have their habitation or peasFree likelihood that passage. given the greater be harder for the priest deathbeds, even though, remote area, it would likely in was located in a of free coloreds in the sample, ant steading Of1o8 burials death. to them in an emergency. services before to get deceased had received the church's was the ability to sign one's 40 cases the and social achievement the act Another mark of prestige by or for all actors. The notaryread them. As All notarial acts were signed, of and signed for own name. declared themselves incapable signing acts had little to do with who notarial to persons the declared ability to sign was Toussaint previously pointed out, example of this phenomenon learned to read literacy. The most prominent has it that he actual Louverture. The traditional hagiography also have been taught by Breda, later priest who lived nearby. He may first role within the and write from a kindly Bayon de Libertat. Louverture's Later, as his former master and patron, to early leader Jean-François. extenleadership was as secretary he regularly read and wrote revolutionary Saint Domingue, his memoirs and a numleader of quasi-independent in the Jura, he wrote litAs Napoleon's prisoner doubt that he was functionally sive reports. There seems no in this period, he ber of appeals to the emperor. life. However, as a middling habitant his adult acts that he executed.1 erate throughout to be able to sign notarial Français. As always claimed not occurred in the case ofJeannette Reine ofCap described as The opposite effect how to sign her name. In 1785, that seemsocial status declined, she "forgot" she sold a maison her in financial difficulties, she declared that but apparentlyi In this act, a marchande her residence and business quarters.71 and sO the notary signed ingly served as before but had forgotten how, she had signed notarial acts ant his adult acts that he executed.1 erate throughout to be able to sign notarial Français. As always claimed not occurred in the case ofJeannette Reine ofCap described as The opposite effect how to sign her name. In 1785, that seemsocial status declined, she "forgot" she sold a maison her in financial difficulties, she declared that but apparentlyi In this act, a marchande her residence and business quarters.71 and sO the notary signed ingly served as before but had forgotten how, she had signed notarial acts --- Page 205 --- 178 . In Society and the Economy later, Reine, no longer described as a marchande, for her. In a follow-up act a year sale ofher business, and once again succeeded in getting the remainder of the price declared that she had forgotten how to sign.3 Cap Français free Leveille dit Riché, prominent In the case of Jean-Baptiste an even clearer demonstrain Toussaint's army, we have black and future general to notarial acts. He made his tion of how free coloreds chose to sign or not sign manumission in the notarial record in February 1779 in an unusual first appearance the former master of Leveille's slave son, obcase where a white man, apparently were overruled by the court, and Lejected to the manumision.?4 The objections two months later, howsigned the act with a flourish. He appeared veille proudly when he was described as nation Foeda i.e., a humble illiterate, ever, as a properly status. He requested permission from the bossale), further reducing his apparent member, seemingly with the pergovernment at this time to free another family land and slaves in Limbé from mission ofher master. 75 Still laterin 1779, he rented the act. 76 In 1781, by then white babitant and again declared his inability to sign a officer in the militia, he acted as the offiman and noncommissioned a respected The other witness was a white man; both signed the act." cial mourner at a burial. father of the groom at the wedding of his son, Leveille signed again as the proud in Edouard dit Leveille, or Riché's wedding 1782.78 claim had Jean-François act was a claim to social status. Such a Signing one's name to a notarial be assumed to be of different social to be made when the two participants could free coloreds and whites, in 330 cases statuses. Thus, of728 sales contracts between in 66 percent of the acts signed the act. Not surprisingly, at least one participant the white in 26 percent, both that were signed, the only one to sign was participant, the free colored. On signed, and in only 8 percent was the sole signer 160 had participants where all participants were free coloreds, only the other hand, of 613 sales at least one signature. CONCLUSION free coloreds adopted many markers of status In conclusion, Saint Domingue's modified forms. Their attitude tofrom their white neighbors, albeitin somewhat it in order to advance driven by the desire to manipulate ward color was principally as much as physically and socially themselves or their offspring in a color hierarchy they indulged in class prejudices, especially possible. As discussed in chapter IO, cared about color except in an inthe planter elite, but do not seem to have among of a of social advancement. strumental fashion, as part strategy to increase their status. They Free coloreds used titles, personal and official, white officialdom, in order to names, often over the objections of manipulated it in order to advance driven by the desire to manipulate ward color was principally as much as physically and socially themselves or their offspring in a color hierarchy they indulged in class prejudices, especially possible. As discussed in chapter IO, cared about color except in an inthe planter elite, but do not seem to have among of a of social advancement. strumental fashion, as part strategy to increase their status. They Free coloreds used titles, personal and official, white officialdom, in order to names, often over the objections of manipulated --- Page 206 --- Non-Economic Components ofSocial Status . 179 themselves from their slave anstress their links to white relatives and to distance and status goods, from tecedents in the public eye. Free coloreds owned displayed to show both and furniture to weapons and horses, in a further attempt For free clothing to defend the system that produced it. their wealth and their willingness and fine riding mounts helped comcolored men especially, the display of weapons bat gendered stereotypes of their caste. service, public displays of piety Along with the public patriotism of military how they were attached free coloreds used to show firmly were another route many the dominant culofthe dominant culture, even though, ironically, to the mores Catholicism. Public displays of literacy from traditional ture was moving away social status. It is clear, and unsurprising, that literacy served as another claim to documents had little to do with actual, functional admitted officially in notarial literacy and much more to do with social position. in the larger sense. Itis There is really no way to say what these findings mean, into social position but almost banal to say that money does not translate directly Some of these markbe mediated through a set ofmarkers of social position. must without spending a be by the smart, lucky, or well-connected ers can acquired free coloreds in this case-lagreat deal of money. Other individuals- - especially be smarter, luckier, Or bettercaused their birth and must bor under a handicap by contribution oft this chapter is to show connected to succeed. In this sense, the only than in other SOhow the details of this process were different in Saint Domingue cieties in other times and places. that free people ofcolor should have done However, although itis unremarkable in it is unfortunately not yet banal the same things as whites to get ahead society, ones, tend to Students of slave societies, even relatively sophisticated to say SO. about their lives that mattered. think of free coloreds' skin color as the only thing them to each other, to slaves, Ignoring the complex web of Frelationships that tied themselves to the world as free the ways they presented and to whites, ignoring racialist theorist simply treats them as a caste people and citizens, the unreflective line. them into an undifferencaught between a color line and a status Lumping authorities tended to class on the basis of color, as the colonial tiated intermediate economic success of free coloreds is a simplistic and do, or because of the limited fundamentally wrong way to approach this group. --- Page 207 --- S2S2S2 CHAPTER NINE Relationships and Family Social Advancement at the time and seriously ill, In in Mirebalais, Jean Pierretfls, a quarteron, 27 1777, witness his will. After a fairly flowery affirmation ofhis Cathocalled the notary to his brother, was funds to pay the liberty tax ofhis lic faith, Jean's only bequest, to and her two children Jean Charles and Marie slave housekeeperChardotte negresse, the liberties were confirmed, the two children Jeanne, mulâtre et mulatresse. Once of a living allowance." > Any reto receive 2,000 liures each *to take the place were retained the brother, the only legitimate heir. One maining property was to be by that there would be much left over, the impression that Jean did not expect the algets with wills, there was no inventory." From "living although, as is common that Jean Charles and Marie Jeanne were lowance" phraseology, we can presume Jean's children and Charlotte his long-term lover. themes in Saint of the Pierret household illustrates two common The case to the unreflective observer. 2,000 liures each *to take the place were retained the brother, the only legitimate heir. One maining property was to be by that there would be much left over, the impression that Jean did not expect the algets with wills, there was no inventory." From "living although, as is common that Jean Charles and Marie Jeanne were lowance" phraseology, we can presume Jean's children and Charlotte his long-term lover. themes in Saint of the Pierret household illustrates two common The case to the unreflective observer. The Domingue's society that often come as a surprise free colored women, autonomy and even power wielded by first is the surprising whites but since they were linked in informal relationships to legalyindependent,: without male superviunmarried and thus free to dispose of substantial property was bound tois the fact that the free colored family sion. The second surprise transcend color and even status bars. Married or gether with strong ties, ties that generblack, white, or in-between, free or slave, Saint-Dominguans unmarried, their slaves and then ally looked out for their kin. Free fathers did not impregnate slave mistresses that lasted ignore them; they established strong relationships children with of these relationships were longer. The as long as marriages- maybe --- Page 208 --- Family Relationsbips and Social cared for Aduancement . 18r weaken and preferred, insofar as the the Dominguan father's resources other sources ofs family, indeed, it may have permitted. Slavery did not fsupport. The family, strengthened it by portant part of free colored then, in all its forms, was taking away ment, and the preceding Dominguans' lives. This book is an enormously imeconomic markers of chapters have explored how about social advancethe consideration social status could economic success and nonof social produce social but the family. Ifa son advancement, the unit of advancement. However, in also be free. Ifa became free, most likely soon the analysis is not the individual Ifa man became mother was given a plantation, her mother and siblings would ture would a military officer or childrenj joined the rub off on his kin, noncommissioned. officer, his planter class. The first helping them all to patriotic gessubject to be considered advance. Afo-Dominguan under the general and slaves society is formal and heading of the and among slaves. informal family relations family in mon among free coloreds Marriage between master and between masters lations were much and was seen slave was fairly commore common and occasionally even with whites. relationships were the were often Informal refor slaves most quite stable and and thus were crucial important, although not the enduring. These addition, they were to the growth of the free only, avenue to freedom at the time and in important to the gendered view of coloreds as a group. In The more recent the free colored class next topic is scholarship. both gender and society, a crucial issue in both relationships within the ored the internal family and in the society and in the structure and larger occupied a position perceptions ofit held by white functioning of free colin their vastly higher vis-à-vis free society. Free colored women free society. More numerous in colored men than did white colored women were also proportion to the total numbers of women tors and seemed to hold much more likely to be their caste, because social and greater authority within the independent economic acrole form economic position family. Their social an important were SO role and, The part of this chapter. intimately linked, their economic chapter next explores the ing at the instirution of role oft the family in free colored prevalence of a "bourgeois marriage in that society. Observers society by lookcentral to the free morality" among free have often noted the coloreds' social people of color. oreds aspired. Yet advancement and a state to which Matrimony was "licentious" and the commentators at the time described the many free colsaid that product of"illicit unions." n For free people of color as the "pleasure was the only master of the example, Moreau de St. role oft the family in free colored prevalence of a "bourgeois marriage in that society. Observers society by lookcentral to the free morality" among free have often noted the coloreds' social people of color. oreds aspired. Yet advancement and a state to which Matrimony was "licentious" and the commentators at the time described the many free colsaid that product of"illicit unions." n For free people of color as the "pleasure was the only master of the example, Moreau de St. mulâtresse is given to mulatto," while the Méry of the free colored voleptuousness." Julien Raimond "entire being of Reponse. 2 landholding elite to traditional stressed the attachment Marriage was, in fact, a state to which French family structures in his many aspired but fewer achieved. --- Page 209 --- 182 . In Society and the Economy traditional bourgeois morality that was imMarrying put the seal on a claim to leadership. The pseudoportant for those free coloreds aspiring to community and legitimacy to such an families, valued marriage seigneurs, the wealthy planting children in their ranks beyond the first extent that one rarely finds illegitimate freedmen, thus almost by definigeneration. The military leaders were frequently between slaves), but many martion illegitimate (as there were very few marriages the status, though not to the ried, and all seem to have valued marriage and sought exclusive degree of the planters. concludes with a look at the relationThe exploration of marriage and family colored society. It seems that close suships between parents and children in free their mothers, both pervision of free colored children by their parents, especially whites, and perwith those of the colony's reinforced their families, by comparison haps affected their society in surprising ways. AMONG SLAVES AND WITH MASTERS FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS between slaves and their Many free colored families originated in relationships with each other. Let us begin with masters. However, most slave relationships were slave and child survival. because ofitsimpact on fertility the slave family, important The Code Noir forbade priests to Formal marriage between slaves was uncommon. This permission, it apwithout the permission of masters." marry slave couples establishment did not reach out to slaves in pears, was rarely given. The religious of the Jesuit priests present in the important way, with the limited exception between any Evidence can be found of only four marriages North province until 1763the North before 1763, and the fourth slaves. Three had been conducted in province in Martinique sometime before 1750.* slaves belonging to free colNonetheless, family structures were strong among Housing for slaves, composed when to those owned by whites. oreds, compared strengthen family ties. Occasionally, mostly of single-family cases, or huts, helped designated as guardian forthe planslaveholder would have an older person a large in white-owned plantations but tation's children-this was very common large of their own children. Children in general, women would oversee the upbringing records, and social tradition listed with their mothers on plantation were usually be sold until the child was at that mothers and children not separately required for slaves in the records, only 12 involved least 12 years old. Of 620 sales contracts from their parents. (Many slave children under 12 years ofa age being sold separately white of mixed-race children being sold to their presumptive more records exist not universal from their slave mothers - and a common although fathers and away the mulatto, while remaining the property provision in these cases was that young listed with their mothers on plantation were usually be sold until the child was at that mothers and children not separately required for slaves in the records, only 12 involved least 12 years old. Of 620 sales contracts from their parents. (Many slave children under 12 years ofa age being sold separately white of mixed-race children being sold to their presumptive more records exist not universal from their slave mothers - and a common although fathers and away the mulatto, while remaining the property provision in these cases was that young --- Page 210 --- Relationships and Social. Advancement . 183 Family the establishment ofhis former owner, with the ofhis Or her father, would live in mother, until reaching maturity.) between slaves was marriage beMuch more common than formal marriage white males or free and slave. Free colored males and occasionally tween master their slaves, thus achieving a tax-free manumission colored females would marry a host of children. The Code Noir and often legitimating as well as manumitting who had borne their chilmarriage between masters and slave women slave free.5 encouraged would make the spouse dren, and it stipulated that the act of marriage stable, and forsexual unions between master and slave often were very Informal an important goal of free malizing them was the first step toward respectability, coloreds. occasions where a free person married a slave. Only one The sample contains 38 and his slave.s In 26 cases, the free of these marriages was between a white man a free person ofmixed was a free black, while in the remaining II instances, of race spouse The slave spouse was black in 30 cases and mixed race was the free spouse. of women among those receiving in the other 8. Paralleling the predominance to 30 slave general, only 8 ofthe slave spouses were male, compared manumissionin had already been blessed by children, as many brides. Thirteen of these marriages freed and tax-free, by the Children were also legitimized, as six in one example. mariage? commonly among free coloreds, seems This provision ofthe law, used relatively the Code Noir: to reintended for it in original to have served the purpose clearly illicit unions out of the "closet" and into inforce free colored families and bring respectability. unions existed, however. There is, of Very many more much less "respectable" evidence on this subject. Indirect or course, absolutely no direct documentary against the practice of masevidence is rife, however. The law fulminated a negative with their slaves, in the Code Noir and in follow-up ters having sexual relations for violations of this article of the measure in 1713 that further penalized masters "alliances" with women of"mixed blood" Code Noir. 8 Masters having contracted madei ineligible for noble titles (either slave or free) were further penalized byl being the offense was. in 1774- 9 The very repetition suggests how frequent ofnotarial acts, 155 had Of539 slave women identified as mothers in the sample all but 2 of these cases, the children of another racial category than themselves (in In the majority of children were of a lighter category than the mother). child or with mulatto children; in most cases the fathers of cases, these were black women fathers and black moththese children would have been white, although quarteron calculus of the day. mulatre offspring according to the racial ers also produced the and even of later days, suggested that colored Racist propaganda of day, ofnotarial acts, 155 had Of539 slave women identified as mothers in the sample all but 2 of these cases, the children of another racial category than themselves (in In the majority of children were of a lighter category than the mother). child or with mulatto children; in most cases the fathers of cases, these were black women fathers and black moththese children would have been white, although quarteron calculus of the day. mulatre offspring according to the racial ers also produced the and even of later days, suggested that colored Racist propaganda of day, --- Page 211 --- 184 - In Society and the Economy women offered themselves cially or advance their indiscriminately to whites in an mixed race position in society. 10 Modern attempt to gain finanofher white suggest that the black slave woman apologists for the of master, who was little more than people Both of these might sexually exploit any or all a rape victim of these stereotypes are contradicted by the of his female slaves. 11 of significant illegitimate relationships between master evidence that large numbers mother. Ofthe duration and required at least some and slave seem to have been the 155 mothers ofr consideration from same racial category, which mixed-race children, 69 had more than master to certainly not proving, that was different from their one child of of those children had the own, suggesting, different-colored offspring, same fathers. Ofthe although study. 79 received their freedom 155 mothers More during the period under race commonly even than the slave offspring of these unions mothers, though, one. finds that observer Hilliard gained their freedom. the mixedbility of the white d'Auberteuil, colonial society According to this father of slave considered it the moral contemporary moral obligation led to the children to see his children freed. responsiarrived whites would be establishment of"mulatto He said that sold their children seduced into factories" in which at exorbitant relationships with black slaves newly slaves gaining their freedom prices. 12 The average value of and then be erage value ofa all slaves under found in the records was 1,058 mixed-race child does not seem to be borne age 16 was 1,103 livres. livres, whereas the avlegend" out by the facts, but the Thus, d'Auberteuils anecdote suggests the strength of the very existence spring be freed, 13 societal code ofthis "urban In almost all requiring that mixed-race offfreed. Acts cases, fathers provided in some way for levelofsupporty ofmanumission did not generally contain their slave offspring, once sible in this provided for the newly freed specific clauses the case. However, traditional slave, SO statistical precision describing is ofillegitimate children French legal practice not posal living allowance provide for the sustenance of their required that fathers with the (pension viagère), dowry, offspring, either means to make a living in training in a trade, through spected in the case some other way. This orby providing them gue. The general offathers ofi illegitimate mixed-race obligation was widely. remother ofthe practice was to make a sizeable children in Saint DominThere children, either while the donation of capital to are hundreds ofwills and father was still living or in his goods the testator provided some sort of inheritance cases in the sample in will. strong suspicion that the slave assistance to a freed slave where which a white fice to give an idea of the was the child oft the white. A few there is at least a scope of this practice, In 1780, examples will sufSieur Jean Morin, aged mixed-race obligation was widely. remother ofthe practice was to make a sizeable children in Saint DominThere children, either while the donation of capital to are hundreds ofwills and father was still living or in his goods the testator provided some sort of inheritance cases in the sample in will. strong suspicion that the slave assistance to a freed slave where which a white fice to give an idea of the was the child oft the white. A few there is at least a scope of this practice, In 1780, examples will sufSieur Jean Morin, aged --- Page 212 --- . 185 Relationships and SecialAdoamcment Family in on the sugar plantation unmarried, working as a manager he left his goods and 60 at the time and Minieu family, made a will in which to a friend Limonade owned by the Rennes and all his goods in the colony seek the freeland in France to a nephew in Morand de la Sauvagère, was to économe. The friend, Sieur to the Minieu plantation, and fellow named Joseph, aged 4 belonging of the family relationdom of a mulatto boy > 14 The phrase is a dead giveaway and to "ensure his living" common in ship between the two. faithfulness or at least stability in to the general the larger rule, 1788, As a counterexample that in some measure proves lands in the North province, master-slave relationships Souffrière, an habitant with mulatto children Sieur Jean Baptiste Martin he gave liberty to 12 slaves, 9 in In his will, a third of his property lay ill in Cap Français. and a grifonne), giving oft to and their 3 mothers (2 negresses and their children after a number bequests of a the colony to each of the mothers Even though he was apparently somewhat be freed and family in France were satisfied.s rule that slave offspring were to he submitted to the general rake, ofthe illegiticared for. economic spectrum, there is the example been willed two At the high end of the Hérivaux, deceased in 1770, who had head mulatto sons ofCharles carreaux, 240 slaves, 30 16 mate in the North province totaling 348 other buildings and utensils." coffee plantations coffee bushes, and "certain constituted an appropriate of livestock, 80,000 liberal notions about what with his Hérivaux; père obviously had children, but the local parlement agreed for his illegitimate heirs in France. level ofsupport the will was challenged by legitimate wills that was found in right to do so when of the Souffrière and Hérivaux and SO on in life One interesting feature the donation of the land, slaves, the unusual other such grants was to the children. Given many if free, and in property amounts of property reusufruct to the mothers, meant that large of free coloreds, this system even after their sons reached longevity control of free colored women further reinforced the mained under the at the time). This fact adulthood (legally defined as age 25 chilof free colored women in society. was similar to that of the position offree colored masters the trend. In one The situation for children will suffice to demonstrate the libmasters. A few examples Pierret sought to secure dren ofwhite ofthe chapter, Jean Fort in 1788, related at the beginning case, in Dauphin case mistress. In another children with a slave son's illegitimate slave children, erty ofhis took care ofher brother, Marie Favardière's will apparently and an anonymous, griffe younger Favardière's liberty to Pierre Louis, grife, along with II carreaux. Cathegranting Marie Catherine, negresse, to Marie and their mother, parish, got 2I carreaux adjacent living at the time in a faraway son, 1788, related at the beginning case, in Dauphin case mistress. In another children with a slave son's illegitimate slave children, erty ofhis took care ofher brother, Marie Favardière's will apparently and an anonymous, griffe younger Favardière's liberty to Pierre Louis, grife, along with II carreaux. Cathegranting Marie Catherine, negresse, to Marie and their mother, parish, got 2I carreaux adjacent living at the time in a faraway son, --- Page 213 --- 186 . In Society and the Economy back home and legitimize the him to move in rine's place- 1 perhaps to encourage can understand the relationships relationship.1 I am sure that any grandparent ofacts: here. commonality among these sorts play Favardière case illustrates another extended to the fathers'kin, The mixed-race illegitimate children it. Marie was that the duty to assist fathers were unable or unwilling to perform are of when the son, and there plenty real or pseudo, on behalf ofher or destimother secing to her grandchildren Or of a runaway a friends, neighbors cousins, godparents, cases ofbrothers, out his children. tute father helping COLORED FAMILY STRUCTURES FREE ofstatus that free coloreds discussed non-economic markers structure ofthe family ofThe previous chapter social gains. The their to achieve or cement social advancement. It was with could manipulate coloreds many opportunities for best able to challenge the fered free structure that free coloreds were a further advance relatively stable family > Respectability and relaof them as "lascivious." and gender colonial stereotypes the rewards of marriage, legitimacy, cases toward full citizenship were dominant culture. At the same time, in many were that matched those ofthe of color, in particular, tions conventions that women children's quest for reit was by flouting gendered resources that fueled their deserves the economic free colored society able to acquire fundamental incongruity within discussion ofthe issue spectability:. This be it in this book, but some this and attention than can given of fwomen in society more reader to understand the position the free colis essential for the stereotypes in the actions ofboth the role of gender thus understand elite families. ored soldiers and the planter SOCIETY WOMEN IN DOMINGUAN colored families, in part of many wealthy rural free the seed capital Women were the matriarchs wills and donations that provided ofland because ofthe provisions ofthe would be granted life tenancy on a piece that wealth. Often, the mother to her children by their father, for control over a group of slaves given While free colored and would have not married to the mother. often afford white and usually families could who was usually quite successful, and mother, the managers were typically the lifetime of their plantation substantial property to children during of the family gave them to give the central agricultural operations hold ofthe mothers on to power over the younger generation. in commerce. In contrast considerable free colored women were important In addition, piece that wealth. Often, the mother to her children by their father, for control over a group of slaves given While free colored and would have not married to the mother. often afford white and usually families could who was usually quite successful, and mother, the managers were typically the lifetime of their plantation substantial property to children during of the family gave them to give the central agricultural operations hold ofthe mothers on to power over the younger generation. in commerce. In contrast considerable free colored women were important In addition, --- Page 214 --- Family Relationships and Social, Aduancement : the dominant had position ofmales an important role in the among white businesspeople, free their own caste, This colony, rivaling, while not colored women portant effect powerful role eclipsing, that of on both the internal ofwomen in free colored men of toward free coloreds structure of that society had an imAn as a whole. society and on white attitudes exploration of the role role of the ofwomen in free and personal ménagère, a woman who combined the colored society must take in the framework companion to white men in the roles of professional under which colony. While by no means manager took; place, the institution relationships between free colored the only were often marked ofthe ménagère rewards woman and white men tions that by stability over the investigation. The were often the subject of a long term and by a set of mutual relationships represents a route to financial and formal contract. The institution obligacan be compared in some social success open to free ofmenagire considered in ways to the institution of colored women that chapter II. Successful free colored wealthy as successful ménagères could become military service children, despite militaryle leaders at least. Interestingly, quite wealthy, as slave underclass, springing from the free colored. lower these women and their formed an important classes or, indeed, group during the period under source of new recruits for the from the Women outnumbered study. planter elite out the colonial period. men in all groups in the free even at the end of the Female manumissions somewhat population ofcolor throughmore than numbers, colonial period. The outnumbered male ones, however. population was actors and within the free Women played an important female-dominated role in Many free colored colored family. both as economic and even in those households households were headed by women. gitimate children, social where white fathers lived with Illegitimacy was high, munity of convention and law their lovers and illein a marriage. property, Women traditionally to be led by the prevented male the formation ofa comas demonstrated in these situations were often partner, as would be found by the important Sieur Peignanan, examples ofJulie Dahey, economic actors, pottery menagère and presumed plantation, and Nanette, entrepreneur, and prospective, if lover of In free colored matriarch of the Pincemaille clan. temporary, heir to his band but to a lesser households where there was an have ascribed extent an adult son- French adult male- - especially a him primary law and cultural husever, cultural values that responsibilityt for the family's tradition would gave are still a part of economic activities, women a great deal both west African and Haitian HowTurgeau and her son ofindependent authority. In the society very much under Pierre, it was Pierre who example of the widow the supervision ofhis mother. managed She the plantation, but he was called him formally to account lesser households where there was an have ascribed extent an adult son- French adult male- - especially a him primary law and cultural husever, cultural values that responsibilityt for the family's tradition would gave are still a part of economic activities, women a great deal both west African and Haitian HowTurgeau and her son ofindependent authority. In the society very much under Pierre, it was Pierre who example of the widow the supervision ofhis mother. managed She the plantation, but he was called him formally to account --- Page 215 --- 188 . In Society and the Economy ilprecision. In a telling point he every expense with great act ever called her neevery) year, and justified between them, no notarial with la nommée lustrating the power relationships Dame Turgeau, occasionally libre, but instead she was always while the son was occasionally gresse authorities checked up, thrown in, in case higher in libre. freedom to take part identified as mulatre substantial use of their unusual propWomen of color made oftheir own, or their children's, economic! life ofthe colony. As managers sphere with greater freedom the in the patriarchal economic erty, they seemed to movei Dame Chavanne, than white women. successfuli in that sphere. For every several Marie They were generally pretty after her husband's death, there were still lost the family homestead (I), who was protectwho the aging second wife ofLouis Laporte she bought back from Anne Laportes, of the familyi in 1780. In that year, had sold him ing the economic position of land that her son Or grandson white habitant neighbor a piece 18 Free women of color were statistically a it with the family patrimony." were white women. They were at and reunited rural landholders than than were white women." much more important sales ofland to invest four times more likely to participatein for people of color least was a favorite place of colored landownUrban real estate development role in this activity. Almost half as Women took a leading women used urban landholdings gains. were women. Like men, example of this proers in Cap in 1776 and social advancement. A good and matriarch ofa the basis of family fortunes dite Rossignol, a free mulatresse of the of one Anne citizen of the French colony cess is story colored family. Apparently a Americas, a quite successful free thus that rarity in the eightenth-century as the renter of St. Louis in Sénégal (and Anne first appeared in the sample African immigrant), white, neighborhoodi in Cap Français the voluntary tony, and almost exclusively did not reside there, given house in a quite of 1776.21 She most likely sublet the house out as in the cadastral survey segregation in the city, but probably a neighborhood unofficial residential another largel housei in the Petit Carenage, this house and apartments. She owned to live, and in 1786 she sold (not which she might have been expected Marie Adelaide, for 66,000 liures in domestic servants to her daughter, share of the inheritance). 22 six ofher assessed against Marie Adelaide's of construction, in cash, but probably both for size and for quality to have been The house was quite impressive well in the courtyard. It also appears Perwith a tile roof and a were mentioned in the act. masonry although no leascholders without official leases. In any dividedinto apartments, short-term renters or boarders The transhaps they, too, were successful through her urban landholding. her ecoAnne was economically Anne to convert case, and servants to the daughter permitted. the sale, Marie Adefer of the house advancement when, ten days after nomic success into social but probably both for size and for quality to have been The house was quite impressive well in the courtyard. It also appears Perwith a tile roof and a were mentioned in the act. masonry although no leascholders without official leases. In any dividedinto apartments, short-term renters or boarders The transhaps they, too, were successful through her urban landholding. her ecoAnne was economically Anne to convert case, and servants to the daughter permitted. the sale, Marie Adefer of the house advancement when, ten days after nomic success into social --- Page 216 --- and Social. Advancement . 189 Family Relationships Sieur Guillaume Dumont, contract with a white man.2 landholdings in laide signed a marriage livres to the relationship, including that brought 29,000 the including tso,oooliere a surgeon, livres to marriage, France. The bride brought79,000/ substantial 10,000 livres. in the colhouse. The dowry was a quite the clan, the public markets of economic level than Rossignol and most free women At a lower free colored women retailers, activity outside ony were dominated by to have had some money-making in color at all economic levels seem of the société Marie jophe-Gullenet colored women the home. The articles ofincorporation look at small commerce by free had a is the most detailed and her white junior partner Fort Dauphin appendix 3). Marie Josephe oil, a little fabric, and in the sample (see commodities for sale -cheap cooking Marie Josephe was very stock of very plebian furniture for the store. and the cash on suchlike- -and some very Guillemet spartan to offer credit to his friends, for the two strict about not allowing than a few months' living expenses hand would not suffice to pay more stock. similar to nothing of replacing small-scale, ofthem, to say seem to have been quite they did not Most of these retail operations markets to this day. As such, in west African and Haitian of a notarial those found records; the very price performing transtraces in the notarial for any but the largest leave many formalization uneconomical tradeswomen act would make notarial When one of these small-time octhese women carried out. though, she would actions market stall to fixed retail quarters, such case is that of moved up from street the services of a notary. One on casionally rent a shop and require who sublet a room with a gallery the facing courtVictoire Arelise, a free black woman Or living quarters in Xavier in Cap, plus a storeroom Elisabeth Bonne Femme the rue St. François free colored landlady in view of the ofal house leased by) prominent lirvres a year, appropriate yard The rent was 1,650 but sugdite Jolicoeur in 1784,24 the docks and in an active retail neighborhood to make to turn location of this shop near volume that Arelise would have be by its size of the large sales success in small commerce would gestive Women of color who achieved Whereas for men this term a profit here. title marchande, or merchant. not sufficiently imaccorded the ocupational (suggesting that they were their success one with mixed connotations was a tribute to was for women this quite the marto qualify as négociants), who qualified for description portant There were 16 colored women value of the 45 acts they in business. found in appendix 2. The average all acts in the chande; their names are of the average value for was 10,958 liures, 142 percent performed not been the benesample. women who had, for the most part, but none had These marchandes were whites. Many of them were widows, themficiaries of much largesse from of a lighter racial category than white. Some had children been married to a qualified for description portant There were 16 colored women value of the 45 acts they in business. found in appendix 2. The average all acts in the chande; their names are of the average value for was 10,958 liures, 142 percent performed not been the benesample. women who had, for the most part, but none had These marchandes were whites. Many of them were widows, themficiaries of much largesse from of a lighter racial category than white. Some had children been married to a --- Page 217 --- 190 . In Society and the Economy evidence. They did business with seem to have had white lovers in acted as the procureut, selves, but none Genevieve Dupré of Port-au-Prince returned to France, in a whites- for example, Mathurin Mahé, a white who had and slave of have seen marchande or representative, in his favor in 1787.25 We already rise from unknown to leadlawsuit decided and her pretty much unaided trader Zabeau Bellanton large businesswoman in chapter 5economic actors. They owned ing thus, were significant and even when Free colored women, dominated some facets of commerce, the terms amounts of property, they controlled important capital through they did not own, they frequently donations from their white patrons. of TOWARD FREE COLOREDS GENDER IN PUBLIC ATTITUDES about relations inside record does not permit many generalizations legislation forbidding The notarial family. Just as in the case of discriminatory! their real behavior did not corthe free colored to free coloreds, inside the famthis or that activity or possession the laws' framers, SO relations acts. that desired of them by the notarial respond to exactly to the pattern suggested different by from what takes ily may not have corresponded official and public statements is often on whites' attitudes What one says in had an impact However, the publicimpresiont place in private. have white toward free coloreds. women's roles at the time may prevented the existence views of Also, White society's colored female counterparts seriously. white stereotypes about businessmen from taking reinforced of colored women heads ofhousehold and the "shiftesnes" ofso many and "effeminacy" of colored society free colored males mayhave the "licentiousnes" gendered stereotypes, increase whites' ofcolor.. As a result ofthese that could men activities, such as military service, 5 sought masculine entire gender correctness." from sexual unions confidence in the group's sprang in the first place - Ofcourse, the mixed-race population their masters or employers women and white men, generally free men of mixed race between African back. This meant that white men that either directly or some generations the descendants of those On the task in convincing could now be equalized. faced a complicated relationship that once existed throughout the colonial the unequal power sexual relationships continued the minds of whites as one hand, such unequal of the free colored group in as "femireinforcing the image of the free colored period, the "gendering" of sexual objects and thus reinforcing of mixed race were the sons or half-brothers the men took seriously. nine." n On the other hand, relationship that white society roles were the white men, and this was a family dance of gendering and gender Women's roles in this complicated be equalized. faced a complicated relationship that once existed throughout the colonial the unequal power sexual relationships continued the minds of whites as one hand, such unequal of the free colored group in as "femireinforcing the image of the free colored period, the "gendering" of sexual objects and thus reinforcing of mixed race were the sons or half-brothers the men took seriously. nine." n On the other hand, relationship that white society roles were the white men, and this was a family dance of gendering and gender Women's roles in this complicated --- Page 218 --- Relationships and Social Advancement . I9I Family One role for free women of color that was universally noted complex and varied. and live-in lover, for white men. The role at the time was as ménagère, housekeeper in Saint Domingue at the the best-known role for women ofcolori ofr ménagère was on the society, it would seem to have time. To read the early white commentators view, shared by most observers at been the only role open to them. The traditional community was defined by the time and many since, was that the free colored while also attributing this and immorality. Moreau de St. Méry, "licentiousness" climate and the limited supply of white women, conduct to the warmth of the frangaise: in his Description de la partie adopts this explanation are condemned to the estate ofcouritis thus that the majority ofmulatresses with slave women. This where they are associated [in the public mind] tesan, offence to morals and religious laws, is nonetheless illegitimate commerce, an where there are few white women. regarded as a necessary evil in the Colonies, this is larger true in Saint Domingue, where disproportion This is especially seems to prevent even worse [than in the other French Caribbean colonies).It the of the weaknesses of masters for their slaves causes lightening vices: the that it is the warmth ofthe climate which burden ofs slavery. One can even say which these desires can be satisfied, irritates the desire, and the facility with useless. The law prohibitions against these practices that will make legislative is quiet when nature speaks imperiously. oft the slave women have an influence on It is also possible that the morals where polygamy is acBlack women coming from Africa, the free women. commerce with white men they can cepted, know that by their illegitimate children. This is enough to make ameliorate their condition and that oft their and the influence of the climate, the love ofluxury, them complaisant. Thus, class, who are the most suspicious and despotic a distrust of men oft their own and to give themselves all lead women of color to flee marriage ofl husbands, their voluptuous inclinations lucrative concubinage. This state satisfies to a to which they owe their liberty2 and also is the activity observer closer to our times who might have been expected C. L. R. James, an on the situation when known better, placed the worst possible complexion to have Mulatto women in San Domingo (sic), 5,000 were he said that "in 1789, of7 7,000 of white men. 27 The truth turns out to either prostitutes or the kept mistresses more complex than that. have been substantially white men:, Jean-François Edouarddit First, not all employers ofménagères were Hélène as his houskeeper on his Leveille employed a free black woman named a ménagère, in Limbé for 400 liures a year. 28 Vincent Ogé also employed babitation his greater wealth and higher social posiMarie Magdelaine Garette befitting 9, of7 7,000 of white men. 27 The truth turns out to either prostitutes or the kept mistresses more complex than that. have been substantially white men:, Jean-François Edouarddit First, not all employers ofménagères were Hélène as his houskeeper on his Leveille employed a free black woman named a ménagère, in Limbé for 400 liures a year. 28 Vincent Ogé also employed babitation his greater wealth and higher social posiMarie Magdelaine Garette befitting --- Page 219 --- 192 . In Society and the Economy 600 liures a year. Ofthe reher salary was by and a négociant, 20 were employed tion as a quarteron identified as ménagères in the sample, maining 2I women in appendix 2 of this book. touchwhites. The names of all 23 appear demonstrated a surprising and sometimes with the same Many employers of ménagères their lovers. Many men remained from fidelity and tenderness for At the men's death or departure ing fathering large families. woman for decades, social tradition, well rewarded. tried to the colony, the women were, by that Sieur Thomas Peignanan become have already seen the colossal payoff her children would have We Julie Dahey. She and had his scheme arrange for his ménagère, importance in Croix des Bouquets with more than planters of considerable revised will, he left her sugar Even under the work. Ifnot a sugar planter, come off as planned. cash to buy good land for them to coffee planter, and more20 slaves and enough have had the opportunity to become a While the most generous she would at least debt to the metropolitan kin. over, one without a large the only deal along these lines. Peignanans was not to make bequests to their ménagères settlement, sometimes used a subterfuge of the revoked bequest of White planters debts. Similar to the example in one will that by claiming they were Louise, in which he claimed the Léonard Simiat to his employee to revise his will and eliminate Sieur sum of money, only of She was a he owed her substantial of Marie Grasse dite Balanquin Limonade. Simiat, a Sieur "debt," > there is the case less wealth than Sieur ménagère for a white man of considerably of the sugar plantation Lescarmortier that he Androuin, seemingly an employee His death inventory revealed François who fell ill and died in 1780. articles and a guarantee from in Limonade horses, as well as a few personal if died. He owned 2 slaves and 4 of 3,300 liures in fees Androuin her for her his doctor promising reimbursement of the horses to Grasse "to recompense to willed 3,000 liures and one his last illness. 30 The bequest had services, especially during and as the first mentionedi lin the good and agreeable recompense for specific services man's parents in France, Grasse, as specific the other bequest, to the young horses and will, took precedence over and then returned 3 more Grasse accepted her payment since they were unof 4,000 livres. to the estate- and which, far from which she said belonged could easily have kept. So, a carriage, in the will or official inventory, she mistress, > Grasse was carementioned "prostitute" or "kept not-toobeing the grasping and mercenary' but she showed concern for the probably and who most ful not to leave herself destitute, whom she most likely had never met, of the day. well-off parents ofher lover, concern for her, given racial attitudes In Moise likely would have had little could also leave a ménagère bereft. France 1788, on an exDeparture from the colony the colony for of the house of Langefreres, was leaving Lange, ress, > Grasse was carementioned "prostitute" or "kept not-toobeing the grasping and mercenary' but she showed concern for the probably and who most ful not to leave herself destitute, whom she most likely had never met, of the day. well-off parents ofher lover, concern for her, given racial attitudes In Moise likely would have had little could also leave a ménagère bereft. France 1788, on an exDeparture from the colony the colony for of the house of Langefreres, was leaving Lange, --- Page 220 --- Family Relationshijps and Social, tended Aduancement . 193 business trip. He left behind him procuration to the house one Rose Merza, his his slaves be ofPetit/feres, his business ménagère. In his placed at Rose's he a week (1,716 liures disposition and managers, ordered that 2 of sional a year) until his return. furthermore that she be paid 33 salary, approximately what This represents a liures tion manager might be a junior Or reasonable profespaid. less-experienced white male Menagères typically signed plantatheir pay: and specific employment contracts with their ample, Marie Louise managerial à duties they would be patrons, stating libre, Traitte, upon being required to perform. For promised to "go and live engaged by Paul exgouvernante, and on the said Bonneau's Bonneau, quarteron son], and ofhis thereby to take Care of his household habitation in the quality of good, gouvernante domestic servants, to see to the Iménage] and house [maiand conservation ties it manager ofhis goods as judge appropriate. n For these lkonome) must do, and this for as just a value not to exceed 2,000 liures services, she was to be long as the parThe legal each year, or the given one slave of a the relationship between the two was equivalent in cash.31 verbiage was quite similar to that and lords ofemployee and their professional contracts signed between employer, and planter resident in économes. However, absentee white landship between Cap, but a single man resident Bonneau was not an them was both on his plantation. The absentee companionate than personal and relationeven the traditional professional, and society. The contract relationship seemingly much more between them, between rights to use the Bonneau then, served to grant spouses in French the domestic sphere, capital as if she really were Marie Louise limited buy and sell on his anyway, armed with this piece of Bonneau's économe. Within both behalf, exercise notarized as his junior business authority over his slaves, and, paper, she could sumably the purpose of the Partner and as a member of his indeed, behave ing made into act-to give economic family. This was preFor the white pseudo-kin as the planter's rights to a person who was bewife and resident of Saint acknowledged and long-term lover. illegitimate children Domingue, the step beyond ored woman. through having a acquiring a pseudoconvention Miscegenation was never ménagère was to marry a free sent mixed forbidden, although colaged masters to messages about it. On the one legislation and social law forbade marry the slave mothers of their hand, the Code Noir encourferior men who had contracted children. On the other status) to hold public mésalliances (marriage to hand, the Increasing racist office, ranging from militia rank someone of far inoreds, had led ideology, and to noble titles. to a significant raciallybased discrimination of the century, when decline in the rates ofsuch against the free colthey were responsible for the unions from the first half creation of such powerful free the one legislation and social law forbade marry the slave mothers of their hand, the Code Noir encourferior men who had contracted children. On the other status) to hold public mésalliances (marriage to hand, the Increasing racist office, ranging from militia rank someone of far inoreds, had led ideology, and to noble titles. to a significant raciallybased discrimination of the century, when decline in the rates ofsuch against the free colthey were responsible for the unions from the first half creation of such powerful free --- Page 221 --- 194 . In Society and the Economy the Raimonds of Aquin. Howofl Limonade and convencolored houses as the Laportes could find it in themselves to defy social colfor those white men who be from marriage into a free ever, advantages to gained tion, there were significant and many free colored family. stewards of capital, as we have seen, "whitening" with Free coloreds were good well-off.1 Marriage to a white, combining and thus was to ored families were quite quite a significant social promotion the in 8 the represented contracts in sample, "respectability" for. Ofro such marriage than did the be sought after and paid economic value to the relationship substantially more relationship producing bride brought the cases, a long-establsthed the other no estimagroom. In one of remaining ratifiedl by the church, whilei in colored eight living children was finally be made. Even in the 8 cases, though, tion of relative economic value can was not expended unnecessarily. realization careful that their family's property on a in-laws were of these marriages, based perhaps capinature steward of the family's The companionate was likely to be a better contract. For example, that the free colored partner the ofthe marriage dite stressedi in provisions Françoise Elizabeth tal, was frequenty of Haute-Guienne, married - clothing Sieur Pierre Huget, a native valuable status possessionsin 1788. She brought a lot ofvery a total value ofaboutg.4oo/ferc. Girardeau slave to the relationship, for his white and Ifurniture- - and a not described, and, of course, was not only his personal property, contract was that the husband He brought condition of the marriage belong or come to skin. However, a slaves or real property which may this rebe to "sell any of the wife.32 Certainly to permitted without the written consent" of the times. belong to the family to a man raised in French society a to be galling professional striction was likely of Sieur Louis Charles Cautellier, inA similar case was the wedding relative of the Dame Turgeau previously but can be aséconome, to Marie Louise Turgeau, was not stated in the contract contribution as a technically troduced. His economic for the most part of his earning power of land and sumed to have consisted more substantial contribution her Half of her family's of property and remained skilled employee. withheld from the community was not completely slaves, though, was her independent economic status ofa white man. Thus, as the bride personal properpyli of"trespectability" he was an imobviated by marriage and acquisition and because were questionable, and the adifhis skills as a manager to boot, her abilities In addition, and seemingly rather young Wealthier white women, migrant to the colony to keep the family solvent. ofher mother might serve arrived white immigrants vice means, marrying newly to see it used often widows with substantial but it is interesting to the often did, adopt the same strategy, contribution might, and woman whose entire economic took free colored It was as ifboth parties here by a young from dowry gifts from her parents. relationship came were questionable, and the adifhis skills as a manager to boot, her abilities In addition, and seemingly rather young Wealthier white women, migrant to the colony to keep the family solvent. ofher mother might serve arrived white immigrants vice means, marrying newly to see it used often widows with substantial but it is interesting to the often did, adopt the same strategy, contribution might, and woman whose entire economic took free colored It was as ifboth parties here by a young from dowry gifts from her parents. relationship came --- Page 222 --- . 195 Relationsbips and SocialAtsancment Family of property in the colored woman might be a better manager was his that a free profesion. as a given white man for whom plantation management colony than a AND RESPECTAI BILITY BOURGEOIS MORALITY free coloreds that family structures were stronger coloreds among were a more Julien Raimond argued Saint Domingue, and thus that free face of the colwhites in flew in the than among the whites.? 34 This argument the two centuries moral people than colony's to that point and through of white observers up statistical data showing lective opinion It also flewin the face ofsubstantial than among whites since, as we have seen. common among free coloreds than for was much more for colored women that illegitimacy was less frequent which in the colony and that marriage truth about free colored society, However, it gets at a deeper of the family, whether white women. concerned about the stability is that it was much more and that free coloreds aspired to bourgeois "familyval- whites, esfemale headed or otherwise, extent than did whites. Ofcourse, considues"in the colony to a much greater in the colony, often aspired to being young white men from their luxurious and pecially the many France upon their triumphant return in his larger conered bourgeois in colonial exile. Raimond was right class of the colony. decadent, but very profitable, the indigenous stable middle France the clusion, that free coloreds were stability ofthe free coloreds offered Raimond would have hadit, the true to French values and loyal As build a society that would remain had perrock on which to racial attitudes and revolutionary politics sovereignty, if only to French of family structures in mitted it. indicator of the strength rates can be a good documents often mention the legitiIllegitimacy Parish registers, wills, and other whose legitimacy' was aj population. of the actors. Of1,112 free colored persons described as illegitimate macy or bastardy sample, 629 (57 percent) were freedmen were ilmentioned in the notarial Almost by definition, all of free 483 (43 percent) as legitimate. manumission- - marriages and only some were legitimized after of offspring to be lelegitimate, although always included significant numbers born frec, to slaves almost between slaves. Ofthose persons there were very few marriages that about half were legitgitimized-andt acts and parish registers suggest scale, were the sample of notarial those at the top of the socioeconomic witness the Laimate. Some families, especially of legitimately born persons- --as at least almost exclusively composed found in appendix I. In the first generation, and whose family tree is In the second, two. In the third, one, portes, ancestors were bastards. One would expect that illethree of eight members identified were legitimate. to claim kinship as in the fourth, all free coloreds would be as quick gitimate offspring of powerful -andt acts and parish registers suggest scale, were the sample of notarial those at the top of the socioeconomic witness the Laimate. Some families, especially of legitimately born persons- --as at least almost exclusively composed found in appendix I. In the first generation, and whose family tree is In the second, two. In the third, one, portes, ancestors were bastards. One would expect that illethree of eight members identified were legitimate. to claim kinship as in the fourth, all free coloreds would be as quick gitimate offspring of powerful --- Page 223 --- 196 . In Society and the Economy members ofthis family must relatives of white people, sO few illegitimate committed to marriage similar Clearly, family members were solidly white planter have escaped notice. much more SO than comparable bastards at ofbuilding their familyoff free colored as a means who had a substantial population families in the colony, ofmaron thei importance each generation. elite were not alone in insisting the offspring of However, the planter Members of the Olivier family, officer, seem to their family strategies. and black militia riage Vincent, hero of Cartegena were legitimate. the famous Capitaine that as many offspring as possible his return to been careful to ensure he married upon to have himself was a freedman and illegitimate, His daughter While he number of legitimate offspring, the colony and had a considerable Pierre Olivier, who was reaebontedeometinse mulatto son, Even the widow Poupart, had an illegitimate influential in his own right. children. the clan and became quite of the family, married and bore legitimate levels. member social at all economic a povergy-stricken of standing to Legitimacy was valued as a component united by formal marriage, commitment those families that were not for decades. There Even in Men remained with their ménagères children by differfamily stability was high. ofwomen of color with illegitimate but occasional examples different racial categorics), were admitted Or obvious from their often a halfent fathers (either unions were formalized by marriage, of the 1782 marriage this was rare. When irregular would be legitimized, as in the case libre, which dozen Or more children and Marie Petit dite Quercy, negresse 35 ofSieur Gaspard Bos, from Italy, birth on eight young people. oflegitimate to respectable bestowed the respectability mothers often oversaw a promotion ofMirebalais was Women who were unmarried children. Françoise La Racointe family life on the part of their Free black mother of six surviving illegitimate in land example of this process. of fconsiderable resources a perfect whose father left them owners offher children. Her mulatto children, successful campaign to marry in Mirebalais. and slaves, she oversaw a fairly Nivard, a mulatto babitant liures. 36 daughter Marie married Jean-Baptiste had built an habitation worth I1O,000 him. His Marie and Jean-Baptiste, by 1777, but left legitimate heirs behind Charles died before 1776 son Jean married Françoise's son herself married by 177:3 Françoise's daughter was included eight surviving legitimate legitimate Dumoyer in the 1750S; their family to a mulatto named Joseph Charlotte Cécile was married by 1788 ofhis resources." 38 offspring. Their daughter alrhough there is no record in 1778 who was also an habitant, Marie Charlotte, who married Labattu, ofJean and Charlotte was 39 Thus were libertinage Another daughter Filatre, himself a legitimate quarteron. the advanced in to one Jean Baptiste into solid bourgeois morality as family converted and concubinage economic and social terms. oyer in the 1750S; their family to a mulatto named Joseph Charlotte Cécile was married by 1788 ofhis resources." 38 offspring. Their daughter alrhough there is no record in 1778 who was also an habitant, Marie Charlotte, who married Labattu, ofJean and Charlotte was 39 Thus were libertinage Another daughter Filatre, himself a legitimate quarteron. the advanced in to one Jean Baptiste into solid bourgeois morality as family converted and concubinage economic and social terms. --- Page 224 --- and SocialAdvancement . 197 Family Relationships strategies in ancien regime France, of course, a vital part of family for social advancement. Free Marriage was, and retention of wealth and that whites used it, and both for the acquisition for all the same reasons scale. In addition, colored families used marriage especially at the top of the social and highly in very much the same ways, social scale, marriage was an inexpensive toward the bottom of the slave lover and children. thought of way to free one's BETWEEN SPOUSES CONTRACTS AND RELATIONSHIPS the nature of MARRIAGE role of free colored women and by between free As suggested by the economic women and white men, marriage conbetween free colored than among whites. Marriage relationships institution to the relationship. coloreds was a more companionate brought by each partner and detail the resources was a relationship, tracts typically practice had it that marriage patriarchal by the husband, wives While traditional of the couple would be managed to have had some voice the combined resources contributions can reasonablyl be expected dowry would have who made larger of those resources.. A large Free colored women inside the family in the management family power balance. but also in theinternalf with whites, represented an advantagei their marriages, not only to those value ofthe brought large dowries to contracts in which the comparative was subwithin their caste. Of122 marriage be ascertained, the wife's contribution the two contributions could in 28 (23 percent), and two parties' the husband's stantially greater in 40 (33 percent), those marequal in 54 (44 percent) resources in were substantially value ofthe couples' declared (53.935 liures) Interestingly, the average wealthier was significantly higher which the wife was the (21,750 liores). riages in where the husband was the wealthier wealth partner had the lowest than those marriages were of substantially equal tended to marry Those where the two couples These data suggest ctharwel-offamiles control over value ofall at 16,238 lires. wealth, perhaps in order to preserve tilted in favor their daughters to men oflesser relationship within the marriage was fathers- and family resources. Ifthe power contribution, then the wealthy 9) who brought the larger son rather than losing a daughter." of the partner would in reality be "gaining a specific restrictions on mothers-in-law contracts also often stipulated was As we have seen, marriage the wife's goods. The traditional arrangement the husthe husband's right to manage of property, supposedly managed by arrangecreated a community from this traditional that marriage contract would depart: and that the wife band. Occasionally, a marriage of property was to be created, affairs. This sort of ment, stating that no community the husband to manage her own second marriages in advance by making was authorized common among white widows arrangement was rather reality be "gaining a specific restrictions on mothers-in-law contracts also often stipulated was As we have seen, marriage the wife's goods. The traditional arrangement the husthe husband's right to manage of property, supposedly managed by arrangecreated a community from this traditional that marriage contract would depart: and that the wife band. Occasionally, a marriage of property was to be created, affairs. This sort of ment, stating that no community the husband to manage her own second marriages in advance by making was authorized common among white widows arrangement was rather --- Page 225 --- 198 . In Society and the Economy thatit was seen as free coloreds. One gets the impression officially but less common among respectable. By! having such a relationship violation of the somehow less than completely the wife was publicly announcing her the envedescribed in the notarial act, of the things free coloreds did pushed roles traditional gender roles. As many feel confident in challenging gender they did not the followed this lope of racial roles, perhaps contracts in sample Only 5 ofthe 190 marriage quite SO explicitly. restrictions on the absolute model. coloreds more often settled for other that were inserted in their Instead, free the communal property the comright ofthe husband to manage of part of one party's total worth half, from or moremarriage contracts. Exemption Either a proportion- a quarter, or a specific munity was a common expedient. would be set aside for her own use, in her will while usually of the bride's property, for the bride as disposable in bequests amount would be reserved her life. Either way, families preserved some property such managed by the husband Seventeen during of 19O marriage contracts contain one would exgiven to their daughters. quite well-off families, as provision, and they were from generally contracts was 65,930 liures. in the marpect. The average value ofthese these lines that was sometimes used, as the wife Another provision along Turgeau, was to give of Sieur Cautellier and Demoiselle and land- from the community. riage contract alienation of capital goods- - slaves three such cases apa veto over in marriages among free coloreds; only lines too far for reThis was less commoni this provision bent the gender peared in the sample. Perhaps sometimes too. usually the bride's, were spectability, of one side of the family, Thus, for example, Finally, members heirs ofthe couple as part oftheir contract. their marspecificallyl listed as Marguerite Fauquet in Cap in 1785, livre Mathieu Cockburn married the husband to provide a 1,200 when otherwise traditional, obligated her.1 riage contract, ifhis wife predeceased for before to his mother-in-law been together years per year pension who married had frequendy member of the couple had Free colored couples Often, of course, if one one's partlegitimating their relationship. way to manumit this was a cheap and socially respectable had been free for some time, been a slave, However, even when both partners be by the ner and children. of children to legitimated economic for hosts illegitimate were of strained it was not uncommon coloreds. În general, these couples was their marriage oftwo free that the expense of a marriage beyond often SO one presumes In addition, these marriages circumstances, after starting a family. Itis commeans for some years children was seeking increased respectability. took place when one ofthe child, often a daughter, was approaching marriageable on the marto find that the oldest that it was her value mon which leads to the supposition age in these cases, to legitimated economic for hosts illegitimate were of strained it was not uncommon coloreds. În general, these couples was their marriage oftwo free that the expense of a marriage beyond often SO one presumes In addition, these marriages circumstances, after starting a family. Itis commeans for some years children was seeking increased respectability. took place when one ofthe child, often a daughter, was approaching marriageable on the marto find that the oldest that it was her value mon which leads to the supposition age in these cases, --- Page 226 --- and Social. Advancement . 199 Family Relationsbips of the enhanced by the parents' belated acquisition born before the riage market that was being It was rare to find a child would church's blessing on their relationship. free colored families-they unions in the more wealthy and powerful their daughters to form illegitimate marriage been no more willing to permit emulated SO assiduously. have rural aristocrats they than would the metropolitan PARENTS AND CHILDREN RELATIONS BETWEEN between husband and of course, illustrates the relationship! parents and children, The marriage contract, illustrates the relationships between of the family intact wife. It also, however, strategy to keep the property for the it serves as part of the family socially, and provide as the advance the family between from one generation to next, way tolook at the relationship ofthe children. Wills are another documents in which members happiness the many other notarial parents and children, as are were participants. an unusual view of generational oft two generations sources we see a society with children, even Through all these the relative freedom accorded women, that In contrast to the control oftheir elders in a way relationships. adulthood, were firmly under These attitudes were not at after reaching in France. would have been pleasing to traditionalists in the colony. behind them characteristic of fwhite society They had left all living in the colony were immigrants. the of property by Many whites delayed acquisition that traditionally. fathers, in the metropole that accorded parents, especially a society until after the parents' deaths and Living in the faraway colony, withchildren over their children's lives. whites tended a great deal of power about (even the older relatives ofnative-born their own masters. out their older relatives the young white Dominguans were creole life that often to retire to the metropole), deal ofthe effervescence ofwhite members This may account for a good of observers at the time. However, and tradimerited the unfavorable comments families were resident in the colony, all of free colored were quite strong. of generations children's duties and parents' rights mothers of mixedtional ideas about and slaves was held in life tenancy by white fathers. The A great deal of land made to them by their children as a condition of donations an of a free colored family race to mind as example and her son spring widow Turgeau the dominant force. of eiwhich the mother was clearly children whose fathers, in oflegitimate free colored This was thanks to a proviAn equally large group dead were in a similar position. title to property ther racial caste, were marriage contracts that transferred in all, or a sion of many (although not all) died but reserved life tenancy children once one of their parents These sorts of provisions to the of the estate to the surviving spouse. significant part, free colored family race to mind as example and her son spring widow Turgeau the dominant force. of eiwhich the mother was clearly children whose fathers, in oflegitimate free colored This was thanks to a proviAn equally large group dead were in a similar position. title to property ther racial caste, were marriage contracts that transferred in all, or a sion of many (although not all) died but reserved life tenancy children once one of their parents These sorts of provisions to the of the estate to the surviving spouse. significant part, --- Page 227 --- 200 - In Society and the Economy be by the death ofher that the widow would not beggared were intended to ensure proved to be an overreaction. collections of husband, but the actual practice trends were the donations ofimportant these on the occasion ofimportant Counterbalancing advance ofinhenitance"t to children of the spurs capital goods "in often marriage. This was one important contracts in the turning points in their lives, coloreds to marry. Ofthe 190 marriage other marriage that encouraged young free spelled out in detail. Most them sample, 37 contain some such provision but the acts do not explicitly describe concontained gifts from parents, On the other hand, 15 marriage contracts the future spouse's inheritance. goods came as advances on ofone or the other partner's stated that some portion trade and thus were not to be counted tracts specifically or income from their that the alternative was unfrom their own savings estate, suggesting their share of the parental against even ifr not explicitly stated. at the time of their marriage was derstood donation from parents to children and plant Often, the married couple to live on the family homestead the paternal roof the right of the newly offered the right to live under Sometimes, children were indicate a subordinate position. crops. table, which would certainly and their parents than and eat at the family relationship between adult children would set aside a This suggests a different familiar in our culture. More often, parents at least had conwith what we are children to use.. As usufructaries, the children from the ownerpiece ofland for the control, but this was a far cry children trol over the land, often irrevocable white neighbors. Sometimes, lucky and control exercised by young ofland. ship actual property rights to a piece show us that parents retained would receive wills and death inventories Asin the case ofthe PinceIn general, though, until their deaths. laying significant portions oft their property had title to land might have difficulty free black children who actually Nanette, the maille family, the death ofthe usufructiary parent. Marie Franclaim to control ofit on her children, Michel François and died in 1784, and the before their property rights materfamilias, a stern protest to notary çoise, had to make quite slaves could be accepted.o to the family's land and CONCLUSION role, both as economic actors had a surprisingly strong public children. This femiFree colored women in the lives oftheir often fatherless stereotypes of and as dominant presences paradoxically reinforced gendered labor and mannine, and very un-French, power the mobilization of women's their caste. At the same time, though, free coloreds be more successful entrepreneurs. mantalent may have helped business. Free colored women household agement were successful in Certainly, many --- Page 228 --- Family Relationships and Social Advancement . 20I agers and companions to white men were successful in advancing their families economically, but at the same time their violation ofsexual mores reinforced stereotypes held at the time, and more recently, about free coloreds. Free colored families were, in fact, quite strong by colonial standards, with families at all levels placing great importance on the institution of marriage. Even those families that were formed without formal sanction from the church were nonetheless quite stable, and this family stability, unnoticed though it was by the stereotypes, was nonetheless important in the economic success of the group. Strong families, though, meant strong controls over children, and free colored children enjoyed much less liberty than their white counterparts on the island. the same time their violation ofsexual mores reinforced stereotypes held at the time, and more recently, about free coloreds. Free colored families were, in fact, quite strong by colonial standards, with families at all levels placing great importance on the institution of marriage. Even those families that were formed without formal sanction from the church were nonetheless quite stable, and this family stability, unnoticed though it was by the stereotypes, was nonetheless important in the economic success of the group. Strong families, though, meant strong controls over children, and free colored children enjoyed much less liberty than their white counterparts on the island. --- Page 229 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 230 --- - à a 26: S2S 60 : PART THREE Group Strategies for Sconomic and Social cAdvancement --- Page 231 --- This page intentionally lefi blank --- Page 232 --- X6 4 X4 t. CHAPTER TEN Planter Elites The reader has already met the Laportes, the planter elite in the sample of notarial best-documented members of the ilyo offree coloreds who achieved acts. They were by no means the only famanothere power and social position this example, there are the Baugés during period. For tives of the powerful white ofGalets, Croix des Bouquets, mulatto relaplanters who seized the planting family of the same name. were day as the economy boomed after They small American Independence and became the end ofthe War of they established a big planters by the end ofthe 178os. In partnership in which the husbands oft the four 1777, cluding members of the Desmarres and Graine Baugé sisters, inancestral plot to the three brothers, clans, rented four-sevenths ofthe the irrigation system in the Cul de along with all the water coming to them from Sac River. 1 One society, the sisters were living with their presumes that in this patrilocal could not exert direct husbands on the husbands' habitations and there were relatives supervision over their land. As usual in free to whom the land could be colored families, the services of a professional entrusted rather than seeking out At the time, the farm was manager. the notarial act refers producing small amounts of food for the to places à vivres owned by the four market, as place. Clearly, these were small farms of the brothers-in-law on the and tied to the market, but "middling sort": above the butits by no means a plantation. The peasantry seems more a titleofcourtesyr than a real term babitant is used, the three brothers turned it into description. Over nine years, last appeared in the a proper habitation. By the time this though, notarial record, in 1781, it was piece ofland or well over 100,000 livres in total value. On worth I1,400 livres a yeari in rent, professional estate that date, four white men, managers seeking to move up and two of them relatives probably of one --- Page 233 --- 206 . Economic and SxialdAéuancoment from the Baugés for 5-5 years, along rented the habitation head of mules as well. They also of the brothers-in-law, rented 24 slaves and 6 buildings, with with all water rights. They quite solid sugar mill cane and maintain two seemingly were to leave standing six were to complete machine. The renters the alleys planted in milling with an animal-driven each at the end of the lease period, and leave the whole fields of 4 carreaux fields with live hedges or fences, protect the sweet potatoes, condition." >2 The brothers had place in "defensible the entirety of the Baugé patrimony. additional 80,000 livres. This did not represent large estates worth an turned their earlier profits into new, borders of the parish of Port-au-Prince, within the still under construcOne was a coffee plantation was another sugar establishment above Bellevue, and the other Parisien in Croix des Bouquets. of color. The pretion at Fond formation among free people less undifferIn this chapter we turn to group of color as a more or which treated free people for the two leadership ceding chapters, served to give a basis for comparison the to which entiated whole, have identified. This did not represent large estates worth an turned their earlier profits into new, borders of the parish of Port-au-Prince, within the still under construcOne was a coffee plantation was another sugar establishment above Bellevue, and the other Parisien in Croix des Bouquets. of color. The pretion at Fond formation among free people less undifferIn this chapter we turn to group of color as a more or which treated free people for the two leadership ceding chapters, served to give a basis for comparison the to which entiated whole, have identified. This chapter explores subgroup with an extengroups that this study has belonged, the planter elite, beginning the members of and the Baugés elite. While the Laportes what is meant by the term planter and European ansive definition of wealthy, rural, of mixed African in the time were in general removed from slavery this subgroup least two or three generations member ofthe group. tecedents, and at apply to every of not all these characteristics intimacy, and frequency period under study, characteristic is the level, These close links with Instead, the distinguishing or familial and financial. Itis with whites, both personal other free coloreds not of their group. contacts weak links with while the people discussed whites mean relatively is referred to as an elite, The latter were for this reason that this group the military. leadership group. are referred to as even though in many cases in the next chapter of the mass of free coloreds, much more the leaders wealth ofthe planter elites. ofthe ecothey did not possess the ofterms, the chapter turns to an analysis this wealth. BeFrom this initial definition The first question is the source of Their role of the planter elite. ofthe of these families. nomic whites formed the core capital increase in and gifts from led to a steady quests efficiency as agricultural entrepreneurs members ofthis group generally greater By the time under study, sector, on the this capital over the generations. especially in the coffee planters, the most important were among forms the final portion of island. of the mentalité of the planter elite their capital that paralleled An investigation elites had an attitude toward French society in France. this chapter. The planter the landed aristocracy of in society. these families. nomic whites formed the core capital increase in and gifts from led to a steady quests efficiency as agricultural entrepreneurs members ofthis group generally greater By the time under study, sector, on the this capital over the generations. especially in the coffee planters, the most important were among forms the final portion of island. of the mentalité of the planter elite their capital that paralleled An investigation elites had an attitude toward French society in France. this chapter. The planter the landed aristocracy of in society. Part the attitude common among meant status and an accepted role Being a landlord in the metropole --- Page 234 --- Planter Elites . 207 ofthat accepted role was a feudal it. Speculation in land or labor attitude toward land and the been, ifr not markets, for the French people who worked anathema, at least rural rose from business circles something to be concealed. aristocrat, would have urban merchants to become landowners, the While many Frenchmen were generally abandoned when business practices as Dominguel lacked a noble class, and theybecame rural adopted any case. Nonetheless, these free coloreds could not seigneurs. Saint extent, the thought wealthy free colored aspire to noble statusin patterns and economic behavior planter elites imitated, to a of the metropolitan great aristocrat. GROUP The first CHARACTERISTICS distinguishing characteristic passing that ofa any other in free colored ofthe planter elite group was its 527 notarial acts in the sample. society. Members oft this wealth, surthree times the The average value of those group performed Some owned average value for the entire sample. acts was 23,145 liures, reveal members great of this amounts of capital goods, both land and slaves, like the group who owned slaves. Inventories two mixed-race hundreds of carreaux and 350 carreaux of sons of Charles hundreds of Baugés good land as well as Hérivaux, who inherited owned numerous slaves and many slaves from their white 4 over irrigated bottomland in at least several father.4 The tablishments a burgeoning hundred. carreaux of fertile and in the surrounding sugar-growing area, as well as Families generally mountains.5 subsidiary esindividuals,y controlled significant amounts of youngers sons or other land and right. An dependents, slaves, but some example can be found in the might not be SO vanne. Jean-Baptises family wealthyin theirown his younger brother ofrerolutionary) wife's effects. She Achile's Jean-Baptiste Chadu Nord who was the illegitimate marriage contract details his and dowered her with daughter ofa a white tation. Achile's 9 carreaux and 6 slaves planter in the Plaine part ofthe parents turned over to him 9 ofher choice off his babimarriage contracr. 6 carreaux and ent parishes and 6 slaves Eighteen carreaux ofland in 2,000 livres in cash as would would not have two parcels in permit a comfortable made a very differa existence, but impressive babitation. It younger son, Achile had perhaps without any great degree Nonetheless, we can see that gotten as good a deal as he ofluxury. As wealthy. not all persons born to this could have expected, Neither group were were they all rural. The outstandingly ban free colored generational connection children of the populations in the colony has between rural and urnomic rural plantocracy, like Achile already been explored. motivation to move to the cities Chavanne, would have had Younger and seek their fortunes. In an ecoaddition, imi- perhaps without any great degree Nonetheless, we can see that gotten as good a deal as he ofluxury. As wealthy. not all persons born to this could have expected, Neither group were were they all rural. The outstandingly ban free colored generational connection children of the populations in the colony has between rural and urnomic rural plantocracy, like Achile already been explored. motivation to move to the cities Chavanne, would have had Younger and seek their fortunes. In an ecoaddition, imi- --- Page 235 --- 208 . Economic and Social-Aisanement members ofthe upper class, some may behavior of young rural white off wealth and gain status. Sevtating the to the cities as a place to show town in the notarhave been attracted children of planters moving to appear ofthe Laporte clan, ofyounger relative eral examples Guillaume Castaing ofLimonade, ( and St. Siial record. One was house on the corner of the rue D'Anjou coloreds might who rented a quite luxurious where well-off free A was a mixed neighborhood, to the house himself. mon in Cap/Thiss Guillaume intended occupy without perlive, and it seems that young him to sublet any part of the property of the lease forbade leader Manuel Louis Roussame. provision Cap military members ofthe mission from the owner, prominent who, by attitude and wealth, were was revoBut there were also persons owned little rural land. A prominent example of a white planter group, and yet they who was the son, apparently legitimate, colonial lutionary leader Vincent Ogé, Like other négociants, Ogé bought the also named Vincent. and he imported goods for Cap négociant, farmers and shipped it to France, evidence ofhis being inproduce from slaves, although there is no the business agent farmers, including possibly source ofincome was as in the slave trade. His principal he had rural activities, supervolved landlords in France. In this connection, himselfin the city. He also owned of absentee ofestates, but he based on at least one occasion, vising the management traded within the Caribbean and, in their number of ships that also owned plantations a America. Many ofhis fellow négociants Stanislas Foâche, seemwith North member of the trade, as he did off his names. The best-documented in Jean Rabel own much off his quite large plantation though, that Ogé ingly made as house in Cap. It does not appear, mercantile equally important in his own name. was a member of the actually owned any plantations in his attitudes, Ogé apDespite his lack of a plantation, with his capital. Ogé's investments: That is, he was conservative Urban real estate was an important planter group. rock of Gibraltar. of liures of solid as the proverbial were listed as owners 127,000 pear He and his mother 9 The Ogés held onto part of his portfolio. cadastral survey ofCap Français. land values and urban propertyi in the 1776 for the most part. Urban this their land, renting out small apartments was hard to lose money at game. unceasingly, and SO it the urban real estate market, rents were going up role that Vincent Ogé played in owners. In this capacity, The most important safer one of an agent for absentee ofCap Franthough, was the even house in a fashionable neighborhood The rent he rented a large from Plaisance in 1785107 for example, white widow to a white planter liures. He had several çais owned by a and Ogé took a commission of1,300 to make money was 13,500 liures a year, in this way. This is the most certain way to it. properties that! he managedi and the reputation for reliability permit to lose real estate, if one has the capital own capital and stand in and you risk none ofyour Manage others' property, future business opportunities. only possible he rented a large from Plaisance in 1785107 for example, white widow to a white planter liures. He had several çais owned by a and Ogé took a commission of1,300 to make money was 13,500 liures a year, in this way. This is the most certain way to it. properties that! he managedi and the reputation for reliability permit to lose real estate, if one has the capital own capital and stand in and you risk none ofyour Manage others' property, future business opportunities. only possible --- Page 236 --- Planter. Elites . 209 Aside from his involvement in the urban real chant, trading with other ports in the Caribbean, estate business, Ogé was a merrisk ofstorm or English attack bedeviled all North America, and France. The ever, Ogé had several inter-island boats maritime traders in the colony. Howeverything he owned in case ofdisaster. and stood to lose something less than top oft the economic Economies ofscale worked for him at the Like pyramid as they did for whites in his Ogé, most of the planter position. cestry. This was not true ofall group were of mixed African and European anall planter families members, however. In the first was a woman, like la Dame generation of almost Julie Dahey, or Anne veuve Ogé, Nanette Laporte (I), who was the Pincemaille, Many of these women were of companion or wife ofa white man. wholly African porte. Far from being the descent, like Pincemaille and Lathe "lascivious" seduced, or raped, victims ofwhite sexual aggression, aggressors seeking economic on their or women were matriarchs of stable and gain backs, many of these tancy ofwhites on the island, thanks prosperous families. The short life that to the unfamiliar disease expecmany of these women significantly outlived their environment, meant bands. Often, these women exercised white companions or husmixed-race offspring for decades after considerable control over the lives of their Many of these families had been those children reached adulthood. generations by the period under members of the planter elite for two or three served conservatism study. It would be tempting to ascribe to their status as a > their obone could refer to differing attitudes group of"old freedmen.' Alternatively, these families toward race in the were first gaining happier decades when was growing throughout the prominence. However, as we have seen, the period under study. Julie group Peignanan, was only one example of this Dahey, menagère to Sieur manager for twenty-five process. She had worked as his domestic years, was the mother ofhis seven beneficiary of numerous donations from him. She children, and was the own right by the 1780s, having into was a substantial planter in her develop a sugar plantation in Croix gone des partnership with one ofher neighbors to gave her.11 He tried to give her his Bouquets on land Peignanan own apparently 21 slaves and a substantial amount in sugar plantation in his will but settled for heirs in France. 12 In the cash in fear ofopposition from his 1770S, he had attempted to set her legitimate tery factory, but the business had failed.13 Her upin business in a potspeculative business would certainly have made unsuccessful attempt at a more but all her businesses after that show the her more conservative in any case, hallmarks of the partnership to develop the sugar planter elite. Her 1781 income fori plantation was a deal in which she sacrificed improvements on the property-in this cash gation system. This shows the planter case, a sugar refinery and irriOne presumes that she had some hand group's in concern for long-term productivity. tempted to leave her his framing the will in which Peignanan atsugar plantation, even at the cost of a substantial annual but all her businesses after that show the her more conservative in any case, hallmarks of the partnership to develop the sugar planter elite. Her 1781 income fori plantation was a deal in which she sacrificed improvements on the property-in this cash gation system. This shows the planter case, a sugar refinery and irriOne presumes that she had some hand group's in concern for long-term productivity. tempted to leave her his framing the will in which Peignanan atsugar plantation, even at the cost of a substantial annual --- Page 237 --- and Social. Advancement 210 . Economic her a large cash settlement heirs in France, in preference to giving is unknown since payment to the ofl Peignanans. habitation of dozen slaves. The production the continuing strength and two inventoried. However, given deal was at least the plantation was never reasonable to presume that the second the land shows their relationship, it seems terms. Her preference for having future and, equal to the firstin raw economic economic gain for potential gain immediate of a plantation to sacrifice the status having a willingness shows that she preferred values above economic ones even more importantly, Again, placing non-economic assets. to having hallmark liquid of the planter elite group. were mostly, but not excluwas the that members of this group the time under Therefore we can see and from privileged backgrounds by of their consively, rural, of mixed race, though, was the frequency and intimacy and on this study. The constant factor, were both economic and personal, with whites. These contacts from the military leadership group. tact members differ sharply less likely than variable the group leadership group were about IO percent were twice as Members of the military and land with whites. The planters resolutions planter elites to trade in slaves acts" (baptisms, funerals, wills, minor chilwhites in their "family likely to include transactions related to wardship oforphaned of disputed inheritances, contracts). were and marriage members significantly dren, marriages in all categories, the planter group not only of people like, Julie It is clear that, with whites. This was true the period more likely to do business whose white father was present throughout white progenitor had Dahey and her children, families like the Laportes, whose of adults, but also for of dozens under study, extended Laporte family, composed of their nodied before 1776. The member in 1776-1795, and yet 45 percent contained one living whites white during this period. on whites or receivtarial acts were with elite group was dependent from This is not to say that the planter In fact, while donation and inheritance their ecohandouts from family members. initial capital of these families, ing usually the source of the can only be interpreted whites were with whites after this startup period in the notarial record nomic relationships Julie Daheys first appearance which subsequendy as equal and not preferential. factory ofCroix des Bouquets, the factory, but in the pottery initial stake in was as a partneri Peignanan, guaranteed her have been a technical spefailed. Her companion, unrelated white man who seems to the two of them salher partner was an deal was unfavorable to her, but cialist. The outcome of the and seem to have shared equitably. Signifithey could from the wreck the slaves and buildings, vaged what the assets to which status was attached, once again in a cantly, she took 14 Later, she appeared of her land whereas he got cash and some equipment: in which she arranged for some business deal with white men, major Peignanan, guaranteed her have been a technical spefailed. Her companion, unrelated white man who seems to the two of them salher partner was an deal was unfavorable to her, but cialist. The outcome of the and seem to have shared equitably. Signifithey could from the wreck the slaves and buildings, vaged what the assets to which status was attached, once again in a cantly, she took 14 Later, she appeared of her land whereas he got cash and some equipment: in which she arranged for some business deal with white men, major --- Page 238 --- Planter Elites . 2II to be developed into a pliant or sugar plantation. 15 Once from which beneficiary of charity but instead as again, her role was not as a both hoped to draw an equal participant in a supContacts that the advantage. contract sphere into the planter grouphad with whites extended ership personal, however. The widest beyond the groups was in the area of divergence between the economic 44 percent of their family acts. Planter two leadfamily acts with at least group members leadership group the figure is 18 one white, whereas for the performed Planter elite families percent. military and Europeans. sprang, on the whole, from Interracial and less marriage, while never relationships between Africans common in the Was still happened, colony during the latter half disappearing, of becoming less group who though, and when it did it was most the eighteenth century. It alive in the managed to marry off their likely the free colored 1770S and 1780s who daughters to white men. Of planter colored women, appearin the 41 white men 25, or 61 sample and who were which was a minuscule percent, were married to members of married to free However, in the percentage oft the free colored the planter group, generations in the majority of cases, the white population as a whole, past. Few families progenitors were cially as the longer-established were recruiting new white already some come in "respectable" families felt strongly that members, espeoreds. marriage and as whites were less offspring should Nonetheless, the to only mate activities of planter families willing marry free coltheir families for frequently found a place in the related, if at all. whites who were in most intiFor many cases only example, the distantly was a free wedding party of Marie guarteronne and scion Marguerite Jacinthe ing families ofone ofthe most Bleakley, who planter ofLimonade and who married prominent free colored group member of Jean Jacques May, plantbride's godfather.1 considerable wealth, included another free colored unacknowledged Godfatherhood of illegitimate one Sieur Le Roux, the legitimate fatherhood, but in this case the children was often a cover for daughter of two bride was within their own caste prominent free coloreds, unquestionably the they chose who could have They had plenty of a white man. stood as godfather to relatives tion in the Interestingly, Le Roux, who their daughter, gift of parish, was probably not as owned a small yet 2 horses worth well-off as coffee babitaportion of 350 liures does not Bleakley. Certainly his 5,000 livres in land and inspire awe in to wedding Were it not for the color 3,000 liures in slaves comparison the bride's tron. In issue, one might promised by her father. any event, this was suspect that was that of clearly a Case where the Bleakley was Le Roux's paAnne neighbor and perhaps friend instead relationship between the two Françoise Roy of Archaye, of patron and client. member of a very well known free colored 350 liures does not Bleakley. Certainly his 5,000 livres in land and inspire awe in to wedding Were it not for the color 3,000 liures in slaves comparison the bride's tron. In issue, one might promised by her father. any event, this was suspect that was that of clearly a Case where the Bleakley was Le Roux's paAnne neighbor and perhaps friend instead relationship between the two Françoise Roy of Archaye, of patron and client. member of a very well known free colored --- Page 239 --- 212 . Economic and SocialAduancement her to a member of a prominent Jacmel free colclan, was given away at wedding 17 Although still a minor (under 25 years ored planter family byl her white guardian." Molet, about whom the records of age), she was the widow of someone named neither one ofMolet's silent. There must have been some reason why studied are member of the Roy family in Archaye was named her other heirs or family or a worth the candle, as she brought to the marriage guardian. Certainly the game was livres a year. It is suggestive of the and slaves that rented for 15,000 fora plantation that the consensus choice to oversee this sizable attitude of the planter group tune was a white neighbor. to whites parallels a relative disThe closeness of the free colored planter group than themselves. Where the from other free coloreds oflower social class tied to tancing concerned with building networks of people military leadership was very finds the members oft the planter group in this them through patronage, one rarely their leaders with enough real kin position. Mostly, these large families provided that the collection of pseudo-kin was unnecessary. and perhaps race-based attitudes In addition, one can speculate that class-based distasteful to these individuals in propormade association with their "inferiors" with whites. Certainly in the military tion to their desire to associate themselves in the commanding general sphere, white observers found this to be the case: 1783, black and muon the island tried to combine the understrength of French troops Limbé into one formation. The parish militia comlatto dragoon companies of mander reported on the result of this order: the company of free black [draOn the ninth of this month, incorporated the orders of the General. I goons) into the mulatto Dragoons according to in to give them officers ofthe two companies brought the non-commisioned of the blacks will be in charge of the their new posts. The farrier sergeant of the blacks becomes a marechal des lomarechaux des logis while the sergeant .I noticed an extreme repugnance gis, commanding the mulatto brigadiers. This could have very pernicious of the mulattos to obey the orders of a black. Prejuthe two species. results because oft the reciprocal animositybetween level than the black must be dice which maintains the mulatto at a higher maintained to ensure discipline in the service.18 and since cavalry provided their own horses, The dragoons were mounted troops, That this was based as the wealthiest ofthe area. prejudice these men were among clear when one considers that the maréchaussée conmuch on class as race becomes members almost from its inception without any tained both mixed-race and black ofthe Chascun-Volontaires were sign ofracial problems. The infantry companies However, the Robineau brothers, SOdesignated for one racial group or the other. mulatto at a higher maintained to ensure discipline in the service.18 and since cavalry provided their own horses, The dragoons were mounted troops, That this was based as the wealthiest ofthe area. prejudice these men were among clear when one considers that the maréchaussée conmuch on class as race becomes members almost from its inception without any tained both mixed-race and black ofthe Chascun-Volontaires were sign ofracial problems. The infantry companies However, the Robineau brothers, SOdesignated for one racial group or the other. --- Page 240 --- Planter Elites . 213 cially defined at the time as the mulatto black, although later a mulatto company of Capitaine redefined as on mulattos, served in every occasion he appeared Dupetithouars. François Vigreux, company ofCapitaine De in the records, identified as seem to have been Baury, officially designated as a nonetheless served in the class people ofmixed any racial repercussions in either black unit. There do not ing alongside race-in other words, the case. It was only the Even other free coloreds not of their planter group- -who resisted upper- servoutside of official service group. elites did not. have or the economic (baptisms, strong contact with other free sphere, most of these planter inheritances, marriages and marriage contracts, coloreds. Ofthe 232 "family" acts and wills) executed by wardships, resolutions of major role in only 66. Of those, this group, unrelated free coloreds disputed ofjean-Baptiste Chavanne, 27 were performed by the played a Michel Bleakley was syndic of the François Pincemaille, and Limonade-based trio witness at chapel of Vincent baptisms and funerals Sainte-Suzanne and, as Bleakley. political ambitions in at that chapel. such, was regularly a in family acts of the 1780s; in any case, he Chavanne might have already had nonplanter group free appeared several times as adopted a strategy coloreds ofthe region. 19 witness free coloreds ofbuilding a pseudo-kin network, Pincemaille clearly gifts at their through serving as godfather to their reaching out to lower-class cal for members marriages, and mourning at their funerals. children, witnessing and in ofhis group. In fact, he was the Such a strategy was giving thesample to do this sort oft only member of atypiwith free coloreds fthing with any the planter group include whites outside of their own frequency,2 Others avoided A in family acts if a group and extended family, contact common form of contact nonfamily member was required. preferring to manumission. Release from between higher- and lower-class free relationship, slavery could mark the coloreds was especially ifit was the creation of a arrangement in which the culmination of a patron-client clutches of a white manumittor had helped the new ransoming or self-purchase 445 were manumitted master. Of 984 persons gaining their freedman get out ofthe 21 were by free colored masters. freedom in the performed by members ofthe Ofthose acts ofr manumission, sample, manumissions by planter planter group.2 21 This only not seeking close relations group members reinforces the remarkably. low rate of Aside from their with lower-class free impression that they were low rate of coloreds. planter group's manumissions, we have other free coloreds. relationships with their slaves were not indications that the ward slaves Chapter 5 suggested that African as close as those of other free coloreds may have affected free coloreds' culural Patterns and attitudes to keep their slaves behavior. These toto seek non-economic off the market, attitudes encouraged benefits from especially their creole slaves, and enlarging their pseudo-kin group with these their with lower-class free impression that they were low rate of coloreds. planter group's manumissions, we have other free coloreds. relationships with their slaves were not indications that the ward slaves Chapter 5 suggested that African as close as those of other free coloreds may have affected free coloreds' culural Patterns and attitudes to keep their slaves behavior. These toto seek non-economic off the market, attitudes encouraged benefits from especially their creole slaves, and enlarging their pseudo-kin group with these --- Page 241 --- 214 . Economic and Socialdduancoment creole slaves was the least This reluctance to sell their subordinate members. members of the planter group. transactions contained at least marked among of all slave deall economic elites, 34 percent this figure increased to 48 percent, Among slaves. Among the planter elite, of the two groups was some creole of the slave workforces spite the fact that the creolization would enidentical. Why this discrepancy? that smaller slaveholding units nearly rule, it could be argued relations between slaves As a general if not friendlier or more positive, slave owners in the free colcourage more intimate, group were the largest with their and their masters. The planter they simply had less personal contact and thus perhaps ored community, and mistresses for the slaves. freed their slave relatives- children between White masters often phenomenon of sexual relations In any case, the widespread whites had personal relationships most part. and slave at least meant that many ofthe free colored peasantry white master their slaves. Likewise, members them and with at least a few of with their slaves, occasionally marrying of the slave often had sexual relationships children. This weakening of the rigors large numbers of thoughi it mayh have been, was mostly legitimizing intermittent and morally questionable contain very few of the tellsystem, The records famiabsent in the case of the planter group. mulatto and black. Elite free colored the product oft freed children; fewer even than tale grifes andgrifonnes slave or newly bascontained very few illegitimate for had two identifiable lies families. The Laportes, example, free colwhite planter elite Ilegitimate children of wealthy and powerful known as did the tards in four generations. at making their relationship and finanoreds must have been as successful to claim their fathers' names ofwhite planters, who were quick and the strength of the planter bastards of"respectability" that did occur becial support. The requirements that any unsanctioned unions family presumably meant casual and unacknowledged. elite men and their slaves remained distance between the free tween planter group to a great social This was another factor contributing of African-born Dominguans, and the general population colored planter group free and slave. SOURCES OF GROUP WEALTH land and slave owners who produced were mostly large rural but most were in the cofThe planter group market. Some were sugar growers, ofthe planter group, crops for the export some recent arrivals in the ranks While there were had been large-scale agriculturists fee market. Dahey, most of these families here. What is the source of as witness Julie to consideration of them for at least a generation prior was another factor contributing of African-born Dominguans, and the general population colored planter group free and slave. SOURCES OF GROUP WEALTH land and slave owners who produced were mostly large rural but most were in the cofThe planter group market. Some were sugar growers, ofthe planter group, crops for the export some recent arrivals in the ranks While there were had been large-scale agriculturists fee market. Dahey, most of these families here. What is the source of as witness Julie to consideration of them for at least a generation prior --- Page 242 --- Planter Elites : 215 their wealth? At the root ofa almost from a white progenitor. all ofthese family fortunes The Pincemaille was a gift or bequest was a free black woman family was an example of this François from Limonade who process. Nanette Pincemaille Pincemaille SO caught the attention spite her adoption ofhis thoroughly that she bore him at least ofSieur] Michel and from this we family name, there is no five children. Depublicly claimed can assume they were not, for evidence that they were married, legitimatel birth. certainly her ofland and several dozen Pincemaille gave or willed his children would have of slaves sometime children taking care of one's before 1776. 22' This was twop pieces or donations could be illegitimate offspring, and often the a common means significant. The size of these however, had to go to any majority of the white forebear's bequests nephews and cousins legitimate heirs in France, property, sion forillegitimate were preferred to illegitimate Parents, siblings, and even quests, which children in a will would come offspring as legal heirs. Provicould not be SO under the ifthe white father died large as to leave the legal heirs heading ofs special bemight be left with intestate, the free colored destitute. In any case, disposed toward nothing, or at the mercy of the mistress and illegitimate children them on personal or racial legal heirs, who might be illLegitimate free colored grounds. fered from no such offspring, in cases where the need to be handicaps. In such a case, other couple was married, sufside satisfied, and the white heirs in France ofthe children ofal customary law of France and the did not most significant legitimate marriage of colony was on the route for capital transfers regardless their color. group members was. inheritance from white to the free Therefore, the However, all these transfers within legitimate families. colored planter generation oft these from white forebears to free Planter planter elite families only coloreds in the first group families were very provided them with given. efficient stewards of the startup capital, The original capital they had been and a few dozen donations to the Pincemaille children herself and her slaves. This was enough for the mother totaled a few dozen carreaux children in comfort, or, to rent out and SO planter of the middling sort. alternatively; it was support chapter; 7, Nanette chose the second enough to make her a planters oft the middling sort alternative. As vantages of scale received perhaps missed out on the indicated in studied. However, by owners of the enormous productivity adalso personally members of the planter elites invested plantations that Debien managed their for the long term. management of a farm to holdings, on the whole. When forced They would usually have another, the free colored to turn over a family member member of the Thus, the free colored available to whom to planter group planters avoided both the risk of loss entrust his property. and the expense that . As vantages of scale received perhaps missed out on the indicated in studied. However, by owners of the enormous productivity adalso personally members of the planter elites invested plantations that Debien managed their for the long term. management of a farm to holdings, on the whole. When forced They would usually have another, the free colored to turn over a family member member of the Thus, the free colored available to whom to planter group planters avoided both the risk of loss entrust his property. and the expense that --- Page 243 --- 216 . Economic and Social Advancement white planters incurred by hiring members of the planter professional managers. In erty than upper-class group generally spent less on addition, free colored major towns, since whites. Not having to maintain ostentatious personal propdifference in this they were usually resident on their prestigious residences in the growing areas and regard. thus Finally, free coloreds were often plantations, made a big plantations of these had the pick oft the land. As a the first into the coffeesmall free colored result of all these group members, like the owners were productive, and factors, the planter. Pincemailles, moved up in society some planter The large from small to large mies of scale plantations owned by free as the large white-owned coloreds benefited from the same productivity: advantages 2 establishments. In econowealthier brethren. accruing to small free colored addition, many of the were Even at the planters also more likely than their white higher economic levels, free applied to their thus holding down overhead. counterparts to manage their colored proprietors overseers to slaves, while The deficiency laws, own plantations, white slave widely ignored or requiring a fixed ratio ofwhite masters. This owners, were not enforced in any compounded by moderate fines thousands could result in a significant meaningful way against free colored by oflivres a year in savings, as white économes selves in certain wages. Although could receive luxuries- / fine horses and wealthy free coloreds indulged themtheiroverheads was never trips to France in Paris, thus leaving anything to compare with that being especially favored A few free colored. more funds remaining for ofa absentee sugarbarons large white families achieved economic reinvestment in productivity. planters. John tells success to sertation. 23 Julien Raimonds Garrigus the story ofthe Raimond comparable that oft the fore 1726, at which time he father was a white man who family in his disofa a powerful white married Marie Begasse, came to the colony beplanter. He legitimate dowry was 15,000 liures. brought 6,000 livres to the mulâtresse daughter into a galaxy of slave-worked They turned this quite substantial marriage, whereas her the 1780s, which landholdings in the fortune, for the were distributed South province of the times, grandchildren were educated among his numerous colony by the French. in France. His son offspring. His children and Assembly and one Julien Raimond to rule Saint Domingue ofthe commissionerss sent the was a deputy in The Raimonds after the Revolution. by French did government whom her children feuded employ a white économe, in the service as to strike him in front ofher bitterly (even going SO far on one ofMarie Begasse, with was unusual for their slaves, surely subversive of occasion, he alleged, mond sons' group and may have been a result of discipline). His presence in the unwillingness to allow the well-educated manner common in other themselves to be bossed around Raifree colored families. The by their mother Raimond boys lived the Revolution. by French did government whom her children feuded employ a white économe, in the service as to strike him in front ofher bitterly (even going SO far on one ofMarie Begasse, with was unusual for their slaves, surely subversive of occasion, he alleged, mond sons' group and may have been a result of discipline). His presence in the unwillingness to allow the well-educated manner common in other themselves to be bossed around Raifree colored families. The by their mother Raimond boys lived --- Page 244 --- Planter Elites . 217 homestead, on land that they had amassed since reaching away from the paternal by the standards of the time, the Raiadulthood. Aside from its dysfunctionality, of the group. Born of a member planter mond family was an unexceptional white and free colored, grown through a succhurch-sanctioned union between of land acquisition, growing a safe cessful conservative and long-term campaign and imbued with the sense that justice balanced mixture of cash and food crops, in a creole plantocdemanded full participation by the free colored planter group of well chosen by Garrigus as exemplars racy, the Raimonds were exceptionally their group. MENTALITÉ: ATTITUDES TOWARD LANDOWNERSHIP, ENTREPRENEURSHIF AND FAMILY and bequests ofland and slaves to planter The combination of substantial gifts skills of free coloreds, families and the superior plantation management group meant that there was a steady fow ofcapplanter group members and otherwise, were in control of hands. Once those in the planter group ital into free colored of time than did whites. they tended to hang onto it for longer periods toward landholdproperty, these trends, it is clear that there was a different attitude From from that common among whites. ing on the part of free coloreds to noble status.24 Rural in France as a means approach Whites saw landholding for its ability to produce economic land in the metropole was valued, not SO much less than those available through were often considerably gains - - rates of return to enhance income were not common trade, and improved methods of farming to achieve and confirm noble but for its role as a route, along with officcholding, status. different attitude toward land. They held Whites in Saint Domingue had a very it as a commodity of time and seemed to be treating their land for short periods ofincreased status that it would be in and not as the indispensable concomitant manner. They often lived in France. They were willing to use land in a speculative unlike landbut metropolitan the cities or in France and not on their plantations, through managers, instead of lords, they usually operated their plantations directly landlord would be more likely renting them to small operators, as a metropolitan often elusive, profits in tropical do. held land in search of fabulous, and to They from a stable rent roll. Instead of instead of a steady 5 percent of staple production, noble from the number peasants the social éclat that came to the metropolitan counted his slaves and, even more on his rent rolls, the Saint Domingue planter that they produced. These were importantly, the hogsheads of sugar and profits instead of lords, they usually operated their plantations directly landlord would be more likely renting them to small operators, as a metropolitan often elusive, profits in tropical do. held land in search of fabulous, and to They from a stable rent roll. Instead of instead of a steady 5 percent of staple production, noble from the number peasants the social éclat that came to the metropolitan counted his slaves and, even more on his rent rolls, the Saint Domingue planter that they produced. These were importantly, the hogsheads of sugar and profits --- Page 245 --- 218 . Economic and Social Aduancement capitalists pure and simple- e-there tality. The Saint was very little hint of values from land Domingue white planter who wished feudalism in their menFree reinvested his profits in rural to extract on coloreds, the other land in France. non-economic through landholding in the hand, did not have the travel there and do metropole (at least opportunity to climb not seem to have officially, they were socially ing barred from noble owned land there to forbidden to ing, to some status by their color). anys significant extent, beextent at least, to duplicate the Instead, they seem to have seignieur in the mountains world view ofthe been tryas planters- s-that is, ofSaint Domingue. They still French metropolitan persons who they did not rent their land in functioned cconomically cal staples themselves produced subsistence crops on small significant quantities to poorer on their land with slave plots, instead However, in terms of their labor. producing tropigressively entrepreneurial. use of the land, the free coloreds value of their land, often They frequently sought to were less than agropolitan French at the expense of possible maximize the non-cconomic nobility, the status economic gains. Like portant than the financial gain from being a the metial advantage should gain from being a successful landholder was more imattitude clash with social capitalist. toward the land they advancement, status would Ifentrepreneur of time they held land before owned can be measured by two win out, Their provements on the land selling it and the degree to variables: the length they leveraged land as a condition ofleases. In which they required imrisks with their land purchases is an indication of how addition, the degree to which Length in the interests willing they were to take oftenure in land ofincreasing their total the non-economic values ownership is a very useful business volume. sorts of reasons of that land were to its indicator ofhow important why someone owner. ing for the price to reach might hold onto land for Although there are all sented with an a profitable level, at some speculative reasons, waitrapidly opportunity to make a profitable point an owner would be expanding economy such sale. This is preowner took that opportunity as Saint Domingue's in the especially true in a was to him or her. says a lot about how 1780s. Whether the Sellers in the important being a landholder sellersin the towns had held their land for shorter countryside. This periods, on the ers as more likely to be reinforces our impression of free colored average, than try. Whites on the whole entrepreneurial users of their land than city dwellwere their free tended to be more those in the councolored speculative in the use held onto the neighbors, especially in rural of the land than whereas free average piece ofland in Limonade areas. For example, whites sion for coloreds selling land only 2.5years before an average of7.6 among themselves would have reselling it, years. In Cap Français, home been in possesto the most speculative average, than try. Whites on the whole entrepreneurial users of their land than city dwellwere their free tended to be more those in the councolored speculative in the use held onto the neighbors, especially in rural of the land than whereas free average piece ofland in Limonade areas. For example, whites sion for coloreds selling land only 2.5years before an average of7.6 among themselves would have reselling it, years. In Cap Français, home been in possesto the most speculative --- Page 246 --- Planter Elites . 219 group of free coloreds, the mere I.I years, whereas the average tenancy ofa white seller to a free held onto the land 6.4 average free colored selling to colored was a rural white's years. Part oft this is a result of the another free colored had free coloreds holding and the greater larger size ofthe in the proportion of peasant users oft average land for as countryside (who could be the soil long as possible). expected to hang onto a among However, the planter piece of oreds as a whole. The overall group hung onto their land for even whereas members figure for the free colored longer than free colofland they ofthe planter group had an population was 7-7 transferred. 25 This average tenure years, the race ofbuyer and figure does not show any ofio.2 years on pieces age tenancy was seller; that is, when both significant variance with an 9.8 years; when the parties were free colored, the average of IO.7 years. When free buyer was white, the land had averland, moreover, they colored planter been held for were receiving from transferred smaller and less valuable group members disposed of tions of their land in whites, suggesting that they were pieces ofland than they transferring order to meet some selling less-desirable entire urgent cash need, porland among plantations to them. When whereas whites were themselves, the planter an average value transactions involved an group members transferred of6,130 liures. When average ofsse carreaux figures went down to planter group members sold and had ers, the average 8.scarreauxs and. 4,889 liures. When to whites, these Thus, even the transaction was for 65 carreaux at an planter elites were the buytant than their infrequent land sales by planter average value of 44,480 liures. The acquisitions. group members were less planter group members importhe urge to improve came in were improving landlords, on the tion of the improving landlord second place to the desire to hold whole, although in contrast with the can be seen as capitalist in the land. The institupeasants. The improving pre-capitalist landlord content to collect European his context, formation that fed the landlord in Britain was the rents from his Saint cities of the industrial engine ofa agricultural transThe Domingue free colored planter revolution. We must white land speculator group in the context of consider the from the was a common figure there. that island, however. would government only in order to resell them He obtained land actually put the land into as fast as possible to grants develop their land as plantations production. White landowners who owners who by Baron de were only somewhat less intended to Wimpffen and sures to increase Brueys d'Aigalliers, extensive speculative. As revealed bility were the production as much as possible at debt and extreme meaThe way to make a profit for the the expense tactics ofthe free colored white planter. 26 oflong-term staBaugé family's development of planter group were much more a sugar conservative. The plantation near Croix des Bouquets, dis- . White landowners who owners who by Baron de were only somewhat less intended to Wimpffen and sures to increase Brueys d'Aigalliers, extensive speculative. As revealed bility were the production as much as possible at debt and extreme meaThe way to make a profit for the the expense tactics ofthe free colored white planter. 26 oflong-term staBaugé family's development of planter group were much more a sugar conservative. The plantation near Croix des Bouquets, dis- --- Page 247 --- and Social Advancement 220 . Economic chose three among First, the seven siblings cussed earlier, serves as an example. the land and water rights to them, forgivbe their agents and then rented 27 In this way, they concenthem to for the first six years of the arrangement? without giving the rent ofincreasing productive capacity their family. trated their capital for the purposes over control to someone outside woman who ownership ofit nor turning an older free colored ing up brothers brought in a partner, needed slaves to the Next, the three She contributed badly more Or have been an aunt or cousin.2 the work seemingly may Finally, four years later, with preparatory white men, two of whom were operation. brothers sublet the land to three and the obligation less done, the their brothers-in-law, for a big payoff land to slip white relatives of one of While allowing control ofthe famimprove the sugar refinerya still things in the extended to further free this rental kept the nonof the hands of coloreds, land preserved out with white relatives. In any case, renting ofland was already esily by dealing seen. The value of this piece in the first economic values, as we have licures a year for the last two years on some tablished, having gone from 3,600 The brothers appear to have taken liures a year in the last. liures ofthe final act's paylease to 11,400 ofexpansion, directing some 29,000 of the total added value debti in the process creditors. However, the proportion small: less than 30 percent ments to reimbursing by this debt was ten times its anofthe plantation that was represented time that land was worth about above standard calculation ofthe in the passage cited by the model planter described by Wimpffen and would never escape debt. nual rent. The ofhis assets on credit the sample of would havebought the majority to use credit is clear from on ofthe planter group a free colored was made only This unwillingness notarized purchase by the less likely that notarial acts. The average the purchase, of course, at over credit. The more expensive ofthe price of fsales evaluated 13 percent made for cash, but only 16 percent were on a mere it would be Overall, the planter group's transactions of their lirures was credit. of the purchase price 5,000 while credit made up 15 percent markedly between racial 8 percent margin, These figures do not change colored planter group more valuable purchases. sellers. Sales from whites to free perof buyers and with credit making up 6.4 categories margin of15-71 percent, was the seller. It members were on an average where the planter group member was the recent ofthe price of transactions in planter group members' purchases credit to free is clear that the low' level ofcrediti ofwhites to extend conservatism and not unwillingness sult ofinnate conservative with colored purchasers. that the planter group members were very to risk their capiThus we can see white neighbors, they were not willing this be? The their assets. Unlike their for enormous profits. Why might much in the search to own capital goods, tal nearly as was that they had some reason most reasonable explanation member was the recent ofthe price of transactions in planter group members' purchases credit to free is clear that the low' level ofcrediti ofwhites to extend conservatism and not unwillingness sult ofinnate conservative with colored purchasers. that the planter group members were very to risk their capiThus we can see white neighbors, they were not willing this be? The their assets. Unlike their for enormous profits. Why might much in the search to own capital goods, tal nearly as was that they had some reason most reasonable explanation --- Page 248 --- Planter Elites - 221 particularly land and slaves, other the social than simply to ers. A white consequences who of failure were greater for generate them revenue. For one defined failed as a planter was still than for white thing, upper class ofthe a white member of landownthrough easy credit in colony. He might even be able to the somatically planter, the fall a growing economy. For the reestablish his fortunes was much The free colored who ensure that no former greater. stronger free colored failed as a point ofview, failure planter would end up family structure would back into the as a planter meant that one starving. However, from the social reader mass of free coloreds from was cast out has seen in the which one's ancestors ofrespectability had and between these two experience of the militia captain the escaped. The one, and not groups. The difference between antipathy that existed being one was much being an large and small babitants. more important than the babitant, even a small As an example ofthe difference between free colored damaging to its social position family that suffered a reverse vannes. In 1786, the mother than its economic probably more returned her offuture standing, we have the Chanade habitation to M. Paul Cairou, the region and a militia Chavanne cmAnren fellow habitant 30 commandant of years, her husband She had owned the the Limoto make the having bought it from Cairou and plantation for only eight agreed-upon having to her daughter payment of 15,000 livres a failed subsequendly Marthe had Marie-Marthe on the occasion ofthe year. She had given 8 carreaux turned given permission to return that daughterk out, the mother land to wedding. Marieinvolve her was able to buy the 8 carreaux Cairou if needed, but as it Achile son-in-law in her economic from Cairou and at least not involved Chavanne, bought his land back catastrophe. Another child, in the mother's from Cairou younger son plant financial collapse. 31 separately and was also coffee, a business Although the land not important non-economic venture, we can detect the was clearly used to family. From goal that presence of a larger and the use of this land landholding was for more that the as marriage serving the Chavanne babitation, to Madame portions for the it is lifestyle, It was a part ofa Chavanne, was not merely an children, clear the North province, family strategy to build investment but a which holdings of eye, the important white apparently fell apart. One can planter property in seven years' worth patron and possible clearly see, in the mind's of arrears family member, tune at the time, finally amounting to over 100,000 having put up with forcing the liures, a standing by family to considerable forsternly as the notary give up their hopes vants packed the family's enumerated the buildings and oflanded wealth, tragedy, with its racial movable propertyi in the background. crops, and the serrebellion in overtones, helped drive Perhaps this 1790. The Chavannes, related young Jean-Baptiste to his family to some of the wealthiest suicidal free colored the time, finally amounting to over 100,000 having put up with forcing the liures, a standing by family to considerable forsternly as the notary give up their hopes vants packed the family's enumerated the buildings and oflanded wealth, tragedy, with its racial movable propertyi in the background. crops, and the serrebellion in overtones, helped drive Perhaps this 1790. The Chavannes, related young Jean-Baptiste to his family to some of the wealthiest suicidal free colored --- Page 249 --- and Social Aduancement 222 . Economic circle until 1786, suffered an enormous the North and moving in their whereas a white entreprefamilies in losing the family homestead, value, could loss of"respectability by! had a permanent far from the homeland where respectability neur, just start over again. FAMILY STRATEGIES is the way they aristocratic mentalité ofthe planter group in staAnother indicator of the wealth and, more importantly, to advance the most imstrategies to preserve were used family transfers of property between generations tus. Marriages and of the ways this took place. facto, but marriage to a person portant provided respectability ipso of the next generation. A perfect Marriage could increase the social standing the family of Liproper hue the planter group was Laporte ofthe famexample of this process among found in appendix: I. The first generation or bemonade. Their family tree is who came to the colony in the 1720S free of three white men Ardisson, and their ily was composed Antoine LeMaire, and Gaspard black women. Ardisson fore, Louis Laporte, and LeMaire married free of marriage, but, colored companions. Laporte black woman without the benefit for his with a free quite handsomely had a relationship cultural mores, he provided with 14 carreaux conforming to the prevailing widow was able to endow their daughter fact that there were Ardisson's in the son- -André occasion ofher marriage 1777, despite first married to a and 6 slaves on the children to be taken care of.32 Laporte was a white son, also at least three other daughter of a planter, and had free black woman, white woman, Jeanne Couvert, Couvert's death, he married Anne, a Elizabeth, denamed Louis. Following children. Antoine LeMaire's daughter to apand had at least four other was the only one of his children to free mulatresse and legitimate, was already a state scribed as a In the first generation, clearly, marriage pear in the sample. such tended to marry people be pursued. children of these couplings in the The white Or mulatto aided by the helpful provision were mostly quarterons, and a quarteron/ that their offspring made the child of a malatre/mualatrese of Antoine Leracial calculus that usually Thus, the mulatresse daughter Louis Laporte quarteronne a quarteron Iquarteronne. ainé, the white one, while the mulâtre of a Maire married Louis Laporte Bleakley, quarteronne illegitimate daughter The cadet married Marthe Françoise name has unfortunately not survived. whose personal Louise (I), married younger white Sieur Bleakley (II) and Marie The marArdisson children, Gaspard were still mulâtres. mulatre ofl Louis Laporte, SO their offspring of course. One important mulatre children selected for more than their color, ofthe Laporte riage partners were four marriages in the second generation Ofthe trait was legitimacy. of a Maire married Louis Laporte Bleakley, quarteronne illegitimate daughter The cadet married Marthe Françoise name has unfortunately not survived. whose personal Louise (I), married younger white Sieur Bleakley (II) and Marie The marArdisson children, Gaspard were still mulâtres. mulatre ofl Louis Laporte, SO their offspring of course. One important mulatre children selected for more than their color, ofthe Laporte riage partners were four marriages in the second generation Ofthe trait was legitimacy. --- Page 250 --- Planter Elites . 223 familytree, both was important, and spouses the were legitimate in three ofthem. as possible, ability to endow children with Finallyofcours, wealth choice of a legitimate birth, and economically useful as many white ancestors By the third spouse. properties all went into the mate generation, the grandchildren found example, great-grandchildren of the founding spouses such that the Catherine Françoise patriarchs would all be legiti- (II), married a white Ardisson, multresse guarterons, For man, and Anne daughter porte, Laporte ofGaspard Ardisson There quarteron son of the white Louis (II) married her cousin was no further recruitment Laporte (ainé) and Charles Laelder generation of whites into this Elizabeth LeMaire. almost all the during the 1770S and 1780s, the family after what was the have members of the family in the third second generation. qualified for Julien Raimond's and fourth Nonetheless, redefinition or the Chambre generations would mate birth.33 ofwhiteness- - no more than de TAgricultures Two of three one-quarter. African proposed who were both legitimate. marriages in the third generation ancestry and legitiOverall, 96of2s3 also featured spouses produced marriages (38 percent). in the offspring who were sample ofnotarial acts planter group, this figure racially "whiter" than one of wouldhave legitimacy seems was 35 out of8 87 their parents; for the to have been a more (40 percent). Among the partners: 57 of 87 marriages (66 important criterion in planter group, while for the percent) contained at least selection of marriage In addition population as a whole, this one legitimate to marriage, transfers figure was 139 of253 55 spouse, other crucial element of property to the next percent). der the same offamily strategies. Families in Saint generation were the this regard: handicap that most metropolitan French Domingue labored untible, that is, inheritances, by the "customs ofParis" aristocratic families did in an obstacle estates were to be divided governing the colony, to the equally among all were parthe family, while concentration of capital and thus eligible heirs. This at the same time it to the overall was fairly. This ensured that all advancement of arrangement was members would amounts of capital to obviously of greatest concern to be treated prise to find the pass on from one generation to the those who had large planter elite spending a next, and SO itis no requirements and concentrate the good deal of energy to surThe widow Turgeau, family patrimony in the circumvent these Marie hands of one provide an interesting Madeleine, and her son Pierre, child, had died before the example ofhow this worked. Sieur ofPor-au-PHincs, had fathered beginning of fnotarial Turgeau, at least four children recordkeeping in the West probablyw white, was always referred to with his wife, free province. He They were by the notary as Dame probably black although she 17,000 livres wealthy in people, owning at least a Turgeau without racial identifier. 1782, IOO carreaux large house in Port-au-Prince ofundeveloped land in the mountains worth overlook- before the example ofhow this worked. Sieur ofPor-au-PHincs, had fathered beginning of fnotarial Turgeau, at least four children recordkeeping in the West probablyw white, was always referred to with his wife, free province. He They were by the notary as Dame probably black although she 17,000 livres wealthy in people, owning at least a Turgeau without racial identifier. 1782, IOO carreaux large house in Port-au-Prince ofundeveloped land in the mountains worth overlook- --- Page 251 --- 224 . Economic and Social Advancement developed land in the Croix des Bouquets, and 96 carreaux of at least partly to the ing These pieces of property were distributed hinterland of Port-au-Prince." and the like. Howchildren more or less equally before 1776 as marriage portions that the provisions of the family patrimony was an habitation ever, the centerpiece control of the mother. This plantation produced net of the father's will left in the the War of American Independence profits of around 6,500 livres a year during her "great age" that preliures a in peacetime. In 1773, citing and up to 9,500 year affairs, she formed a partnership with her oldest vented her from seeing to her own favorable to him-he was enPierre to this habitation on terms very son exploit one-third ofthe expenses and titled to half oft the income but only had to support of course, a thinly disguised This contract" was, provided no capital. "management Over the years oft their associato transfer the habitation to him. twenty-five way some 2,000 liures a year, was mostly applied tion, his profit on the deal, averaging various times to 800 livres a year for the succession, although he drew at up owed against her death, the estate would have personal expenses. 35 This means that, upon the mother's property among him perhaps as much as 50,000 livres before dividing matter for him to buy out children. It still would have been no small the probably ofthis sort made it easier for the older genthe others, but certainly arrangements the desired hands. in eration to concentrate property among the planter group made Ironically, the much lower rate of illegitimacy In families formed essential and thus much more common. this sort of chicanery the member had no legitimate heirs, by nonsanctioned unions, as long as principal could make bequests to anyone they pleased. he or she CONCLUSION between the free colored planter group The reader can see, then, the many parallels their attitudes and practices classes in France as regards and the rural landholding agriculture, the Saint Domingue toward their capital. While practicing capitalist traditionalist element in the nonetheless represented the strongest planter group concern for the status that came from landholding society ofthe colony. A strong and shared social space with wealthy whites. ofthem. They traded with was typical between themselves and free coloreds Whenever possible, they avoided contact anomalous individuals. Not with the exception of several not oftheir own group, landed estates with an eye to achieving and retaining only did they manage their but they also used family acts to enhance status as well as financial advancement, for the status of their offtheir status. Mating patterns show concern improving through the "respectability' spring, both in terms of color and, more importantly, to wealth in inheritances SO as concentrate derived from legitimacy. They arranged whites. ofthem. They traded with was typical between themselves and free coloreds Whenever possible, they avoided contact anomalous individuals. Not with the exception of several not oftheir own group, landed estates with an eye to achieving and retaining only did they manage their but they also used family acts to enhance status as well as financial advancement, for the status of their offtheir status. Mating patterns show concern improving through the "respectability' spring, both in terms of color and, more importantly, to wealth in inheritances SO as concentrate derived from legitimacy. They arranged --- Page 252 --- Planter Elites . 225 the hands of one person in each generation, instead ofletting the legally required but nontraditional equal division take place. In this way, again, they paralleled the behavior of the rural aristocrats in the metropole whom they SO resemble in many other ways. When one reads the political tracts ofa Julien Raimond and hears him speak ofthe free coloreds as the stable middle class of the colony, lauding their attachment to traditional family values, he was referring not to the racial caste as a whole but to his own group, the planter group. He was making the same point before the National Assembly that Vincent Ogé and Jean-Baptiste Chavanne made with their muskets in their abortive uprising on the Plaine du Nord: free colored landholders and slave owners ought to be permitted equal status with white landholders and slave owners in a socially stratified, slaveholding society. --- Page 253 --- DC 2 CHAPTER ELEVEN Group The Military Leadersbip the reader was introduced to Pierre Augustin, the At the beginning of this book, He represents the 1770S generation of archetype oft the military leadership group. the that decade, and However, the group was not new to colonyin militaryleaders. Prominent among them was CapiAugustin had many illustrious predecessors. taine Vincent Olivier, first introduced in chapter 4among the military Olivier provides the best example of great economic success He is mentioned in Moreau de St. Méry: leadership. Sainte-Rose), a free black (or more properly In the parish ofGrande-Rivière Olivier died in 1780, aged about 120. Vincent, who named Captaine Vincent his master, in 1697 to the siege ofCarwas born a slave, followed M. Olivier, they were returning from the battle on a transport ship, tagena. As they were There, the Dutch ransomed him along made prisoners and brought to Europe. Vincent, who was comrades who were brought to France. with sixteen ofhis to Louis XIV. Having destriking because ofhis large stature, was presented Vincent fought in for the military life from his adventures, veloped a passion and his return to Saint Domingue in the German wars under Villars, upon of all the colored mili1716,M. le.. Gouverneur named him captain-general ofVincent and his virtues were ofCap. The conduct tias ofthejurisdiction mute. He was awarded a sword by SO striking that they rendered prejudice as for his hat. with which he always appeared, as well a plume the King, one saw him at the table ofthe governorVincent was welcome everywhere; and his age to all men ofhis class a precious example, general. : . . He gave made him always interesting . * recounting and extremely faithful memory --- Page 254 --- The Military Leadership Group . 227 of color who were being enrolled for the his former prowess to young men his own family, who were among Savannah expedition, and showing through He was content that he had transmitted his bravery. the first to volunteer, in the canton ofl Boiswith his humble fortune, and possessed an habitation him [the colonial of 600 liures a year awarded by Blancs as well as a pension government] in 1776.1 in the notarial archives for Cap. and extremely faithful memory --- Page 254 --- The Military Leadership Group . 227 of color who were being enrolled for the his former prowess to young men his own family, who were among Savannah expedition, and showing through He was content that he had transmitted his bravery. the first to volunteer, in the canton ofl Boiswith his humble fortune, and possessed an habitation him [the colonial of 600 liures a year awarded by Blancs as well as a pension government] in 1776.1 in the notarial archives for Cap. His Members of his family appeared regularly colored society, with fortune" them among the economic elite offree "humble put owned a seemingly large and three acts over 10,000 lirvres in value. In addition, they dozen slaves, about which babitation in Grande Rivière with at least a ofthose profitable since the parish ofGrande Rivière was not one there is little in the sample to members in However, some of the slaves were rented family studied in depth. intended to sort out in advance some ques1778, an act that seems to have been retirement from active management of tions of Olivier's estate and may mark his described in the records as a resihis land.2 It was at this time that he began to be least he owned a quite rather than of Grande Rivière. From at 1776, dent of Cap colored section of town, with an estimated respectable house in a predominantly In in the parish register of the rental value of 1,000 livres a year in that year?1 1779, as to the de in Cap, Olivier signed godfather parish of Notre Dame T'Assomption described for the first time as mulatto Vincent Adrien.*] In this act he was livre house. young s seemingly in this 10,000 residing "in his home in the Petit Marécage, instead of renting it does not seem Having the patriarch occupy the town house Olivier owned a coffee babitation to have left the family without income, though. located next the river from some of unspecified value, but it was up adin Limonade, Chevalier de Rivehaute. 5 The captain's will, in very valuable land owned by the care of a number ofgodchildren and dition to freeing some ofhis slaves and taking children and members, seems to have left his two legitimate other extended family offspring very well taken care ofindeed.s their numerous its start with the Cartegena expedition. The Olivier family fortune probably got which sufficed to set up many of the Survivors shared an immense store of loot, early force behind the and has been identified as an important leaders as planters the As a slave, though, Olivier's share success of the sugar revolution in colony.? valuable land owned by the care of a number ofgodchildren and dition to freeing some ofhis slaves and taking children and members, seems to have left his two legitimate other extended family offspring very well taken care ofindeed.s their numerous its start with the Cartegena expedition. The Olivier family fortune probably got which sufficed to set up many of the Survivors shared an immense store of loot, early force behind the and has been identified as an important leaders as planters the As a slave, though, Olivier's share success of the sugar revolution in colony.? in Europe built his rather small. His participation in some campaigns was probably white militiamen at that time could claim reputation in the colony-how many of the militia under the governors of similar experience? The profesionalization anxious to obtain the serthis period would have made the government especially did not do much directly vices ofOlivier. However, his service in Europe probably the that he besoldier's It was on his return to colony for his pocketbook, at a pay. --- Page 255 --- 228 . Economic and SacialAhvamcoment came a wealthy man. His pension from annually, added to land that he the goverment, a connections, allowed was able to obtain and very healthy 600 livres him to become an protect thanks to. his becoming a planter group member. active agricultural military oreds, especially other He retained his contacts businessman without otherthan soldiers, and did not build with other free colrecruitment parading his status by dining with the patronage relations with whites By the time offree coloreds to the armed forces governor from time to time the period covered was a crucial (when was already semi-retired by the sample begins, issue, one presumes). (and at least in his gos), but Capitaine Vincent himself entrepreneurial and active traders his children free colored military ofland and slaves in much seem to have been his leaders. In the same sons, or more likely addition, as mentioned by Moreau way as other pating in the grandsons, followed him into the de St. Méry, Here, then, is Chaseurs-Volontsires an and, apparently, the milita armed forces, particitime as the example of a family that achieved ofGrand-Riière. der planter group families, some financial success at the study, and yet had retained thirty to fifty years before same tal typical of the military patterns ofrelationships and the period unthe planter group. leadership group, rather than attitudes toward capiThese differing adopting those typical of ship was more aggressively attitudes can be summed up by saying that the more willing to entrepreneurial than its rivals. military leaderspeculate, to buy and sell The militaryl endeavor to another in search of capital goods, to shift from yleaders were The group of people that profit. one field of ier than most free are called the military coloreds, leadership pied by the wealthiest although most fell short of the group were wealthcharacteristics ofa a representatives of the planter elite. rarefied heights occuHowever, unlike rising middle class, compared to the They had many of the time, members of many successful members of the planter elites' this group who middle class in aristocracy. adopt the economic habits achieved the greatest France at this the most successful and social prejudices of the financial success did not nomic members of this class tended to aristocracy. Instead, even The relationship with whites and their retain their distance from aggressive attitude arms-length ecoseem to have affected slavery in length oftime or toward capital. the mentalité of number of generations military leadership members ofthis does not distant from group were freedmen, but others group either. Many of the other hand, slavery and yet retained the were two or three their of course, many of the planter identifying marks of the class. generations On children, were born in elite group, such as the the The social success of slavery. menagères and their connection people in the to other free coloreds military group was based in large measure through ties of on kinship, fictive or actual. number of generations military leadership members ofthis does not distant from group were freedmen, but others group either. Many of the other hand, slavery and yet retained the were two or three their of course, many of the planter identifying marks of the class. generations On children, were born in elite group, such as the the The social success of slavery. menagères and their connection people in the to other free coloreds military group was based in large measure through ties of on kinship, fictive or actual. --- Page 256 --- The Military. Leadership Group . 229 Fictive kinship was especially important for freedmen These kinship ties were made, with few blood relatives. tarial and parish recorded, and strengthened register acts: marriages and through "family" noorphaned children, godparenthood, marriage contracts, wills, wardship of the like. One veryimportant serving as official mourner at funerals, and of this element ofthis process was manumission. group were very active manumittors, both of their Members pseudo-kin. This tendency is especially true relatives and of were smalleron average in striking given their slaveholdings, which than proportion to their total was the case for the planter elites. capital (and in absolute terms) coloreds, both members oft their This network of relations with other free them leaders of free colored own group and persons oflower-class status, made Fifty-two society in a way that the elites families or individuals planter were not. military leadership appear in the data who merit inclusion in group on these criteria.8 That is, had the whites, either personal or financial, instead they little contact with oreds through building networks of other free family acts, and they colcapital. demonstrated an aggressive attitude Ofthese, 33 were not economic elites under toward out this work: having three acts in the the definition used through10,000 livres. Obviously, this sample of notarial acts evaluated at over relative lack of wealth did group was not as wealthy as the planter elite. not mean that they were Their these persons participated in the market on a poverty-stricken, though. All ern, entrepreneurial attitude toward regular basis, and, indeed, their modteristics of this the market is one of the characgroup. Their demonstrated identifying spite their relative lack ofwealth leadership of free colored society deIn the cases of seven of these makes them, if anything, even more noteworthy. in the data. Two of these individuals, no record of military service people were women. All appeared nomic and often personal or ties seven, though, had close ecofamily to ing all the other characteristics of military leaders, as well as demonstratunifying factor in the lives of most their group. The military seems to have been a With this individuals in this group. chapter, the analysis of group formation colony continues with an among free coloreds in the investigation of the terl begins, as did chapter IO, with a. look at the military leadership group. The chapin question. Next, we look at some of the defining characteristics oft the group and the value ofthis alternative rewards of military service at this level to look at the route to economic success. Then, the relationships of the military leaders with other chapter turns Especially important in their case is their groups in society. through "family acts" such as relationship with poorer free coloreds ods of creating pseudo-kin marriage, funerals, godparenthood, and other meththrough family ties. Also, they did build networks of relationships but through whites, not how Patron-client relations between military service. This chapter looks at the free colored military and their white offi- rewards of military service at this level to look at the route to economic success. Then, the relationships of the military leaders with other chapter turns Especially important in their case is their groups in society. through "family acts" such as relationship with poorer free coloreds ods of creating pseudo-kin marriage, funerals, godparenthood, and other meththrough family ties. Also, they did build networks of relationships but through whites, not how Patron-client relations between military service. This chapter looks at the free colored military and their white offi- --- Page 257 --- and SacialAivancement 230 . Economic chapter, there is an attempt to Finally, as was done in the preceding leader by looking at his economic cers worked. of the free colored military define a mentalité group is that, in activity. characteristic of the military leadership them above the mass of The first important had sufficient resources to raise to put them financial terms, members wealthy, but all had enough sales were free coloreds. Some were exceptionally workers. As a body, their notarized free colabove the peasantry or the urban to 3,574 lirvres for non-elite avof5,095 livres, as compared the whose an worth average poorer than planter group, Vinoreds. However, they were significantly some members such as Capitaine although transaction was 23.795/iores, erage with the planter group. flawed, were on a par oftotal wealthi is somewhat cent certainly value ofsales contracts as a measure sellers of capital goods than the Using the more active buyers and Howsince military leaders were tend to sell smaller amounts more frequently. few and thus would for more than a individuals planter group measure of actual property exists cases, and this is the only ever, no reliable inventories were not preserved in many all of any indetailed death were called upon to record property wealth which the notaries the relative occasion on of sales data somewhat understates Although the use ofwhere the military leadership dividual. it gives us some impression Sales by both ofthe military group, stood vis-à-vis the non-elite population. the genand planter elite groups value, obviously, and equally obviously the ofhigher than average group in highestgroups were elite outpaced the military leadership in the two groups' erally wealthier planter was smaller than the difference elite in the valued sales. This disproportion group matched the planter charwealth, however, and the militaryleaderships This suggests the greater entrepreneurial elite sales ofland and slaves. fewer resources than their planter very largest leadership group. With the or sale ofl large acter oft the military! ready to contract for purchase competitors, they were equally to without the attachments plantations. wealth of the military group came The military leadership This relative among the planter group. or non-elite free whites that were sO noticeable than either planter group members less SO in less likely whites: about IO percent was significantly business Or family acts with in the case offamcoloreds to perform slaves, and about half as frequentlyi the case of sales ofland and into the an integration ily acts. from the white world paralleled within free colored This relative separation lacked. Recognition lack of concolored world that the planter group because of, their free leaders despite, or perhaps for their lack ofpowsociety went to military that they used to substitute nection with whites. One method of free colored pseudo-kin through the creation of a network erful white kin was with in the case offamcoloreds to perform slaves, and about half as frequentlyi the case of sales ofland and into the an integration ily acts. from the white world paralleled within free colored This relative separation lacked. Recognition lack of concolored world that the planter group because of, their free leaders despite, or perhaps for their lack ofpowsociety went to military that they used to substitute nection with whites. One method of free colored pseudo-kin through the creation of a network erful white kin was --- Page 258 --- TheMiltury Leadership Group : 231 participation in unrelated and witnesses at marriage persons' family acts. Acting as ceremonies and godfathers at manumissions, served to build burials, as well as baptisms to numerous a network among these the more concrete than families, both fellow men and to connect themselves. It was this network military leaders and clients oflower them they needed of pseudo-kin social status for a anything, from financial upon which they drew piece of property to assistance with their newest when than three acts evaluated judgment ofa a dispute. Economic project to a buyer erally used "family" at over 10,000 livres in the elites, those with more they were 25 acts quite regularly to cement their sample of notarial acts, genpercent more real kin cute such acts. As likely than the free colored groups together: freedmen, population as a riage, SO it is not military leaders had fewer kin whole to exethan the economic surprising that they should have been less through blood or marers were elites, who were mostly active in this 15 percent more likely than freebor. However, the category their "family" acts were much free coloreds in general to use military leadOftheirias" "family" more likely to be these acts, and not a member acts, in 70, or 47 percent, the performed with unrelated ofthe immediate military leader persons. only 66 of 232 acts, or 28 family ofthe principal actors. participating was in the percent, for the free colored This compares with large numbers nitsuryikadenlipgrep that had been free for planter group. 9 Even families Sergent of oflegitimate kin- - like the many decades and the militia Oliviers- used this contained most energetic users ofthe Jean-Baptiste Magny dit Malic, or strategy with gusto. tarial record, he family act in this Mali, was one of the was godfather way. Out of 48 burial of an unrelated ofan unrelated child at least appearances in the nolated couples 4 times. 10 person once, and a member of the 3 times, a witness at a fathers of Three of the principal marriage Party of unregrooms or brides, the deceased participants in these acts-t military leaders: Joseph dit or bereaved, or that is, dière, sergent in the Cap Cezar, bandmaster of the Cap parents -were fellow Three more who militia; and Pierre militia; Louis la Rontary service were prominent free Augustin, whom we have cannot be ascertained coloreds of Cap and already met. dre Scipion, each ofwhom are Pierre Attila, Français whose milihad family Jacques Magnon, and appearance at Pierre Augustin's members who served in the Alexangustin had served as a brother's funeral returned a military. Malic's Cap's free colored witness at Malic's marriage. At Malic's social obligation: Auleaders Jean-Baptiste military leaders and their associates turned own funeral, in 1781, revolutionary Belly, future delegate from Saint out in force: military assemblies; Jean-François Edouard dit Domingue to the French ofindependent Haiti and a L'Eveille, a future along with a number of other Chaseur-Volontaire veteran; and Pierre president register. These nine people prominent Cap military leaders, Augustin, participated in 26 other notarial signed the parish acts along with. Malic, Malic's social obligation: Auleaders Jean-Baptiste military leaders and their associates turned own funeral, in 1781, revolutionary Belly, future delegate from Saint out in force: military assemblies; Jean-François Edouard dit Domingue to the French ofindependent Haiti and a L'Eveille, a future along with a number of other Chaseur-Volontaire veteran; and Pierre president register. These nine people prominent Cap military leaders, Augustin, participated in 26 other notarial signed the parish acts along with. Malic, --- Page 259 --- 232 . Economic and Secial-Aduancement out of a total of 48 that he executed. The social circle "family" acts also defined, in revealed by the execution of Another member great measure, the economic circle. He ofMalic's circle was Pierre Simon was quite energetic in family acts, and in Zogo, ofthe Cap militia. number ofs slaves to freedom. addition he brought a respectable leadership Manumission, for the freedmen the group, served as another way to among military It was stated in the act that one of the acquire pseudo-kin or clients. ter, Reine. 11 He appeared with slaves Zogo freed was his natural a wife named Elisabet as daughcontract in 178I; unfortunately, these a witness to a real family.12 two acts tell us all we can discover about marriage However, manumission, as well as his other "family" acts, built a network of godparenting and participation in minded ofAfrican family pseudo-kin in colored society. One is restrategies in precolonial times that standing on the size of the kin group, both blood based personal social couraged strategies, like slave and fictive pseudo-kin, and enDominguan serial keeping, that increased the size ofthe kin godfather is the child of the group. The ther of the Haitian chefde section. African "big man" as well as the faZogo rewards standing practitioner ofthis of investigation as a particularly outFor strategy social climbing. example, Zogo obtained the liberty of his bossale from the Slave Coast, in 1788. This godson, Pierre Ulisse, a young anything resembling marked one ofthe few times a personal interaction with a thathe had him a specific power white, as Ulisse's master ofattorney to seek the gave not one ofthe simple irrevocable libertyofthe young man. (This act was but instead specifically permission forms ofr fmanumission fort the Zogo named Zogo.)13 Ulisse got married in the "bearer" standing in as the "friends and family ofthe same year with in the absence of the father of the groom.' "14 As his godfather, and it was also a groom, this was clearly privilege as he saw his kin Zogo's duty. However, and her kin from Borgne, group increased by one Marie-Rose Baucy Xavier including the Borgne militia Janvier. So Zogo, as the did noncommissioned officer saying goes, not lose a daughter, as well as important contacts in (god)son but gained a a Zogo was also a regular fixture in the wills neighboring parish. free black slave trader Geneviève ofwomen of color. The prominent in which Zangoué Sarazin, when ill in Zogo was named executor and tutor ofher 1780, prepared a will that illness, and her next will in minor children. 15 She survived 1784 named Pierre Cap free black and militia leader, in Balthazard, another prominent was considered Zogo's place. For four years, worthy to be entrusted with the however, Zogo enterprising woman. Zogo may have been ill very considerable resources of this have dropped a number of or absent at that time, as he seems to all in 1785, before obligations in 1783-84 and executed no notarial acts returning to activity in 1786 - 89. 16 at Balthazard's own will gave freedom to 5 of his slaves and named Zogo and an- Balthazard, another prominent was considered Zogo's place. For four years, worthy to be entrusted with the however, Zogo enterprising woman. Zogo may have been ill very considerable resources of this have dropped a number of or absent at that time, as he seems to all in 1785, before obligations in 1783-84 and executed no notarial acts returning to activity in 1786 - 89. 16 at Balthazard's own will gave freedom to 5 of his slaves and named Zogo and an- --- Page 260 --- The Military Leadership Group . 233 other militiaman, Pierre tees after his wife. 17 Once Amoune, as his executors and his mutual self-help again, we see evidence of a alternate universal legaIn the among the free colored tight-knit of wedding in which Zogo's wife military leadership community character of"relatives made her ofCap. volved. The and friends of the bride," > only appearance with him, in the Coeflin, groom was Jean Baptiste Malic's family was Malic's wife, who Hypolite from strongly informers slave and was part oft the bride's Limbé, a neighbor of Marie ofMalic possiblythe half-sister wedding Party. The bride and his partners. It ofthe wealthy was the the groom, seems that by Desrouleauxi heirs, the wards militiamen Zogo and his wife were both participating in the wedding and important building social party of to their right to be considered figures in the Cap free black world connections to fellow tended with his wife, "respectable" in the and also laying claim and not by the who was carefully described bourgeois moral code: Zogo atmore inclusive in the act as his legitimatelya a assist others in termfemme (woman). As a épouse (spouse) to be a "big achieving that state and could also married man, he could Military leaders man-although his economic status was strengthen his claim ing the status that mainly made up for their lack unspectacular. came from ofwhite relations inforced and validated theirjobs. However, their social through stressacts-baptisms, by their assistance to nonblood kin status was both regave them an marriages, burials, wills. Military free coloreds in alternative to the white service held them "family" Itis not surprising to world for social and together and lation as a whole to be see military leaders being half economic advancement. formed 9.1 participants in and again as likely as the percent of all acts in the marriages marriage contracts. popumarriages and marriage contracts. sample but were involved in They perlikely to include whites than Militaryleader wedding 12.7 percent of all leaders' marriage those of other elites, Parties were much less whole. The parties contained whites, as however: 29 percent of figure for the opposed to 50 military also more likely than the sample as a whole is 37 percent. percent for elites as a "family" eventspopulation as a whole to use the notarial Military leaders were effects ofminor heirs. regularizing inheritance-related transactions system for other forming only 9.I Theywere participants in I1.4 and governing the In an percent of all acts in the sample, percent ofsuch acts while pertheir interesting sidelight that is indicative slaves, the unique free colored of the relationship ofthis among the militaryleadersthip attitudes toward slaves were group with differently group. They were especially marked depending on whether veryl likely to treat dency tentatively attributed they were purchased or theirown slaves Members of the to African cultural survivals in born into service, a tenown bossale slaves military leadership group, chapter 5. than were other free then, were markedly more coloreds, 59 percent to 50 likely to percent, and those is indicative slaves, the unique free colored of the relationship ofthis among the militaryleadersthip attitudes toward slaves were group with differently group. They were especially marked depending on whether veryl likely to treat dency tentatively attributed they were purchased or theirown slaves Members of the to African cultural survivals in born into service, a tenown bossale slaves military leadership group, chapter 5. than were other free then, were markedly more coloreds, 59 percent to 50 likely to percent, and those --- Page 261 --- and Social Aduancement 234 . Economic speciality. Ten perlikely to be trained in an occupational specialty bossale slaves were more military leaders rated an occupational of all bossale slaves owned by whole this figure declines to 7 percent. cent whereas for free coloreds as a be and less valuable designation, military leaders tended to younger view of slaves that saw Creole slaves owned by very well be due to a value bossales. This difference may and extraction of than their fit subjects for commodification members.' 18 This "trade" slaves as being were thought of as junior to whereas slaves born in the household of creole slaves noted as belonging for buttressed by the fact that 27 percent as being destined view is leadership group were designated members of the military notarial act in which they appear. holding manumission in the naturally, by persons leadership group was dominated, Of the members ofthe miliThe military rank in the colonial armed forces. least served in the colonial noncommisioned identified from the sample, at 31 with no identifiable tary leadership group officers. Many ofthese, and some in de Saint-Domingue militia as noncommnisionede leaders in the Chaseus-Volontaies who were giving militia service, were of the Chaseuns-Volontairesd companies that the ser1779. Since the leaders officers, it seems reasonable to assume leaders with out the stripes were militia Chasseurs were the same subordinate in the We can safely geants and corporals workedin their own parish militia companies. officers identified in whom these men had noncommisioned covered by assume that all 14 Chaseun-Volontaire NCOS, perhaps in parishes not notarial records were also militia four marécbaussée brigadiers. the leadership group contained officers in the colonial the sample. The military noncommissioned The maréThese were some of the most powerful the daily lives of all free coloreds. bebecause of their power over as noncommisioned officers military cavaliers, or archers, are not considered in the field, the government chaussée the fact that they led supernumeraries authority and in fact tried cause, despite sort ofindependent disciplinary without their offidid not grant them any to independent operations that they not be assigned to ensure cers being present. GENERATION SERVICE AS INCOME MILITARY oftheirincome came didefined this group, and at least a portion of the data that form the Military service from that source. Given the nature to analyze. rectly or indirectly these are the easiest sources ofincome the most obvious foundation of this book, rewarded in several different ways. Payis to their Military service was valuable. The state also offered rewards state pronot necessarily the most In addition, the but was those hunting runaway slaves. informal rewards and unservicemen, especially colored soldiers. There were vided equipment to free INCOME MILITARY oftheirincome came didefined this group, and at least a portion of the data that form the Military service from that source. Given the nature to analyze. rectly or indirectly these are the easiest sources ofincome the most obvious foundation of this book, rewarded in several different ways. Payis to their Military service was valuable. The state also offered rewards state pronot necessarily the most In addition, the but was those hunting runaway slaves. informal rewards and unservicemen, especially colored soldiers. There were vided equipment to free --- Page 262 --- Leadersbip Group . 235 The Military income from persons needing speto earn extra Saint Domingue policemen, official, but legal, opportunitics and police. Finally, the like soldiers cial services from the military by corruption, and the soldiers, everywhere, were tempted the enemy. like police the to loot, preferably but other everywhere, hoped for opportunity unpaid, except in special circumstances, small but Militia duty was generally wages. These wages were generally in colored military men were paid those offered to white servicemen free time covered by this book equaled during the military. but for the most the regular French serving France, evidence exists of plans to paybuccaners to Cartagena in 1697 Some colors who went from Saint Domingue succeeded beyond part the men ofboth their own reward in loot. In this they the proto seek out from the scene and military were expected As the buccaneers faded would be paid by the their wildest dreams. be that soldiers though, it came to expected fessionalized, Volontaires de state that employed them. ofhow much members ofthe Chasseurs- records of another, No record was found the Seven Years' War. However, have been TAmérique were paid during time gives us an idea ofwhat might abortive force proposed at the same militia reward for these servicemen. of the abortive the Légion de Saint-Domingue, a creature created a regular force out of The Premiere Comte d'Estaing in 1765, would have to be paid considerreforms of the rank and file troops of this unit were livres per year for a the militia. The colored of the same rank: 180 for a colored less than their white colleagues white and 270 liures per year ably color versus 270 liores for a officers and bandsfusilier of liures for a white. The noncommisioned of their color. 19 Whites dragoon versus 450 paid the same amount regardless of the pay, and SO the men were, however, militiamen into regular soldiers regardless the time about the free colopposed turning but it was indicative of feelings at idea was dropped, nominal equality in pay. ored soldier. free coloreds had achieved de Saint By the next war, though, and Grenadien-Volontsiresd rescales for the Chascun-Volonsiress soldiers in these regiments The pay contained no overt racial distinctions- French regular army. However, Domingue their titular equivalents in the than Chasceived the pay of the army and received higher pay raised in Grenadiers were the elite of regular All Chasseurs in the units and regular line, fusiliers. liures a year, while all Grenadiers seurs (or skirmishers) free coloreds, receiving 1O5 were paid Saint Domingue were Moreover, toncommisioned officers leader types white, at 126 lirures a year. and the free colored were on what unit they were in, differently depending less than their white counterparts. the abortive force crereceived about ten percent de Saint-Domingue, Members of the Chasseurs-Royauxe regular All Chasseurs in the units and regular line, fusiliers. liures a year, while all Grenadiers seurs (or skirmishers) free coloreds, receiving 1O5 were paid Saint Domingue were Moreover, toncommisioned officers leader types white, at 126 lirures a year. and the free colored were on what unit they were in, differently depending less than their white counterparts. the abortive force crereceived about ten percent de Saint-Domingue, Members of the Chasseurs-Royauxe --- Page 263 --- and Social Advancement 236 : Economic were also paid on the same of the Chasseun-Volonaies Militia troops were activated ated after the "success" Chasseurs in the regular Army21 basis as other white on the same basis as regular/iuilirs the regulabriefly in 1782 and were paid much money, even though hundred lirvres a year was not very colonial money. HowOne this was French or inflated was little on as to whether and there tions are unclear food and housing while serving, military pay the soldier received these factors into account, ever, he could spend his money. Taking for working-class occupawhich with civilian incomes made from 1,500 to seems to have been competitive in the colony were high: économes The courier who tions. Professional salaries from 300 to 2,000 liures. alwhile ménageres got livres annually, 4,000 livres a year, Port-au-Prince and Léogane got 3-750 the mail himself or carried the mail between to whether he was to carry his contract was unclear as less: five years of fPierre Aubien's though Craftsmen made somewhat with a 1,200 liure debt act as a contractor2 charron (wheelwright) were equated 24 Ajourneyman service as a joureyman a rate of pay of 240 livres a year. livres a in Fort Dauphin, a week, Or 416 year.5 in an act of1780 made one gourde (8 livres) contracts in the carpenter in Cap in 1782 and apprenticeship of Room and board in 92 civilian employment we can see that the Chasseur's pay about 20 livres a month, SO value of room and board he received sample averages liures a year for the fell toward the IOO liures a year, plus 240 his family did notl have to bearmaintenance cost in barracks-ther skilled crafts pay scale. but usually was distributed middle ofthe was not disbursed regularly remilitary pay' Chaseuns-Volontaires In addition, in a lump sum. Therefore, afford a small piece at the end of the campaign and forced savings - could turning after a few years' service urban that could support them modestly. conand an job and SO received ofland or craft training not housed or fedin barracks the of maréchaussée trooper was the fixed pay The The 1721 act creating organization ranksiderably higher base pay. the state tried to pay the maréchaussée were liures a month. In 1753, that they at thereby archers 30 with slave head tax exemptions, presuming of 1753 to describe and-file troopers habitant was even used in the regulation regular slave owners. The term By 1767, though, they were receiving of man needed for the job.] and liures for his noncommisthe sort liures a year for the archer reaching a base of pay once again, 500 27 The pay kept up with inflation, sioned superior, the brigadier ser800 liures a year in 1788.29 salary, as befits an important and modest but adequate professional on many occasions This is a who had to work independendly in any case). A vant of the slave society (over the supernumeraies could live the who had supervisory responsibility slaves and land and probably man could afford to buy even ifhe was not a member ofthat maréchaussée service small habitant after a few years' life ofa class before. with inflation, sioned superior, the brigadier ser800 liures a year in 1788.29 salary, as befits an important and modest but adequate professional on many occasions This is a who had to work independendly in any case). A vant of the slave society (over the supernumeraies could live the who had supervisory responsibility slaves and land and probably man could afford to buy even ifhe was not a member ofthat maréchaussée service small habitant after a few years' life ofa class before. --- Page 264 --- Leadersbip Group : 237 The Military financial advantages accruarcher was the least of the possible regular solThe salary of an slaves, lawbreakers, or deserting the capman. Captured divided among ing to a maréchausste were worth a varying greward, at different times diers escorted to the localjail number of official formulae issued not afford troops according to a Slaves whose masters could turing kickback: systems, no doubt). often sold at auction. Notar- (and unofficial other fines and jail costs were and SO the sample the reward plus of slaves, to pay contained the former ownership history this In one case, for ial acts often of slaves who passed through system. the habitation Arteau contains several cases free black woman living on to the heirs ecmple,Nanont Dada, an elderly rights to the slave Guillaume of Guilabandoned her usufructiary had been given life usufruct in Limonade, Sieur Verbod. Dada heirs upon her death, of her former master, rights reverting to Verbod's Dada was unlaume by Verbod, with property and then had been recaptured in Cap. lires. As a but the slave had run away rewards, totaling in this case 1,515 The the fines, expenses, and in Haut du Cap. able to pay sold at this price to Sieur Barbe, living him from result, Guillaume was rights to the slave, would recoup men holding the property and the maréchaussée heirs of Verbod, out ofthe sale price, Barbe. Thus, the rewards were paid valuable but poor Dada lost a posesion." law were as follows: IOO livres did not lose out, slaves specified in the 1788 taken or killed The rewards for marron frontier, 60 liures for all those maroon each slave captured on the Spanish the reward for a killed for (the maréchausée man claiming the slave's brand on it), 30 livres in the mountains back the portion of skin with liures for those slaves capslave was to bring outside oftheir own parish, and 12 be made only at night, for any slaves arrested Arrests in the last case could by rogue marétured inside their parishes. to reduce shakedowns maréslave was on horseback, were to belong to the unless the suspected by recaprured slaves stolen, in which case chaussée men. Effects possessed that the items had been were to be except ifit could be proven Slaves and horses chaussée, their value went to the maréchaussée. reward of one piastre (or one-third of horses carried a for the rereturned to their masters. Recaptured received from the masters a one ecu reward could not be The maréchaussée horse or a weapon that 20 livres). slave who was caught with a the horse or weapon would belong turn of any of a free person, and proven to be the property who arrested the slave.30 the maréchaussée man the ofhorsemanship to from this act importance Parenthetically, we can see again The slave on horseback threatened horses for the free colored identity. and SO was a particular tarand owning status ofbeing above slavery militia dragon piquet, was the free colored's separate springing from the officer, Additionally, the maréchaussée, for the rank-and-fle get. formation. The alternative designation would, of course, be a profesa mounted of more horses cavalier, shows this. The acquisition gain for any maréchaussée man. sional, as well as social and economic, Parenthetically, we can see again The slave on horseback threatened horses for the free colored identity. and SO was a particular tarand owning status ofbeing above slavery militia dragon piquet, was the free colored's separate springing from the officer, Additionally, the maréchaussée, for the rank-and-fle get. formation. The alternative designation would, of course, be a profesa mounted of more horses cavalier, shows this. The acquisition gain for any maréchaussée man. sional, as well as social and economic, --- Page 265 --- and Social Aduancement 238 . Economic rewards in the 1788 act was four scheme for division of these cash three for the lieutenant, or reThe official or colonial commander, the Or parish shares for the, grand-prévot, also referred to as prévôt, each of commander, two for the exempt, on the scene, and one for gional the firstarcher such as the commander, one and one-halffort Some of the special rewards, involved in the case.31 for the maréchaussée offithe other archers marrons, were exclusively and horses ofcaptured weapons made the arrest. man would not have to make cer who from these figures that a maréchaussée his regular pay One can see before his reward money would surpass trooper many arrests in a year the average maréchausste very Even if, conservatively, of a professional, as a source of income. rewards, he would have the income in doubled his pay with official would be able to afford to set himself up économes, and The conceit as the ubiquitous governments such farmer with little difficulty. have been well-founded. business as a rural capitalist be habitants is thus seen to maréchausste archers were to In 4, the reader wasi introduced that common as well. chapter. to the Unofficial rewards were his missing horse. The reward given ofSieur Theron and three ways, comes to the peculiar case the horse in this case, divided for a maréchausée maréchausée men who recaptured than a month's pay 8 deniers apiece, or more and in the line oforto 46 liures, 13sol, hands on this money perfectly legally cavalier. They! laid their private business. their income was through dinary maréchaussée members could pad wanted more attention from Another way felt that they Conseil Supérieur work. Ifindividual proprietors An arrêt of the security for a price. members this was available, the of maréchaussée the maréchausste, procedures for posting available to protect a de Cap Française regularized his The maréchaussée was the seals placed house on request. slaves or to oversee at an individual's risk from attacks by runaway the homeat In either case, house especially before an official inventory. forbidden by the arrêt to on the deceased's property 6 liures per day. Prévôts were so. There is no owner Or estate was to pay implies that they had been doing ofthe incharge more than that, which oft the 6 liures made it into the hands case ofhow much rewards sugmention in this ofthe other laws relating to maréchausste Given that offidividual guard, but the logic left out of the deal. that he would not have been completely security work was an important gests around 1.5 liures per day, this private to the duty cial pay was of the lucky archer Or cavalier assigned militia and spesupplement to the income in the free colored men and their counterparts uniforms were suits of clothing Both maréchausée and uniforms. The value in monetary cial units were issued weapons in chapter 7, but not much and social value, as discussed white with copperbuttonss with high LeMoine's officer's dress uniform, terms. Augustin lirures at his estate sale in 17773 taffeta lining, sold for IO green private to the duty cial pay was of the lucky archer Or cavalier assigned militia and spesupplement to the income in the free colored men and their counterparts uniforms were suits of clothing Both maréchausée and uniforms. The value in monetary cial units were issued weapons in chapter 7, but not much and social value, as discussed white with copperbuttonss with high LeMoine's officer's dress uniform, terms. Augustin lirures at his estate sale in 17773 taffeta lining, sold for IO green --- Page 266 --- The Military Leadership Group . 239 The weapons were a more they were also technologically significant item. Aside from their Gaspard. Ardisson's sword, advanced and thus quite valuable high social value, Marie. Anne with gold hilt, was in their own right. of the Laporte, died in 1783. 34 A pair evaluated at 50 livres when his Limonade militia, ofhorse pistols wife, All this is modest were worth 37 liures in his estate belonging sale to one Pierre, or successful urban enough when one looks at it from the in 1785,35 been worth entrepreneur. Still, a full outfit for perspective ofa nearly a year's and an planter cavalryman had to outfit pay, a cavalryman's kit infantryman would have few his horse as well, Fora even more, because the However, advantages, this would have been young man starting outi in life with ofM. official pay and rewards something significant. de Carnage de Mailhert, were often unpaid, as In a formal general of Royal evidenced by the case the complaint to the metropolitan Troops in St. Domingue, in background of the government in that 1739. for salaries ofn marécbausde maréchausée to that time. He year, he described required by the various was too small; it was never pointed out that the budget edicts. Colonial sufficient to pay all the engaging all the people governments, he troops Since they they were permitted to said, had were not paid, he raise and then responded by they became "abusive." said, the archers always skimping on the pay. of their Iti is not clear from context complained, and superiors when their ifhe means occasionally tion in order to shake them pay was short or if they were they were abusive possible. M, de down for money to replace the abusive of the popularale was and Carnage found the of unpaid salaries. Both are poor recruitment was marébauste the colony in a said, to provide the becoming difficult. To poor state. Moquality of the white coverage needed would be very pay enough archers, he colonial commander marébauste leadership, expensive. He cited the poor of the especially the new was a *very bad sort," > said de markbauste. This man, a retired grand prévôt, or In Carnage. 36 sergeant response to de Carnage's ofinfantry; imposition ofa tax of3o sols complaint, the government in Paris this would have provided per slave to pay for the approved the have amounted the princely sum maréchausée. Iffully to much more by the ofiso,000 liures a year (in collected, 360 livres per year (as it 1780s) for the whole 1739; it would of the was in 1739) to 416 colony, enough to force, 193 at the time of de troopers. However, the pay 200, despite the Carenage's complaint, official strength The quadrupling of the slave never increased 30 sols a year per slave tax population in the beyond for the colonial seems to have become following fifty years. govemment pretty a general nage from office, quickly after the revenue source sion to raise the Certainly, one ofthe reasons cited departure in ofGeneral de Caredition ofthe assessment on slaves in urban a later request for colonial government. 37 areas was the general permisEarlier taxes had quickly financial condisappeared into the 's complaint, official strength The quadrupling of the slave never increased 30 sols a year per slave tax population in the beyond for the colonial seems to have become following fifty years. govemment pretty a general nage from office, quickly after the revenue source sion to raise the Certainly, one ofthe reasons cited departure in ofGeneral de Caredition ofthe assessment on slaves in urban a later request for colonial government. 37 areas was the general permisEarlier taxes had quickly financial condisappeared into the --- Page 267 --- 240 . Economic and Social Aduancement general fund: an edict of cial allocation to 1721 makes this point while remained short support police work. 38 All this establishing yet another spethroughour the suggests that official were probably the mosti period and that the official and pay; probably of course, to their important inducement to the marebauste unofficial rewards supernumerary subordinates who Occasionally pay and rewards that received no official oanatim-and, intended recipients due to were appropriated failed to make pay at all. maréhaussée leaders corruption among the white it to their Moreau de St. were corrupt, though, free officers. When the white local marécbausée Méry took note ofa case that took coloreds were quick to protest. and reward commander had apparently been place in Port de Paixi in 1786. The money and was either holding back the archers' supernumeraries stopped showing pocketing it forhandingitrourt to his pay prevailed upon his up for work, and the favorites. The superior, the maréchaussée mander, to order a muster of the commandant du quartier, Or commander dered each of the local free colored militia. At parish militia comof one of the companies to provide nine the muster, he orcompanies, M. supernumeraries. The white commissioned Audige, was accused in officers to refuse to name of having incited all his captain prison by order of the parish anyone. The colored. nonofthe militia of the North commander, who sowofficiers were put rank-and-file province in Cap complained to the commander soldiers gathered in a Français about as prison well, since "noisy troop" and Captain Audige. The time, the official they all refused to serve as insisted that they be put in marehausée one muster, the only men were refusing supernumeraries.. to At the same places in the jail, said person the present was one ofthe perform their duties, and at It local militia brigadiers. There were appears that these complaints commander, SO what was he to only five cifically to the problem of officers were common, as an edict of do? funds, citing the Case ofPrévôt misappropriating maréchaussée 1790 refers speofpayroll and rewards. Picard, ofFort pay and reward The 1790 act Dauphin, who stole two terlyin the Presence ofa required that maréthausée years' worth inspections of financial notary and required that senior pay be given quarThe Port-de-Paix records. 40 officers carry out regular ored military service. Case illustrates a number ofi oreds could The militia was important a points about free colcarry out collective company body The resistance to exactions through which free colport noncommissioned oft the officers were the by the colonial white officer was ringleaders of the rank and goverment. were not conspicuous very important. The local free file. The supMarébauste participants. colored planter elites things ofvalue troopers in particular sometimes outside ofthe legal avenues. A managed to lay their hands on court decision cited by Moreau de Case illustrates a number ofi oreds could The militia was important a points about free colcarry out collective company body The resistance to exactions through which free colport noncommissioned oft the officers were the by the colonial white officer was ringleaders of the rank and goverment. were not conspicuous very important. The local free file. The supMarébauste participants. colored planter elites things ofvalue troopers in particular sometimes outside ofthe legal avenues. A managed to lay their hands on court decision cited by Moreau de --- Page 268 --- The Military Leadersbip Group . 241 St. Méryin 1790 to the markbaussée illustrates a solution to a common lice officers in ofCap Français, as it has police dilemma that occurred other times and places. certainly occurred to condemned by the Conseil Dame Naugaret, a café many other polegal gambling games in her Supérieur to pay a fine of keeper in Cap, was café, 10,000 liures for ury, one-third to charitable institutions One-thirdofthe fine was to go to the holding ilmarttbausie, from which in the town and royal treasthat assisted in the was to be deducted 660 livres ofCap, one-third to the track of the arrest, However, the for the militia detachment names of the players of marébausée were chided for 3,300 livres, less 660 livres for these illegal gambling 41 not keeping among 15 official the militia, divided games. A reward of officers maréchausée cavaliers, 4 according to the official comes to II7 liures 17. sols noncommissioned. formula Even per line officers, and 2 white deducting something for the trooper, or almost a quarter ompense for a night's work. supernumeraries still leaves this year's pay. The marichaussée a healthy recand legal than others. men found other ways to make unfortunately The free black Zazon, about ends meet, some less ethical lacking, was dismissed from the whom further commanding all information is solence troops in Saint martchaussee by order of the and exactions from blacks Domingue on 29J July 1782, in general means stopped the in their babitations. "42 This response to his "in1788, the problem, however. In the act punishment by no leadership was reorganizing the their.Archers, in order encouraged to pay' maréchaussée in to stop "particular attention to can cause. They must be otheinconveniencer which the the conduct of when the slaves have careful that the Archers allow blacks avarice ofsome ofthem in order to gain, correct passes from their [slaves] to pass by this illicit means, the masters, and not to tear freely revealed, we (the reward fixed in up the passes Governor and this act. right to impose such Intendant of the colony) Ifsuch a case is The maréchausée exemplary punishment as the Case reserve to ourselves the cavalier Boussens was seems to require. "43 punishment in 1785, although itis sentenced to the ifhe simply used excessive unclearifhe was ultimate exemplary to death in absentia force. On 26 February of attempting that to extort money or shot by the Conseil year, he was ing to death a certain Supérieur de Cap for condemned on the plantation François. 44 The deceased Français the crime ofhavcalled ofSieur de Buor in Trou du was commandeur, or boss upon to do SO by the accused. Nord. François refused slave, the judgment was rendered Details on the case are to stop when about the legitimacy in absentia suggests that sketchy; the fact that might ofhis use offorce. The Boussens had some very well have had a clash maréchaussée man and the doubt of the lower slaves to their boss ofauthority- - -one can see how the commandeur might have been undermined subordination by the free colored Trou du was commandeur, or boss upon to do SO by the accused. Nord. François refused slave, the judgment was rendered Details on the case are to stop when about the legitimacy in absentia suggests that sketchy; the fact that might ofhis use offorce. The Boussens had some very well have had a clash maréchaussée man and the doubt of the lower slaves to their boss ofauthority- - -one can see how the commandeur might have been undermined subordination by the free colored --- Page 269 --- and Social. Advancement 242 . Economic man to misuse his authority the for the maréchausste for his dead slave (a slave catcher, and temptation Sieur de Buor 1,200 liures the The state refused to pay which at least suggests that in was great. in any case for a commandeur), was, to some extent at modest price for this tragedy ofthe authorities the responsibility minds between the actors. de St. Méry's Description : . de la least, shared in Moreau in which A "police brutality" case appears that illustrates the level of misconduct govfrangaise, dating from 1780, and the lengths to which the colonial partie) men felt they could indulge Four archers and a brigadier beat a white maréchaussée to go to protect them. was said to be offering ernment was willing him with their sabers while the prisoner his wounds. The apprisoner and cut died of gangrene resulting from in the attack The prisoner for the participants no resistance. prison terms of a year or less ordered by a lowerjudge peals court ordered from the maréchaussée also fined the and annulled the fine and expulsion maréchaussée party. The high court members ofthe for a maréchaussée archer) for the subordinater 150 livres (five months' salary have been at least a partial heirs of the dead prisoner 45 This result appears to such as Hilliard for insults to the maréchausste. Contrary to what observers white fatallyvindication for the colored policemen. free coloreds struck a in this case Colonial adminisd'Auberteuil have reported, instead of their hands cut off.4 color line and had their knuckles rapped decision against the supposedly unbreakable trators seem to have made a efficient police force. as a favor of their need for a loyal, hoped for loot supand in in the overseas expeditions obviously remarkable quanThe participants expedition in 1697 acquired explement to their pay. The Cartegena the entire economy ofthe colony. Subsequent ofloot, sufficient to change have given an opportunity tities fare SO well. Short-range trips might was among all parpeditions did not value of a captured ship that shared in money," or the the while their successors for "prize Chasseurs ofthe 1760s stayed in colony, much of a chance for ticipants. The city. Neither one got the 1770S went to recapture a friendly for licit wealth. left out of the opportunities extraordinary also seem to have been largely One ofthe things that Militiamen to their marécbaussée colleagues. that it offered relaand illicit enrichment open to free coloreds was roadhave made piquet duty sO annoying slave might be caught at the must for rewards. A runaway would pick up the tively little opportunity likely that the maréchaussée patrol Personnel at block, but it was much more around without daring the roadblock. it also would slave in the hills trying to get be able to shake down passersby, but than immobile roadblock might once the victims complained an authorities to pin the crime on them be easier for men. on a mobile patrol of maréchaussée was roadhave made piquet duty sO annoying slave might be caught at the must for rewards. A runaway would pick up the tively little opportunity likely that the maréchaussée patrol Personnel at block, but it was much more around without daring the roadblock. it also would slave in the hills trying to get be able to shake down passersby, but than immobile roadblock might once the victims complained an authorities to pin the crime on them be easier for men. on a mobile patrol of maréchaussée --- Page 270 --- The Military Leadership Group : 243 SOCIAL ADVANCEMENT THROUGH MILITARY Luckily for the militiamen SERVICE nities for social advancement and Chasseurs, though, their service open to the maréchaussée. In perhaps as important as those offered opportuwas as general, in fact, the economic powerful an possibility of possibilities hope of financial inducement to military service for social advancement gain. It was free colored ety to advance socially possible for people at all levels of men as was the The through military service. free colored socider the supernumeraries in the maréchaussée were officially appointed. archers, unpaid auxiliaries who hopes of's social These supernumeraries served unafter some advancement through were serving years of service. Of manumission, which was mostly in reward course, these men granted free money as shown above. may also have been able oftax principal stimulus for However, it seems clear that to earn ofreward recruitment to this manumission was the money to equal the position. It would have of the manumission tax taken quite a bit opportunity to bridge the they were the fully free. enormous social avoiding, to say nothing gap between the Although plebeian quasi-frece and to lofty "official" status, supernumeraries must certainly have cal marébaussee no one in the sample dreamed cavalier was young André actually made this step. ofpromotion A more Port-au-Prince. A mulatre, André Leprestre of Croix des typiand, one presumes, Sieur was the natural son of the Bouquets and André free Bouquets. In any case, Sieur Leprestre.préer ofthe negresse Ursule his namesake his Leprestre's will, executed marichausée of Croix des uniform and on 19 profession. 47 Sieur weapons to encourage the September 1780, leaves quest that la Bastide Leprestre also left his brigadier, young man to follow his heirs in a lawsuit. passed on to Ursule after he extracted Joseph la Bastide, a slave, a bechildren were Occasionally bequests to the free it from Leprestresw white passed through unrelated colored lover and gitimate heirs and it friends in order to foil illegitimate from his French appears in this case that Sieur opposition from leoflegal relatives. Brigadier la Bastide Leprestre expected wrangling with the heirs. 48 got Ursule's slave objections several more times in the André and his mother and only after two years he is listed as a cavalier notarial archives brothers appeared A in the ofPort-au-Prince, and on each similar case to André marébaussée. occasion the maréchaussée ofCroix Leprestre is that ofPierre militia des Bouquets. His Pellerin, a mulatto cavalier in captain in Port-au-Prince and relationship to Sieur Pellerin plain of the Cul de Sac, is wealthy planter in the hills des Prez, name is not even more unclear than these overlooking the uncommon, and there were no notarial things usually are. The acts in which the two appeared each similar case to André marébaussée. occasion the maréchaussée ofCroix Leprestre is that ofPierre militia des Bouquets. His Pellerin, a mulatto cavalier in captain in Port-au-Prince and relationship to Sieur Pellerin plain of the Cul de Sac, is wealthy planter in the hills des Prez, name is not even more unclear than these overlooking the uncommon, and there were no notarial things usually are. The acts in which the two appeared --- Page 271 --- and Social. Advancement 244 . Economic well in life without however, to have gotten on pretty or both. He was a regtogether. Pellerin appears, relative or former master from his possible men and prominent direct patronage parties of other marécbaussée both a ular member of the wedding to the neighbors' children, coloreds and stood as godfather he and another man civilian free which he was held. On 7 April 1780, this is unmark of the respect in Croix des Bouquets maréchaussée, although limit of the (possibly a member of the in the hills that form the southern some clear) bought a tannery and pasture for 4.700 liures cash. 49 This represents When Cul de Sac plain from a white planter salary, even had it been paid regularly. assorted of"offcial", maréchaussée had a herd of about 120 fifteen years died in 1782, they seem to have of their herd, were worth at the Pellerin's partner the most important component SO this represents animals.s0 Cattle, with smaller animals in proportion, habitants who time about 250 liures each, Pellerin and his partner were another 20,000 liures in capital. to the that they had among at least at least in part thanks respect had advanced in society from their military role. have been financially other free coloreds springing ofthe maréchaussée, then, seem to They freThe cavaliers or archers with considerable social respect. brother citizens of their communities or François Lamotte,' secure ofhabitant, like Pellerin, As we have seen, quendy rated the description Michel and Louis Lamotte. Limonade maréchausée men of the 1753 reorganization of fthe them to be babitants, in the wording owners, granting them an the state expected that they would be slave is signifiact.51 The state also presumed slaves instead of a regular salary; it perhaps from the tax on ofthe maréchaussée. exemption in the 1767 reorganization was dropped were considercant that this provision especially the leadership group, social see, military members, of equivalent As we will trade slaves than were nonmilitary persons for an exemption ably less likely to although they mayhave owned enough level and financial means, be all sorts of free colfrom the slave tax to attractive. de Saint-Domingue attracted sons aristocratic younger The Chaseun-Volontaires slavery to blue-blooded might oreds, from young men escaping The case of one such Chaseur-Volontaire from service in motivated by patriotic appeals. benefits accruing to them of the social give a better understanding that service in the the expedition. Gentil is illustrative of the advantages young free The career of Fabien have over the long term for an ambitious his return Chaseun-Volontaines could Dupetithouars, shortly after ofcolor. Freed by his master, Captain and most likely quasi-free for some man with the Chasseurs-V Volontaires, into a prominent man from service Gentil seems to have quickly blossomed former master, but in time before that, we can see the hand ofhis in colored society. In his success, that service in the the expedition. Gentil is illustrative of the advantages young free The career of Fabien have over the long term for an ambitious his return Chaseun-Volontaines could Dupetithouars, shortly after ofcolor. Freed by his master, Captain and most likely quasi-free for some man with the Chasseurs-V Volontaires, into a prominent man from service Gentil seems to have quickly blossomed former master, but in time before that, we can see the hand ofhis in colored society. In his success, --- Page 272 --- Leadership Group : 245 The Military between the intimate relationship bethat illustrates the difference of Julie Dahey and their white a subtle way landed aristocrat like the children oft the military nontween a young and the patronage relationship typical father Sieur Peignanan in this chapter. the same commissioned officers we meet moved off the farm and to town about a and Dupetithouarss signed Both Gentil for the Savannah expedition, Dupetithouars master of Toussaint time. Before his departure Bayon de Libertat, former North with Antoine François in the province. contract and manager of the Breda plantations habitation in Limbé during Breda Louverture the Dupetithouars work, as Bayon de Libertat was to manage must have liked Bayon de Libertat's absence. Dupetithouars describe him as an habithe master's in the notarial archives future references to Dupetithouars resident in Cap, rue St. Louis. Lesser Antilles, but but and the tant ofLimbé, Limbé after his return from Georgia as would have Gentil also left former master's household in town, Inhe did not install himselfin his natural child like the Peignanan himself. offspring. Followbeen expected of a planter group parish and set up in business for have his time stead, he went to a neighboring colored entrepreneurs, he seems to split! after pattern forfree Less than a month ing a common an urban area and the countryside. himself as and resources between became final, on IO May 1780, and representing 18.59 Presumhis own manumission mulatto slave named Jean, age is unclear. resident of Cap, he freed a young but its exact nature a relationship between them, kin that was comably, there was a family ofcreating his group he began by this step a process In any case, other free colored military leaders. Français to open a business mon among Gentil moved from Cap miles from the city. On Later in the year, though, village about 20 de Limonade, a seaside Marie Josephe Sanitte, mulatresse in Embarquadaire he a slave to little who was working November 1780, promised also a mulâtresse, natural daughter ofJeanne, planter rofLimonade" libre, the a-year-old de Labissenaye, a prominent since the act to M. le Vicomte was a relative, as menagère have been Gentil's, Or perhaps Jeanne The slave was to be delivered in The child may reference to living expenses. The act declared that Genavoids the giveaway an inheritance. since he Gentil said he was expecting to Marie Sanitte's mother, two years; marriage but not, apparently, Elizabeth Petrouille Of Petrotil was planning the husband of a certain but in a 1785 act as may have had outside interests appeared The live-in partners of white planters else. nille.s within the planter group or anyone and socially fairly rapidlyrarely married, up economically In DeIn any case, Gentil was moving in the notarial archives attests. as his next appearance dissolved a partnership perhaps too rapidly, white man, Sieur Pierre Crivel, cember 1784, Gentil and a ; marriage but not, apparently, Elizabeth Petrouille Of Petrotil was planning the husband of a certain but in a 1785 act as may have had outside interests appeared The live-in partners of white planters else. nille.s within the planter group or anyone and socially fairly rapidlyrarely married, up economically In DeIn any case, Gentil was moving in the notarial archives attests. as his next appearance dissolved a partnership perhaps too rapidly, white man, Sieur Pierre Crivel, cember 1784, Gentil and a --- Page 273 --- 246 . Economic and SecialAdeancement a store in Limonade. 56 Their acthat they had created for the purpose of operating the but it is the agreement to dissolve partnership, counts no longer accompany They were said to have had more than clear that the dissolution was involuntary. liures 5sols to Sieurs Tessier and debts, including 2,862 5,000 livres in outstanding The partners were to be individunégociants of Cap Français. Martin, prominent the with the first partner to be responsible ally responsible for the debts of society, described as "Sieur Fabien from the other. In this act, Gentil was for collecting ranks of colored society. marchand." > He had obviously joined the upper Gentil, free for somewhat less than five years, Gentil On 9 March 1785, having been teak bed with Indian cotton bedcurtains pawned his personal effects, including a six sets of silverware, and a deal of furniture ofvarious qualities, and covers, good ofhis partnership, Sieur Lasalle, in return for a horse to one ofthe white creditors of land in Fort Dauof1,930 livres ofhis debt and a piece Fundeveloped forgiveness ahead to future speculations, as well as dealing phin.s7 He was obviously looking he was diversifying his holdof the last one. In addition, with the consequences common among free coloreds and espeings between urban and rural, a pattern furnishings suggest that The quality ofhis personal cially the military leadership. lifestyle, at the least. he had a comfortable middle-class and remained near the top, although Gentil seems to have overcome his reverses notarial act. He invested in urrated a Sieur before his name in any he never again another developed lot in TEmbarquadaire ban as well as rural real estate, including of the tenant who would not vacate, de Limonade, and got involved in the case presented in chapter 6 of this book. notarial archives, but always without several more times in the Gentil appeared But we need not deduce from anys sign ofhis former master Captain Dupetithouars. in his former slave. The manuthis that Dupetithouars had no personal interest economic transaction between mission of Gentil should not be seen as a purely his former slave once they left nor did the master cast off him and Dupetithouars, from Limbé. First, one wonders about the active military service and moved away the owner of a freed in 1780, he was already source of all Gentil's assets. Juridically with through manuwhose services he could afford to dispense slave ofhis own of a slave in the same year to little Marie Sanitte demission. His act of donation It is unclear from where clared that he was expecting an inheritance in two years. refer this inheritance to come, and it may in fact simply generihe was expecting Gentil In any case, he had resources income that anticipated. cally to substantial been and active in the market available to him. He obviously must have but quasi-free his is not the case ofthe stereofor some time before his formal manumission, for decades to afford the freedman, skimping and saving typical self-purchasing to have found the road to financial success price of manumission. Gentil seems an inheritance in two years. refer this inheritance to come, and it may in fact simply generihe was expecting Gentil In any case, he had resources income that anticipated. cally to substantial been and active in the market available to him. He obviously must have but quasi-free his is not the case ofthe stereofor some time before his formal manumission, for decades to afford the freedman, skimping and saving typical self-purchasing to have found the road to financial success price of manumission. Gentil seems --- Page 274 --- The Military Leadersbip Group . 247 smoothed for him to at least some idlyi into at least middle-class degree. The freedman Gentil From where could these respectability; as a marcband and a. moved fairly raptance of, his former master? resources have come if not sieur. Gentil's from, or appear to have been bride, from the little we through the assisored family members wealthy, and there do not seem to know ofher, does not before manumission, with substantial resources. Slaves have been other free colwork on their through the retail market clearly had access to own account, He may have and the practice of money cconomically for some time, but been semi-free to letting them described as this was a operate on his own tail before his practicing a skilled trade, but he precarious could existence. Gentil was never cumulated manumission. However, it seems have been involved in small rehundred liures substantial resources on his own before unrealistic to assume that he acin the first few perhaps, but not the thousands that he receiving his liberty-a few Gentil received years after his manumission. demonstrated that he had at least a couple Presumably;, with ter. Then, when he ofslaves and along his freedom, was in financial perhaps a piece ofland from his CapFrançais merchants difficulties, he discovered that masmore liures-a concession wouldextendi him and his prominent white some judicious that would certainly have partner credits worth thousands tervention intervention by a respected been easier to obtain would have been militia officer and with a number of honorific especially efficacious planter. This inMilitaire titles like coming from a white et Royale de St. Louis, Capitaine Dupetithouars, man with relations with prominent In Gentil, then, we see another Chevalier de I'Ordre tance in meaningful whites, where the young free way of patronage ways from his colored man receives dependent, as was true of the patron without being a family assisrelationship with a white planter group. For those member or close In addition to the officer might serve a similar without influential kin, a corps and the maréchaussée Chameurs-Volontaiter and the other purpose. Every free colored was the much more special male was pervasive expeditionary to whom this service required to serve in the institution ofthe militia. was militia. as such in the notarial important socially or However, only those from the acts. In essence, this recononitcaly-identified themselves sample as members of means that the only free manumission the militia were the persons identified militia. The latter through their militia service in quasi-free who achieved taxexpeditionary formed an important part ofthe wartime and the leaders of the corps group ofmilitary panies by their officers noncommissioned when leaders were drawn from leaders. Most tion, those officers took the militia commembers self-identification as a militia leader up regular commissions. In oft the milita in a notarial act addipation; it was leadership who placed a high value gives a clue to those precisely these men who formed the on their military particimilitary leadership group. ia. The latter through their militia service in quasi-free who achieved taxexpeditionary formed an important part ofthe wartime and the leaders of the corps group ofmilitary panies by their officers noncommissioned when leaders were drawn from leaders. Most tion, those officers took the militia commembers self-identification as a militia leader up regular commissions. In oft the milita in a notarial act addipation; it was leadership who placed a high value gives a clue to those precisely these men who formed the on their military particimilitary leadership group. --- Page 275 --- 248 . Economic and SeciaAicancoment MILITARY LEADERS AND THE Social TRADITIONAL MARKERS OF STATUS advancement for these either received or military leaders was a result markers also given, or of their explicit not only of affected society's view military role. The patronage, sess these characteristics of militaryl leaders. more usual status elites, although of high social status in the Generally, they did not posthey did surpass same measure as ously at the core of these non-elites in most cases. the planter tionsin the notarial military leaders' social success. Officholding was obvicolored elites. Even archives, though, were different from Their courtesy designaCapitaine those accorded according to Moreau de St. Vincent, who was received at the other free the three notaries with whom Méry, was never referred to as Sieur governor's table, rated a Sieur from Limonade he did business. His fellow Vincent by any of with this accolade for notary Jean-Louis Michel, who officer Etienne Auba other notaries with wealthy or influential free was notoriously free a Sieur. whom he dealt. None oft the other coloreds, but not from any ofthe Military leaders did use military to their military civilian leaders qualified for rank, especiallyin occupational titles men's titles that time of but occasionally; in addition were marks of peace, these were planter elites. distinction for non-elites but generally tradesMilitary leaders generally below the all other free coloreds. generally adopted French or cially than the planter However, they were more French-sounding likely than surnames, like that they were assigned group, to keep the names "drawn from non-elites, and espePierre Marion Yari upon manumission. Pierre the African idiom" missioned officers, are noteworthy examples. All Zopojlean-Baptise free Malic, and in this public they made no attempt to adopt blacks, all militia noncomIn the realm identification oft themselves as freedmen. French surnames and gloried ofstatus on professionally related goods, items military leaders, as might be obviously;, owned these such as weapons, uniforms, and expected, concentrated personal property, the items, and typically when we have horses. Allofthem, and the swords and uniform turns out to be their most an inventory of their sions. 58 In general, firearms are among their most valuable item sonal these men did not seem valuable other ofclothing, luxury. Their furniture to have had very personal posseswith a marked absence of appears to have been more useful high standards ofpercloth copper hardware on than hangings on beds, and the armoires, decorative, the free colored middle like. Such a Spartan carvings and imported tus goods class and nouveau lifestyle was common appearing in generations riche, as we have seen, with among The ability to sign one's following the one that built the real staname was more directly related the family fortune. to one's social status than furniture to have had very personal posseswith a marked absence of appears to have been more useful high standards ofpercloth copper hardware on than hangings on beds, and the armoires, decorative, the free colored middle like. Such a Spartan carvings and imported tus goods class and nouveau lifestyle was common appearing in generations riche, as we have seen, with among The ability to sign one's following the one that built the real staname was more directly related the family fortune. to one's social status than --- Page 276 --- Leadership Group : 249 The Military to find that miliand thus it is not surprising whole to sign their to actual educational achievement, than free coloreds as a for leaders were somewhat more likely as opposed to only 35 percent tary oftheir acts were signed, notarial acts (41 percent the sample as a whole). MILITARY SERVICE PATRONAGE THROUGH service for free coloreds, social benefit of military especially Probably the most important networks of military comrades, offithe to establish whites serving as militia though, was opportunity prominent ranks and even including substitute for the kin networks those ofhigher could supplement or indeed coloreds. cers. These networks of elite free to the advancement a free mulatto butcher that were SO important March 1786, Etienne dit La Rivière, and Pierre dit T'AlleFor example, on 14 officer in the Cap militia, made a deal with and probable noncommisioned maker, both from Cap Français, near free black mattress from the countryside mand, a Coutaux dit Hervé, a free colored planter named Pierre, had run away Jean-Baptiste ofPort de Paix. Hervé's slave, working as a the small northern city had found him living in Cap Français, back time before, and Hervé was to take his property some in the marichaussét. Hervé made prepared him an offer he was happy to supernumeraryi him, but the pair who intervened ofmaking ganybindhome with who as a slave was Slegalyincapable Hervé 660 liures in accept. OnbehalfofPiene, on his own initiative, the two paid arrived male ing financial commitments lirures more and to give him a newly and promised to pay him 396 for Pierre's freedom. Hervé agreed cash 16 at the end ofthe yearin return slave aged 15 or the to free Pierre.s fate but a request to government Pierre from an unenviable to present of the two not only saved men could build useThe intervention the way in which free colored military were free also served to illustrate Both of the men who intervened in the prominent expedition to ful networks of contacts. Français. La Rivière had served colored busicolored businessmen in Cap in the militia. L'Allemand was a asked Savannah as a sergeant, as well as several slaves and who was frequently stature who owned status in the free colnessman of some unrelated children-a sign of social of the to but he was part to serve as godfather There is no record ofhis military service, ofthe commuored community. other military leaders. That these pillars resources, to the social circle that included lend their names, ifnot their financial to at least deal to Pierre's importance nity were willing to remain free speaks a good to make the payments marécbaussée man's quest Even ifhe was using his own money a loan from within the community. for the transaction, rather than getting and only using the pair's names -a sign of social of the to but he was part to serve as godfather There is no record ofhis military service, ofthe commuored community. other military leaders. That these pillars resources, to the social circle that included lend their names, ifnot their financial to at least deal to Pierre's importance nity were willing to remain free speaks a good to make the payments marécbaussée man's quest Even ifhe was using his own money a loan from within the community. for the transaction, rather than getting and only using the pair's names --- Page 277 --- 250 . Economic and Social Advancement extending him credit by making a his protectors, they were at least technically legally binding promise to pay on his behalf. LEADERSHIP ROLES from military service became more The social advantage that free coloreds gained Free coloreds served as military important as the servicemen increased in rank. still alive in the 1770S and officers up until the 1760s, and many retired officers were these free colored militia Even after the formal end of their active service, them 1780s. in their communities, and even whites showed officers had enormous status and unofficially. considerable marks of respect both officially Augustin LeMoine member of this group, Capitaine VinWe have already met the most prominent ofthe group would Olivier. He was not alone, though. A more typical example cent ofthe beaver coat. He was a free black militia officer be Augustin LeMoine, owner Morin. He had served in the militia in the in Fort Dauphin with a farm in Quartier of the effects found at his house1760s and died in November 1777. An inventory conducted in his son Berofthe few death inventories in the sample, was hold, one chosen to serve in the French Royal Navy-by trand's absence- Bertrand having Thomany: his neighbor and the executor of the will, Georges ofFort rue de l'Eglise, in which Inventory ofthe house in the town Dauphin, wood, with covering died 28/11/77. In the main room: Table, sap the deceased condition; table, sap, covering in scamoise, good conin indienne cotton, good condition; small table, poor condition; dition; large dining table, sap, poor in scamoise, good condition; ;buf bergère, acajou wood, with cushion, covering condition, plus condition; II chairs, 2 in poor fet, sap;g garde-manger, very good peasant condition; pottery water container; poor-quality 2 armchairs, good the west side: bed, acajou wood, with mattress water jars. In the bedroom on bedstead, acajou, pallet, mattress, 2 piland pallet, cotton bedcurtains; wooden' in the Polish style; bergère, in very lows, bedcurtains and overhead drapery small table, acajou, good condicondition, sap, with pallet and pillows; "of poor in which were: 5 handkerchiefs tion; trunk mounted on two pillars, sap, red and black striped shirt in Chales';P pair of culottes in gingham fabric, new; wood, another shirt with small red flowers; an armoire, noyer Indian fabric; beaver coat lined w/yellow w/drawer, poor condition, with following objects: white, with copper with buttons, matching culottes; a uniform, fabric, gold taffeta; vest and 3 culottes; a pair ofgray culottes; culottes buttons, lined in green in which were: 5 handkerchiefs tion; trunk mounted on two pillars, sap, red and black striped shirt in Chales';P pair of culottes in gingham fabric, new; wood, another shirt with small red flowers; an armoire, noyer Indian fabric; beaver coat lined w/yellow w/drawer, poor condition, with following objects: white, with copper with buttons, matching culottes; a uniform, fabric, gold taffeta; vest and 3 culottes; a pair ofgray culottes; culottes buttons, lined in green --- Page 278 --- The Military Leadership Group - 251 in taffeta cramoisy; grey serge. culottes with silver II new towels; 9 other towels; 7 towels buttons; puce. culottes; 4 sheets; 6 pieces of cotton cloth; more used; sheet and 2 towels in brin; fabric; 13 long culottes in different 2 caterons in good white fabric; cloth; 5 caterons in light 7 handkerchiefs; 5 13 vests of different fabric; I2 shirts; pillowcases; 3 more towels, 5 412 sets of sheets and a bedcover in wool; (underclothing] in cotton; 28 buttons in gilded a spool of thread from copper; a new hat and a somewhat Rennes; described as vendé, The silverware: used one; a pallet in silver; a pair of pistols in 3 spoons, 3 forks, knife w/ebony handle, buckles in silver,3 pairs of sleeve-buttons poor condition, decorated w/silver; a pair of shoe dition with two blades and a in gold; a razor handle in poor conhandle; a strop; a Spanish machete; a sword with Spanish sword; 2 copper chandeliers; a seal copper covered in silver; another in silver; pocketknife small room off the hallway: large water container; a hunting musket. In the empty; 3 pots; 6 13 empty demijohns; 8 bottles and IO half-bottles, wood; in pottery plates; 5 china plates; mortar in marble mug yellow pottery; 2 small w/pestle in copper balance; 2 6-pound soap dishes; a shaving dish and goblet; of soap; 8 andouilles of tobacco. weights; 4 smaller weights; iron hammer; 2 bricks In the and lots of other large planks; courtyard: 17 planks from Bordeaux, At this point Catherine Auba carpentry tools. Auba] appeared and claimed [daughter of black militia officer Etienne loaned that II of the planks to them to the deceased. belong her as she had Continuing the inventory: a lot, located on rue de widow Jolicoeur (free colored), Zabeth dite l'Eglise, bordered by the [hut] in wood and sun-dried bricks Yonyon (free black), with a case 3 bedrooms ofv which one and the main without foundation, with plank walls, on the street and a storage cabinet, room have tiled floors, with a hallway long, in roofed in shingles; another very poor condition, shingle roof; and a third building 40 feet dition, small, 3 rooms. building, in poor conSlaves: Louis dit Da, Creole, aged 15-16; Olive, Creole, 35. Congo, 35; Jeannette, Papers: act of manumission for the deceased dated by him to his son Bertrand (the sailor], 22/5/45. Liberty given the deceased and Francoise Dorothee 20/12/71. Marriage contract between tia, dated 29/10/60, concession in 1749, commission as Ensign in mili193, 63 feet X ofland for the lot his house is located 124; collection ofl IOUS from Jean Labadie, on, no. [sols], 13/3/77; Joseph Baptiste, 33#; 228# [deniers] IOS black], 69#, 2217/72,. Sinraison II/3/60; Marie Anne Thilorie [free (free colored], [free colored] 36#, 22/4/76;Jean Potanter 27/2/67, I2 piastres 5 escalins; Felix [free colored], fils 29 piastres, lot his house is located 124; collection ofl IOUS from Jean Labadie, on, no. [sols], 13/3/77; Joseph Baptiste, 33#; 228# [deniers] IOS black], 69#, 2217/72,. Sinraison II/3/60; Marie Anne Thilorie [free (free colored], [free colored] 36#, 22/4/76;Jean Potanter 27/2/67, I2 piastres 5 escalins; Felix [free colored], fils 29 piastres, --- Page 279 --- 252 . Economic and SocialAduancoment 5o#, 27/6176; 61#, 19/6/76; the widow Raugaret, 66#, ss/s/T the widow Pix, 241#, Dandin [free colored), 33#, 13/10/76; Rolie, 27/9/775 Cochet dit of memoirs and other paSieur de Dubay, ;33#, 1/s/76. A volume collection of diverse 2g/1/76, Le Sourd further described. Another docuis not set of sale pers that [regrettably) not further described. Another sales of slaves, animals, etc., that he traded across the border, an important captains ments in Spanish, [suggesting Another file of papers relating to various also not activity in Fort Dauphin). Another file of merchandise inventories, made to his sup- - of ships, one presumes. ofpayments he of the further described. Afile ofacknowledgments LeMoine was the gaurdian (tuteur) also not further described. details appear in the sample, perhaps pliers, Piot [ofwhom no other over to their new minor children parish), and their papers are handed existence they lived in another Registers and account books, tuteur without further description. noted but contents not described. Jean has been marron for seven years." declares that the slave Thomany and real estate, sold on 12 December effects, excepting the slaves 61 He had accounts receivable The personal for clothing and furniture. a and a half. for 1,185 liures, a tidy sum liures, dating back over about year must his local business of about I,1OO books, but LeMoine for without looking at those account of several thousand liures a We cannot be certain professional income been described as a have been making a respectable businessman, who would have more LeMoine was an urban had it not been for hisimmeasurably year. successful one, the act cited above marchand, albeit a pretty We can get some idea from world from slave to military commission. rise in the prestigious military service was to LeMoine's married in 1749. However, his how important businessman. He was freed in 1745 and was a slave (and yet he was prominent have been to a slave, as his son Bertrand his father's surname). 62 The famarriage must in his own will and bears a militia officer. It was described as legitimate free for fifteen years before becoming enough rether, Augustin, was though, that he was able to accumulate hoc does not always only after his commisioning, twenty years in slavery. Post manusources to free his son, who spent that receipt of a military commission, followed proper boc, but it is suggestive of a respectable fortune imply members, and then acquisition of LeMoine. mission off family intervals in the life course Augustin before 1780, at which each other at about 1o-year to Saint Domingue sometime his ilBertrand LeMoine returned Thomany his executor and identifying in he made his own will, naming to note that, perhaps keeptime daughter as his sole heir. 63 Itis interesting branch of service and thus perhaps legitimate the ideal of the navy as the scientific father and son, were the only ing with the two LeMoines, more attractive to freethinkers, LeMoine. mission off family intervals in the life course Augustin before 1780, at which each other at about 1o-year to Saint Domingue sometime his ilBertrand LeMoine returned Thomany his executor and identifying in he made his own will, naming to note that, perhaps keeptime daughter as his sole heir. 63 Itis interesting branch of service and thus perhaps legitimate the ideal of the navy as the scientific father and son, were the only ing with the two LeMoines, more attractive to freethinkers, --- Page 280 --- Leadersbip Group . 253 The Military Catholic, Roman, and faith in the "holy free blacks in Fort Dauphin not to profess père faith"i in their wills. than others, though. LeMoine, Apostolic traditions are more changeable hanging onto his officer's Some family who obviously cherished his status, and at least was a military officer until his death sixteen years after his commissioning served in the navy uniform and sword exercise the role. LeMoine fils madozen years after he ceased to but moved to the civilian merchant a Independence to the old family during the War ofAmerican) In 1782, he gave a power of attorney Fort Daurine at the end of that war. household in the rue de l'Eglise in Pauline Thomany to sell the paternal on the merchant ship La friend as maitre d'hôtel wealth and staphin; at the time, he was serving had clearly contributed to the harbor.. A military career career more attractive. in Cap the son found a civilian maritime in chapter 4, served in tus of the father; officer Etienne Auba, introduced colored troops. He Fort Dauphin militia Olivier, as an officer of free for like Capitaine Vincent embarking on a navy ship the militia, outside the colony on at least one occasion, his family were part ofLewas sent Republic. He and daughduty yin what is now the Dominican circle, as we can see from the presence ofhis as well as Moine's social and economic effects. All three of these officers, Moreau de the of LeMoine's the notarial archives. ter at inventory descendants, appeared regularly in in the 1770S to explain his their countless Auba as financially strapped this out; while by St. Méry tried to portray assistance to the state. The records bear among the ecoapplication for financial did not qualify for inclusion the poor, his family transaction was evaluated no means among society. Their average notarized the sale of a onenomic elite of colored was for 4,000 liures, representing his older brother, liures, and their largest Auba's son Joseph to at 2,150 in the estate as a whole by social position in Fort third interest the Auba family held an important Auba dit Bellony, Capitaine Etienne. Nonetheless, ofthe family, especially Etienne contracts, death Dauphin. Members frequendy as witnesses in marriage to them. Auba's eldest son, appeared acts of persons apparendly unrelated commission, inventories, and other "family" and holding the kings coming from an earlier generation officers, can be considered part ofthe Despite with the noncommistioned show the military leaders' these men, along This is primarily because they and group. officers noncommisioned militaryleadenhip networks of other colored militia married Guillaume Manigat, a habit ofbuilding Catherine, for example, were former colleagues officers. Auba's daughter, Auba and Vincent Olivier René lieutenant of the black militia. more likely), one named Olivier's sons (or grandsons, His grandson and business partners. Maturin, served in the Chaseun-Volontires.) after the death ofthe paand another possibly member of the clan in the 1780s his son and Jean-François Pierre, most prominent Leveille included militia leaders Jean-Baptiste triarch, , a habit ofbuilding Catherine, for example, were former colleagues officers. Auba's daughter, Auba and Vincent Olivier René lieutenant of the black militia. more likely), one named Olivier's sons (or grandsons, His grandson and business partners. Maturin, served in the Chaseun-Volontires.) after the death ofthe paand another possibly member of the clan in the 1780s his son and Jean-François Pierre, most prominent Leveille included militia leaders Jean-Baptiste triarch, --- Page 281 --- 254 . Economic and SocialAtuncement Edouard Leveille dit Riché in his nesses to their family circle,j joining them on four Whereas in theory baptisms or funerals or they as witnesses "family" acts, as witonly among coloreds every free adult male in the to his. rank in official that one sees militia colony was a militiaman, it is in the documents as a point of noncommissioned officers citing sample, with another pride. Thirty-two such their commissioned 7 who identified individuals officers in one of the themselves in a notarial appear ably also held rank in the overseas expeditionary act as non374 (probably less in militia, out ofa theoretical corps but who problices" for practice) in the parishes maximum establishment of 1777 revealed the existence of studied. The "Etat Général des Limonade, 4 in Fort 5 black or mulatto Mi6in Mirebalais. A Dauphin, 9 in 6 in companies in Cap, 4 in 1769 survey, which Por-au-Prince, broke Croix des commissioned officer, and down numbers by Bouquets, and dian ofi noncommissioned officer, revealed that free colored private soldier, nonor trumpeter, and slots per companycompanies had a meoreds. 9 corporals-slots that all would typically 3 sergeants, a drummer Cavalry units also contained have been Among free a farrier sergeant filled by free colmilitia coloreds, especially the responsible for the noncommissioned. officers poorer or less well horses,6s to that of the white militia occupied a social position connected in ones, these to whites, the white officers. For those free many ways similar militia officer was the coloreds with close quarrels, as he was, in source of personal ties 1765 period also general, for whites. The patronage and judge oflocal seems to have filled colored militia ness the remarks this role for the colored officer in the prejustification for ofMoreau de St. Méry on Capitaine community, as witthe studying the free colored Vincent, above. Part way in which they took military of the years after 1765. There up this unofficial noncommisioned officers was included was a relative dearth of community acts leadership role in the whites, and instead al made by Most of their large proportion ofdeals military leaders that with remaining acts, including many of the were made with each other. lower-class free coloreds. family acts, were Although military leaders performed Fabien Gentil, they were were sometimes the social position more likely to be the patron recipients than of patronage, as with sharing their depended on the network of the protegé. In fact, their support. prestige through family acts but protigés also they built up, not only by Military leaders through more concrete acts of whole to be were somewhat less likely than the free participants in acts colored sample were ofdonation: 4.2 population as a donations, as opposed to percent oftheir ever, donations by elites in 5-9 percent for free coloreds notarial acts in the leaders were much general total only 4.6 as a whole. Howmore likely than other elites percent of all their acts. to be the donors in these Military acts of acts but protigés also they built up, not only by Military leaders through more concrete acts of whole to be were somewhat less likely than the free participants in acts colored sample were ofdonation: 4.2 population as a donations, as opposed to percent oftheir ever, donations by elites in 5-9 percent for free coloreds notarial acts in the leaders were much general total only 4.6 as a whole. Howmore likely than other elites percent of all their acts. to be the donors in these Military acts of --- Page 282 --- The Military Leadersbip Group . 255 donation. Military leaders and members military familiesi in 56 percent oftheir families made cent ofthe acts, both ofthe acts and were donations to nonin only 36 parties were from military recipients in 13 percent; in 31 percent of the acts of families. In perto a nongroup member. donation did the group member planter group families, from a person outside Similarly, 36 Percent of the give something their planter white relative) to the elite group (typically a presumed but group donations were between group members. individual, whereas 28 percent of their not acknowledged In addition to donations were free colored patronage expressed through military leaders also acted donations to protégés. Sales contracts as patrons by nonfamily members, cash reported in the making credit available to payment were often in fact on notarial archives as being difficult to quantify the some form of credit terms. performed for ers, much less to relate superior credit terms offered free Therefore, it is mon form them to the social class by colored military leadofcredit, ofbuyer and especially at the lower seller. The most recovery," or pawn. Military leaders social levels, was the sale with complying both an entrepreneurial were as likely to pawn their "right of a shortage of those desire to liquidate assets possessions (imoft ftheir same assets) and to loan for reinvestment and also transactions pawns, they were the seller, and in 36 money against a pawn: in 36 were between two percent, the buyer; 28 percent Itis difficult to military members. percent oft the however. Itis to the argue that loaning money against a colored military unsecured credit sale that we pawn represents leaders extending credit must look for patronage, tronage. In this area, on examples of free fiedi lin the notarial considering only those sales concessionary in terms as a form of paact, free colored which credit terms were persons in 55 percent of the militaryleaders were the lenders speciin 33 sales, while to percent; I2 percent of the they borrowed from nonmilitary over, for these credit sales transactions were between nonmilitary lenders coloreds, the free colored military leaders military leaders. Moreaverage duration of the loan made to Payment was 34 percent. For was IO months, and nonmilitary free ers loaned to whites, credit transactions where free the average down the average duration where patronage can be assumed colored military leadaverage of the loan was a little not to have been a factor, Payment up front was over longer at just over I3 whole, anything under half 50 percent. For free months, but the of the purchase price coloreds' land sales as a concessionary deal, except in the case up front must be considered production ofthe oflarge sales ofland and a can assume that the plantation was to be used to off slaves where the that sale price was Pay the debt. In those sellers were. legally prohibited inflated proportionately to reflect cases, we tracts, again with the from charging. The duration the interest exception of very large loans, was in the ofmosteredit conarea of one year. months, but the of the purchase price coloreds' land sales as a concessionary deal, except in the case up front must be considered production ofthe oflarge sales ofland and a can assume that the plantation was to be used to off slaves where the that sale price was Pay the debt. In those sellers were. legally prohibited inflated proportionately to reflect cases, we tracts, again with the from charging. The duration the interest exception of very large loans, was in the ofmosteredit conarea of one year. --- Page 283 --- and SacialAduancement 256 . Economic tended to give a somewhat betthat free colored military leaders and nonmilitary, Thus, we can see their fellow free coloreds, both military SOdeal in credit sales to some sort of Fnonfinancial, ter suggesting that they were expecting than to whites, cial return on their investment. Jean-Baptiste Malic la Basofficers, such as Joseph few ofthe noncommissionede Pierre PelWe have already met a Croix des Bouquets, and his colleague leader in the maréchaussée oft this Segentjesn-baptiste tide, example groupis the notarial archives on the best-documented in lerin. Perhaps and members ofhis family appeared was linres, Malic dit Mali. He of the Malic family's transactions 7,692 in this The average value the criterion used 48 occasions. over 10,000 livres (meeting and he had three transactions member of the economic elite). It does not apwork for identifying a about the source of Malic's name. be a version of It is interesting to speculate version of a European name. It could It could refer to to have been a modified character in Haitian folktales. pear "little nasty," a trickster this time was defunct), alchough Ti Malice, Mali in west Africa (which by Arabic. Al-Malik (perthe Kingdom of the colony. It could be from the to manuMalic himself was born in Muslims). It was not a name given routinely colored who Malic's parents were ofa prominent free haps case, Malic was an example surname. While it mitted slaves. In any take on a French or French-sounding white socinever tried to ofindependence from apparently too far to call this a declaration from white patronage. would be going well with his general independence Malic was the legitimate ety, it does fitin hint of fwhite relatives, Sergeant in the A free black with no ofCap Français. His first appearance black couple in the town time he owned one piece son of a free cadastral survey ofCap, at which archives was in the 1776 Trois Chandelliers. This was a predominantly as16, rue des -the cadastral of property, at number and the house was not veryvaluable- value of 150 lirures per free colored neighborhood, and evaluated it at a rental redescribed it as a barraque which he operated a general sessors to have been his home, from year. 66 This appears Marie Coeflin, tail business. Malic married very successfully. His bride, in Limbé, a few In the followingyear, daughter ofa a free black planter mubut illegitimate like the illegitimate was the recognizedt she was not her father's heir, In their marriage conmiles from Cap. Although she was not left penniless. his perlatto children of fwhite planters, include his house, 2 slaves, merchandise,' list of Malic's property was said toi utensils, and an enormous tract, clothing, arms, furniture, tools, lirres. The bride, on the other sonal property, receivable totaling over 10,000 very small accounts ofa a free black planter mubut illegitimate like the illegitimate was the recognizedt she was not her father's heir, In their marriage conmiles from Cap. Although she was not left penniless. his perlatto children of fwhite planters, include his house, 2 slaves, merchandise,' list of Malic's property was said toi utensils, and an enormous tract, clothing, arms, furniture, tools, lirres. The bride, on the other sonal property, receivable totaling over 10,000 very small accounts --- Page 284 --- The Military Leadersbip Group . 257 hand, owned three lots in it (described in the act town, one oft them with a as renting for as a maison).7 Herl houses quite substantial on to building Itisi up 1,016 liures a year apiece. 68 appear in the notarial record later interesting to compare ored planter group members. In Malic's wedding with those of the very "bourgeois" what would have been a wealthy free colold prenuptial Chavannes or Laportes, Malic and very unusual step for the of child, Etienne. In addition, his bride legitimized a recognizing an illegitimate child Malic took the even more 3-yearguerite, aged 8. He reserved by another unusual step enough from the relationship, a girl named Marcommunity of propertyi in the mutual donation that currently the slave of fellow marriage contract to purchase and established the the little girl the militiaman Pierre free the little girl, bourgeois next year. 69 Both oft these Amoune. He purchased and freed morality that steps were clear would have extramarital governed the lives oft the mulatto violations ofthe code of marrythe mother and premarital sexual elite-not that the man ing done ofa child that he had relationships, but that he so, it would have been fathered through such a would nounce to the world in his inconceivable for any planter relationship. Havpecially one who was still a slave. marriage contract that he had an group man to anplace in their kin The planter elite illegitimate child, esmarriage group for their illegitimate slave very occasionally found a minor contracts. children, but it With his marriage, was not in their geant, he already had Malic's career began a he a respectable role in spectacular climb. As a became a regular fixture in free colored militia serthe society. After his marriages and burials. This is Cap parish registers as marriage, the Cap free colored. an indication of the godfather and witness at oft the wealth community. He also seems to respect in which he was held in His coming to him through his have used the concrete benefits father-in-law may have marriage to build his ofher places in town; such intended. his daughter to live economic position. approach to a rentier would comfortably on the rents which capital and wealth common strategy have fit into the Marie's father apparently among the free colored conservative sample aside from the belonged, although there is little planter group (to plunged marriage contract). Malic on him in the deeply into real estate liquidated some ofher Malic's most speculation in Cap.70 assets and with other profitable and durable economic is his long prominent free blacks, many ofthem also connections seem to have been association with Pierre sources militaryleaders. of the Desrouleaux Attila and their joint Oneerample as is common in heirs. Attila was most management of the rethese cases, likely Malic's was precise cousin or certainly an important business relationships are hard to pin nephew guardian, of the children contact. Attila was chosen down-and ofMadelaine Desrouleaux, as the tutor, Or negresse libre, upon her death ofthem also connections seem to have been association with Pierre sources militaryleaders. of the Desrouleaux Attila and their joint Oneerample as is common in heirs. Attila was most management of the rethese cases, likely Malic's was precise cousin or certainly an important business relationships are hard to pin nephew guardian, of the children contact. Attila was chosen down-and ofMadelaine Desrouleaux, as the tutor, Or negresse libre, upon her death --- Page 285 --- 258 . Economic and Social. Advancement and Malic was named their curator. The children, sometime in the spring of 1775, but there does not seem to have been any Madelaine and Louis, were mulatres, he his children seem Desrouleaux' in the offing. Whoever was, though, white Sieur There is no record of the mother's will Or death to have been well taken care of. the start of systematic notarial recordinventory, since the death took place before oft the size of However, we can get a good picture keeping in the North province. her estate from later notarial entries. belonging to the DesrouAttila rented Malic a building On 12 November 1775, the Place de Clugny, at the corner of leaux heirs that was described as a maison on involving the property of address. Transactions the rue Royalle, a very prestigious the state. The local court had to agree supervised by an orphan were very carefully and the tutor's work was usually overto the nomination ofa tutor forthe children, transaction. The miwhose was required for any major seen by a curator signature with the approval of the themselves could take action on their own account, nors but act of sale they performed was provisional, condicourt and their curator, any Attila, as tutor, and Malic, as curator, tional on their ratification upon majority. successfully. have this minefield ofi Fregulations seem to negotiated described in the act, but it rented for 3,600 liures a The house was not further contracts in the sample were year71 This is a truly massive sum - only 16 rental far the wealthiVincent Ogé, by and 3 of those were performed by more valuable, Malic did not rent this palace as a residence. est free colored in the North province. handsome Asis common white) businesspeople, at a profit. He sublet it to (mostly the scale of the profits in these cases, we have no documentation to demonstrate this area would We dol have indications ofwhat propertyin he made, unfortunately. The ubiquitous Vincent Ogé rented a twobasis. rent for on a month-to-month at the corner ofthe rues Vaudreuil and room apartment in a building he managed lease, in 1785, for neighborhood, on a 36-month St. Simon, in the same general Elisabeth dite Jolicoeur sublet a one-room 198 liures a month. 72 The marchande mixed to a Vicsomewhat down the rue Royalle, in a neighborhood, retail space A single room in a building on the toire Arelise in 1784 for 1,650 liures a year.. the oft the downtown at the rue du Chantier, again somewhat at edge rue Royalle the house Malic rented was located, went for soliures wealthy neighborhood where must have had at least six or month in A maison like the Desrouleaux's a 1777.24 could have been rented out in this way. seven rooms that residences from the mineurs Desrouleaux at Malic apparently rented two other them owning two other buildabout this time. The cadastral survey of 1776 shows toward the hill that in Cap, in a new area on the edge of town heading up ings was later sublet by Malic to Jean Bapoverlooks the harbor. One of the buildings in the cadastral survey at 500 licures a tiste Petit, for a rent equal to that estimated rouleaux's a 1777.24 could have been rented out in this way. seven rooms that residences from the mineurs Desrouleaux at Malic apparently rented two other them owning two other buildabout this time. The cadastral survey of 1776 shows toward the hill that in Cap, in a new area on the edge of town heading up ings was later sublet by Malic to Jean Bapoverlooks the harbor. One of the buildings in the cadastral survey at 500 licures a tiste Petit, for a rent equal to that estimated --- Page 286 --- Leadership Group . 259 The Military that the curator was suptransactions are rather odd considering while the tutor was year. 75 All these disinterested advocate for the children, who might be exposed to be an outside, friend of the deceased parents each member or close were to watch typically a family interests in mind. The two supposed of the curator gaining pected to have family here we have a case other and balance their powersintead, of the financial interest in the estate. between managers and renters a unclear how this cozy relationship This was a time of economic It is affected the children's net worth. AlDesrouleaux estate the end oft the War of American Independence. The in Cap, especially after have failed to make money. boom owned urban real estate could and those most nobody who made princely sums from their holdings, either mineurs Desrouleaux certainly that required little management locked into long-term contracts this was the preferable situasums were from their guardians. Perhaps from them directly Or of 1781, Attila and tion, all in all. though. On the last day DesrouOne final datum gives me pause, of for young Louis for inked a contract Fapprenticeship Sing, a tailor, tailor working Jacques Sing, three years as an apprentice for an leaux. The boy was to spend Not only was this a rather high price the necesof1,500 liures to the estate.) but one questions at a cost median value being 1,166 liures, trade. Now, the alone to be taught a manual apprenticeship, with such resources in land aside from the planter sity for a boy coloreds from all economic levels, trade. This was true as we have seen, free themselves as practitioners of a practicing frequently described activities made actually elites, clear that their other economic of the price of a even when it is However, one questions the expenditure it unlikely, looking that trade unnecessary. man a trade that his wealth made in Atslave on teaching the young that he would ever need to exercise-unless, events of 1791 from the perspective of 1781, somehow at risk. Perhaps, given the found a that wealth was to survive them, tila's opinion, Louis, ifhe was lucky enough the far-seeing Atand the aftermath, young skills. One doubts that even use for his hard-won and expensive though. were that development, and social position tila anticipated young, in 1781, and his property now "the widow Malic died relatively wife, Marie Coeflin, free determined and energetic role in Cap taken by his build their fortune and play an important: As late as Malic." n She continued to Malic's network of military colleagues. mancolored society, benefiting from of militiaman Pierre Augustin, to the mother ticklish oflaw 1786, she rented an apartment and resolve a number of points aging thereafter to collect her money to a lawsuit.77 without needing to resort and Brigadier la Bastide, between with Augustin between Prévôt Leprestre milita officers Olivier, LeThe relationships and Fabien Gentil, between Captain Dupetithouars : As late as Malic." n She continued to Malic's network of military colleagues. mancolored society, benefiting from of militiaman Pierre Augustin, to the mother ticklish oflaw 1786, she rented an apartment and resolve a number of points aging thereafter to collect her money to a lawsuit.77 without needing to resort and Brigadier la Bastide, between with Augustin between Prévôt Leprestre milita officers Olivier, LeThe relationships and Fabien Gentil, between Captain Dupetithouars --- Page 287 --- and Social. Advancement 260 : Economic Zogo and Aubetween Sergeant Malic and his underlings benefits that miliMoine, and Auba, and the combined social and financial all of made one a gentleman gustin were examples coloreds. Holding a commission invited service offered to free When the governor of the colony tary skin was the wrong color. the king's sword, whites even if one's his table, and Olivier displayed Vincent Olivier to sit at Even without the commission, colored him trustworthy. free more likely to consider officer made the lucky were of a white militia it easier for him to simply being the protégé in the eyes of other whites, made him in the serviceman more trustworthy himself fand his family, and probably put services for (as we have seen in the repeated obtain government from his military service rewards to their faway of greater income distributed maréchaussée pay and officer complaints that white officers humble official role of noncommissioned Even having the more colored colleagues that provided a signifivorites). to build a network of free was sufficient in business. in this society. Wealth cant advantage advancement, then, went together could help obFinancial and social and good social connections service of could provide a start toward gentility, this, and families used the military tain wealth. Free coloreds realized the whole group. member to advance one family Joseph La Bastide and ofCroix des Bouquets did this was that ofJoseph la Bastide, inheritance. He was One family that assisted André Leprestre in getting his rank made Port-au-Prince, who officer, ofthe maréhaussée. His higher and in line or noncommissioned of two brothers, a brigadier, local figure. He was the younger Pierre, owned most of him an important family strategies, his older brother, with traditional French ofCroix des Bouquets, the family's assets. 12 timesin the notarialrecords times three lots in the The family's name appears Pierre owned at different sewer that he Mirebalais, and Por-au-Prince. alongside the municipal Mirebalais, including one right 1788.91 Herpredvillage of illegitimate childrenin former mistress and presumedi and a young gave to his received 128 carreaux ofpastureland: mill in the a better deal in r78ishe a and concrete ecessor got Pierre also owned quarry land female slave off a slave ship.," more than 150 carreaux oflow-quality and hills to the north ofCroix des Bouquets, de la Cul de Sac north of Por-au-Prince, the Plaine on the hills overlooking but various other properties. made to the la Bastide family was intangible to local The contribution that Joseph he provided a vital conduit crucial. Perhaps most importandly, nonetheless land: mill in the a better deal in r78ishe a and concrete ecessor got Pierre also owned quarry land female slave off a slave ship.," more than 150 carreaux oflow-quality and hills to the north ofCroix des Bouquets, de la Cul de Sac north of Por-au-Prince, the Plaine on the hills overlooking but various other properties. made to the la Bastide family was intangible to local The contribution that Joseph he provided a vital conduit crucial. Perhaps most importandly, nonetheless --- Page 288 --- Leadership Group . 261 The Military of the region, was an essential prévôt of the maréchaussée and slaves in the mounelites. Sieur Leprestre, attempting to run cattle keep poor in the contact for any landowner situation in this area was very was being tains of the West province. The security that the la Bastide family fortune the time Pins had made their and 1760S, at precisely of the Forêt des 1750S Even in the 1780s, after the maroons to hinder maroon bands operbuilt. and the Spanish had agreed to ofthe deppeace with the colony planters in the area continued complain business in this area ating out of their territory, A landowner attempting to do in the rural redations of runaway slaves. officer benefit from having a top noncommisioned to the white police comwould certainly and a close patronage relationship without important police in his family true of a landowner This would be more strikingly mander. white kin, like Pierre la Bastide. the white elite through their maréchaussée connection to white la Bastide Moreover, the family's the free colored world. The original if there them status in it is even unclear member gave during the period the sample covered; have been a social handicapwas not present white progenitor. This would one's name, what one calls was an identifiable such as declared ability to sign scored measures of status white relatives generally in forth, families with identifiable on these and SO scored fairly! high one's house, ofCroix des Bouquets under study, higher. However, the la Bastides his name during the period well. Pierre only began to sign was apparently litmeasures as acts in which he appeared) Joseph a aconly one ofthe 15 documents in which he was principal signing his name to both of the dit Gueyin, could sign to accept a erate, signing Jean Charles Benjamin Pierre's son, Jean Pierre dit tor. Pierre's son-in-law, in the name of his wife, while not called upon donation from Pierre wife was apparently Clair, did not sign the same act. Gueyin's Bois for the donation." and may not have been present the bride at the wedding ofMarie to sign ad hoc and gave away This is acted as tutor Repussard on 7June 1778. Joseph Barbancourt to Pierre Dieudonné bears is that of a prominent white Magdaleine the surname that the bride in Haitis rum producbecause role today significant family that still has an important at the wedding, however. sugar-planting of that family signed the register contract, this imtion. No members could use the surname in her marriage The Nevertheless, ifthe bride that it did not dispute too emphatically. a subconnection with the family at the wedding and gave plies a father of the groom, who was present Repussard, a reasonably prominent presumed was Sieur) Joseph Even stantial present to the couple, the rarefied heights of the Barbancourts. his landowner, if not quite from circles and strengthening white Joseph was moving in high this early in his career, colored families.* 82 ties with important free . No members could use the surname in her marriage The Nevertheless, ifthe bride that it did not dispute too emphatically. a subconnection with the family at the wedding and gave plies a father of the groom, who was present Repussard, a reasonably prominent presumed was Sieur) Joseph Even stantial present to the couple, the rarefied heights of the Barbancourts. his landowner, if not quite from circles and strengthening white Joseph was moving in high this early in his career, colored families.* 82 ties with important free --- Page 289 --- 262 . Economic and Sacialdisanement ENTREPRENEURSRIP The la Bastide tude free colored family also serves as an example of the military leaders more freely in land. On several adopted toward their wealth. entrepreneurial La attisometimes at several occasions, he developed Bastide traded into times their price. So, for properties and resold partnership with a white example, in of them, cent parcels neighbor, Sieur June 1778, he went Mirebalais ofland, described as "small, > Baillif, to jointly operate two and Croix des 83 that they owned on the adjato be developed in Bouquets. The land, mostly border between la Bastide sold his indigo cultivation during a pasture at the time, was share of the land in 7-year renewable digo and was worth 1784, it was partnership. When in 2,000 livres. 84 Neither act described as an habitation in question, and the total value of specified the size invalue of several slaves the first ofthe piece ofland la Bastide committed partnership agreement precise percentage by which the to the project, SO we included the However, it is clear that value ofthe land increased cannot know the reau, and turned he took a piece of under his cially. A"small" it into an babitation, with all pastureland, that worth IO to 20 stewardship. livres a carpiece ofland, in implies socially as well 30 carreaux, SO the land Mirebalais context, could as finanvalue in 1778. was worth, in 1784, in round not be more than 25 to Planter terms, four to five times its ties. The group members did not widow Turgeau and her experience this sort of growth in their plantation, but their income did son, for example, made properfor which we have not vary more than steady profits on their were 8,975 livres records. 85 Maximum and 40 percent over the nine IO sols in minimum incomes years the Turgeau family did 1786 and 5,634 livres 12 sols 6 during that time less common not sell land, as this was deniers in 1778. Of course, among the something that not have the market's planter group than among the was considerably figures assessment of the value military leaders, SO we give us a good of of their do picture a safe investment property, but the income producing a regular income. Pierre Zogo Another military leader who where the la Bastide was active in the urban militia wealth was located, was sphere rather than the rural, sergeant Pierre Simon Cap to notice Zogo for his Zogo (sometimes Joqui). entrepreneur, We have craftsman, and ofa a military leader who many manumissions ofhis slaves. Here already had cause one that was went by an "African" nameagain is an given to freed slaves in this a example out his career. His and that case, fairly common act Zogo, unusually, cofmanumission was not in the hung onto throughsample, but from this datum located, was sphere rather than the rural, sergeant Pierre Simon Cap to notice Zogo for his Zogo (sometimes Joqui). entrepreneur, We have craftsman, and ofa a military leader who many manumissions ofhis slaves. Here already had cause one that was went by an "African" nameagain is an given to freed slaves in this a example out his career. His and that case, fairly common act Zogo, unusually, cofmanumission was not in the hung onto throughsample, but from this datum --- Page 290 --- The Military. Leadership Group . 263 it seems that it took to take the place no earlier than names of whites 1773, when free coloreds name "drawn from the by government edict and were were forbidden ritual obeisance African idiom. "86 Acts required to use a to this regulation of manumission surnewly freed slave. Most by attaching an consistently made a French relative freedmen dropped the Afican-sounding name to the Zogo or at the very least of a "African" name in favor of that of As throughour his life, Pierre Simon French-ounding handle. was common with militia underlined his lack of white By sticking to selves as such in the notarial noncommissioned. officers who connections. with whites. His record, Zogo had little identified themthose instances name appeared 26 times in the business or personal contact was a white a notarial cent for the principal actor (38.6 archives; in only IO of than that population as a whole). The only hint percent, as opposed to 49.9 perofbuyer and seller was the ofa Zogo's godson, two acts in which relationship more profound Ulisse, and Sieur Pierre was a very important picked up the cost ofthe 87 Risteau freed oftheir relationship, liberty tax. own. Risteau, by especially to these men without Godparenthood a quasi-kin frecing Zogos godson, must have influential kin relationship to Zogo, but the verged on Zogo was not a member of relationship some sort of evaluated at over the economic elite of the seemingly went no further. Christmas Eve, 10,000 liures. His most valuable colony. He made no acts 1781, for7,920 livres, and act was the sale of a appears is 2,629. liures. 88 His the mean value of the 26 boat on became an economic role was as a skilled acts in which he vessels which entrepreneur and small-scale merchant. He worker, a boatman, who plied routes from owned several small quadaire de Limonade and Cap Français to nearby sailing mentioned in the Fort Dauphin. The towns such as l'Embarnotarial largest of act as a archives was about 30 these boats that was chaloupe, or dinghy. feet long and was a fee, rented his boats Apparently, Zogo described in the count. Boat rental to clients by the voyage, transported and cargo and people for from Fort carried on 14-ton schooner evaluated Dauphin to Cap in cargo his own acto Zogo's at around 7,000 livres 1782 cost 150 livres a for largest boat. 89 There is total value - trip a but they can be estimated: no direct evidence on more or less similar A 30-foot freight Or people or IO tons of sailboat in Haitian waters passenger rates, Capin 1782 would cargo. Those today might carry have to passengers traveling from of cargo would start pay about 30, sols plus the Fort Dauphin to The intra-island at about 7 liures IO sols. operator's profit margin; a ton cial to the shipping business, although bulky economy. Especially given the small-scale, was nature ofa lot ofthe difficulties of overland nonetheless crutations by sea was essential. produce, the ability to move transport and the négociant and future This business seems to have cargoes to and from planrebel Vincent been quite Ogé was heavily involved in profitable. Cap short-haul ship- sols plus the Fort Dauphin to The intra-island at about 7 liures IO sols. operator's profit margin; a ton cial to the shipping business, although bulky economy. Especially given the small-scale, was nature ofa lot ofthe difficulties of overland nonetheless crutations by sea was essential. produce, the ability to move transport and the négociant and future This business seems to have cargoes to and from planrebel Vincent been quite Ogé was heavily involved in profitable. Cap short-haul ship- --- Page 291 --- 264 . Economic and Social. Advancement trans-Atlantic trade. At one point, he formed a partnership ping as well as the to a schooner evaluated at with a white merchant and a white captain archives operate issuing a notarized order to liures; later he appeared in the notarial 10,000 short-haul sailboat to bring a cargo from Cayes to Cap Franthe captain ofanother France instead of carrying it directly to North America. çais for transshipment to as he had thought, or perhaps he was Perhaps the vessel was not as "short-haul" the exclusif mercantilist trade covering himself against accusations of violating hauling was a risky business, as a regulations. 90 Byits very nature, seagoing cargo the manmade danger ofthe British result both of the natural perils ofthe sea and for high in wartime. It was, therefore, the perfect feld entrepreneurships and Navy technical skill but limited initial investment, prorisk, high gain, requiring of the plantation economy. Zogo's viding an essential service to the core industry because he had more of his eggs in one role in this trade was riskier than Oge's, diversified. basket, whereas Ogé, a wealthier man, was better officer colleagues, was an So Zogo, like many of his militia noncommissioned holdings, no matter how comfortentrepreneur. Fewwere willing to sit on peasant few seemed had nominal trades such as carpenter or mason, able. Although many than they had to, preferring the status ofindewilling to work for hire any more of noncommissioned officer businessman. The nature of the job military in a humpendent attitude that would not be comfortable almost required a take-charge vision oft these men as rising from slavery drum, workaday world. It also suits our that they would be willing to take more Or less as a result of their own initiative risks for further economic success once free and self-supporting. CONCLUSION within free free colored military leaders were a distinct group In conclusion, then, wealthier than the mass of free colcolored society. This group was significantly the planter group in wealth, aloreds. Some members of this group approached financial terms. Many famiin the aggregate, they fell below them in raw though, had had significant wealth for some decades, lies who were members oft this group families of the planter group, though, like in some cases as long as the established new members throughout their rivals, the military leadership group was recruiting the period under study. a transitional middle class The military leadership group was not, however, status with enough finanwhose members would eventually achieve planter group they pursued different success or passage of enough time. Instead, cial or social than their neighbors. They were markedly strategies and rose along a different path the seeking finanin their entrepreneurship than planter group, more aggressive for some decades, lies who were members oft this group families of the planter group, though, like in some cases as long as the established new members throughout their rivals, the military leadership group was recruiting the period under study. a transitional middle class The military leadership group was not, however, status with enough finanwhose members would eventually achieve planter group they pursued different success or passage of enough time. Instead, cial or social than their neighbors. They were markedly strategies and rose along a different path the seeking finanin their entrepreneurship than planter group, more aggressive --- Page 292 --- The Military Leadership Group . 265 aristocratic values that were the goals of the planter cial gain at the expense of the result of of and protection of Their social success was not the acquisition such as group. of traditional markers of status prestige landed estates and manipulation the central component in their social possessions, literacy, or surnames. Instead, that they built up among themsuccess was the network of patronage relationships with lower-class free coloreds. These selves, with their white officers and, especially, in family acts of unrerelationships were established through both participation the to smooth the way creating pseudo-kin relations between parties lated persons, actual business transactions. Military for future business dealings, and through with in their "circle," SO deleaders were much more likely to do business people from the members of fined, and also granted and received financial concessions of color even extended to Their patronage ofl lower-class people these networks. of any group in the colony. This slaves, as they were the most active manumittors small slaveholdings when compared fact is especially striking given their relatively to to those of free coloreds or white planters. them a special place in society. The distinctiveness of the military leaders gave with the lower classes, They were in a much better position, given their relationship lead the society through the trauma oft the Revolution. to --- Page 293 --- a CHAPTER TWELVE Conclusion minted Ph.D.sin history, has spent some time This author, like many other newly On the first day of class, I always menteaching part-time in a community college. students that we all write research paperstion my research, as a way of showing about research often include the just before I assign them theirs. Questions my depending on the tact of the - sometimes it is a spoken one, unspoken question studying this group ofpeople. a questioner- ofwhy someone would spend fiveyears the to ask any author, and one Itis a question that any reader should have right of color in Saint Dominin this case. Free people that might be especially pointed suffered from enormous social and legal gue were not very numerous, and they owned land and slaves, something not handicaps in this society. Granted, they colonies. Research for this book has permitted them in some other plantation third of all slaves. It has been demonstrated that free coloreds owned as much as a backcountry land time that they owned significant chunks ofthe known for some coffee, as well as a few sugar plantations. Still, that was most useful for growing The largest plantations were white planters owned more of both capital goods. filled all the niches in free almost all in the hands of white sugar barons. Whites Does looking at the free colsociety, from planter plutocrat to starving beggar. only a small miof the society if they produced oreds advance our understanding nority ofits goods? that free coloreds were little different from their In addition, it has been argued size oft their land- and slaveholdings. They white neighbors, except for the smaller like whites that they to be like whites, and some were SO much free clearly aspired case attests. A Marxist analysis ofthe "passed" into whiteness, as many a legal interests were the same as those colored planter, at least, would say that his class --- Page 294 --- Conclusion : 267 of his white neighbor, and consciousness. goods? that free coloreds were little different from their In addition, it has been argued size oft their land- and slaveholdings. They white neighbors, except for the smaller like whites that they to be like whites, and some were SO much free clearly aspired case attests. A Marxist analysis ofthe "passed" into whiteness, as many a legal interests were the same as those colored planter, at least, would say that his class --- Page 294 --- Conclusion : 267 of his white neighbor, and consciousness. any difference in attitude based Still, when the crunch on race was a false of the interests as distinct from those of Revolution the came, many free coloreds identical with the slave white plantocracy;, saw their the events of 1790 -1804, lumpenproletariat They formed a although not necessarily allying with separate vaders, or slave French political force in lution, free rebels as they saw their interests revolutionaries, royalists, British colored planters, advanced. Even inown distinctivenes represented by Julien before the Revotreated the from the Raimond, tried to assert same as white planters, Afican-descended masses and their their nineteenth century, After the right to be they tried to Revolution, in the first history of that period is marked continue as a rural half of the the newly enfranchised by a collision between landholding their elite. The social bean, blacks, who, like new freedmen interests and those of cultural overwhelmingly laborers. wanted to become small farmers elsewhere in the CaribFrustrated as rather than grated to the port towns and planters, many of the old free landless agrithe interests of their became a commercial colored families miclass with class just as would elite, wielding state an important role any bourgeois power for Moreover, former to play in future events, ruling class. As a self-aware transformations. free coloreds did not form they deserve our study. Scholars a unitary eral different ofthe period have group in any of these the Revolution, groups within the blanket generallyignored the existence ofsevcolored while Rigaud and his forces designation "free people of color. > planters, another former free represented the interests During great revolutionary faction, colored, Tousaint offormer free war freedmen. the slave rebels. Louverture, led the other Before the Toussaints army whose attitudes and values Revolution, Toussaint and his contained many prefolk. The two were sharply different from peers formed a group tile to some groups practiced some mutual those of Raimond and his lution, extent, although it. is easy to segregation and were hosgroups of similar exaggerate this tendency. After mutually Haitian scene, with characteristics continued to the Revogenerally darker-skinned play out similar roles on the cooperating with under the military leaders racy. As the forerunners of politique de doublure, the former free competing with, or period, these a significant divide in colored plantocgroups also deserve our Haitian society in the Finally, the role of free attention. national a chemical reaction, people of color in a slave society, like role. groups of similar exaggerate this tendency. After mutually Haitian scene, with characteristics continued to the Revogenerally darker-skinned play out similar roles on the cooperating with under the military leaders racy. As the forerunners of politique de doublure, the former free competing with, or period, these a significant divide in colored plantocgroups also deserve our Haitian society in the Finally, the role of free attention. national a chemical reaction, people of color in a slave society, like role. Like maybe to that of a any "intermediate disproportionate class,' 5 their numbers and their catalyst in ruling class, doing jobs that free coloreds served as a economic manding too much initiative were too dirty for them but handy auxiliary for the coloreds of Saint to be entrusted to slaves. The too threatening or deDomingue is a prime example ofthis military role ofthe free role, while the mixed-race --- Page 295 --- and Social. Advancement 268 . Economic might serve mistresses of the white plantocracy existence the mere children and African-Dominguan even more important, though, the system by managers. Perhaps valve for on as plantation escape pressure someof the free coloreds was an important coloreds and hope that they, too, might the could look at the free to what society slaves. Slaves worked hard and conformed of slaves, achieve that status if they be realistic hope for the majority day them. This would not a for the aristocracy of expected of life in the fields. However, hope for doomed to a short and unpleasant domestic servants, and leadership types, for the technical experts, slaves whose cooperation was necessary slavery, realistic. It was these the most and was manumission In addition, these slaves were expensive to be to obto succeed. seemed a slave uprising The easier manumission these key difficult to obtain on the plantations. for the free colored group, the happier then, the tain and the better the conditions As a "leaven" for the slave society, on would be with the system. better understand that society individuals deserve our studyi in order to free people ofcolor the slave society of its own terms. written for the purpose of studying we look at Saint This book has been oft the twenty-first century, Saint Domingue. From the perspective for the roots ofHaitis societyin Saint ofHaiti and look but this work prefers Domingue as the ancestor task for a historian, This is not an inappropriate without considering what happened in Domingue's. on its own merits, slave societies to look at Saint Domingue ofthe Caribbean was the most prosperous English in the continenlater. Saint Domingue for French sugar displacing coffee revolution earlier the 1780s. It was responsible century. It experienced the coffee industries tal tradein the mid-eighteenth and had one of the most productive of slaves carried by than most of the Caribbean the destination of the majority the sucthe region after 1750. It was slave traders, as witness in market for English was a very imthe French and an important slave trade aside, Saint Domingue of Bellanton. The for the growth cess ofZabeau for France and, as such, was responsible the history of the next portant trading partner such an important role in French bourgeoisie, to play the Greater Antilles to experience the was the first among blazing a hundred years. The colony to full-scale plantation agriculture, the effects of the transition effect on economic the sweeping and Cuba to follow. It had an enormous as indeed it continues course for, Jamaica Spanish Santo Domingo, along with and social history ofits neighbor, ofFrench Louisiana, It also affected the development Finally, as a market to do to this day. colonies in the Caribbean. of other small French plantation in the development the America, it was an important engine for autonomy in for goods from North and of the commercial pressure of New England the commerce that region. to full-scale plantation agriculture, the effects of the transition effect on economic the sweeping and Cuba to follow. It had an enormous as indeed it continues course for, Jamaica Spanish Santo Domingo, along with and social history ofits neighbor, ofFrench Louisiana, It also affected the development Finally, as a market to do to this day. colonies in the Caribbean. of other small French plantation in the development the America, it was an important engine for autonomy in for goods from North and of the commercial pressure of New England the commerce that region. --- Page 296 --- Conclusion . 269 to their numbers in players out of proportion this Thus, The free coloreds were important to its size during period. world out of proportion oft the Atlantic that was important ofthe history a colony ofthem is relevant to an understanding a study century. shows that there were imin the late eighteenth free coloreds of Saint Domingue in colonial Saint This study of the the racial caste. Free colored society elite and differences within individuals, the planter both portant produced two groups of high-status similar in that they were Domingue leadership group. These groups were of free coloreds. The planter the military social level than the mass their humwealthier and at a higher but the militaryleaders also outstripped added to elite was the wealthiest group, realm. The military leadership their free coloreds in the financial to them from bler fellow significant social advantages accruing lowertheir considerable wealth kin networks that they built up among and from the fictive official positions arclass coloreds. The book has looked at two principal in These groups differed in many ways. The first is the degree of Fentrepreneunship between the two. what extent were they were willing eas of difference toward capital goods, that is, to and to what extent did they their attitude for financial advancement for status as landto use land and slaves purely values. The planter elite's quest They looked on non-economic seek to maximize often tempered their entreprencunhip. class of landed arisholders and slave owners and acted almost as an indigenous was as important themselves, seemingly, a landowner and an habitant For them, the fact ofbeing from entrepreneurship. tocrats. than the revenue available agricultural to engage in finanOr more important this mentalité through a marked tendency of revenue. They demonstrated conservation of capital over maximization owners or milithat stressed than white cial strategies and slaves off the market longer of They kept both land sold smaller units of both categories to owners, and they to risk capital tary leadership group they did sell. They were generally unwilling as a whole were riskcapital goods when business expansion. Free coloreds for who alobtain credit to finance social price than it did whites, borFailure for them carried a higher France. White planters routinely averse. of returning home to whereas for free ways had the option of the cost of agricultural capital, free colored planter rowed upwards of 60 percent closer to 20 percent. The whole the figure was to extremes, rarely coloreds as a conservatism of free coloreds great of the military elite carried the general of major purchases. Free coloreds businesses give leveraging any significant portion business in urban areas, and these Some group were often in attitude toward capital. leadership entrepreneurial in 5, 6, evidence of their more aggressively commergants who appear chapters military leadership group free colored , free colored planter rowed upwards of 60 percent closer to 20 percent. The whole the figure was to extremes, rarely coloreds as a conservatism of free coloreds great of the military elite carried the general of major purchases. Free coloreds businesses give leveraging any significant portion business in urban areas, and these Some group were often in attitude toward capital. leadership entrepreneurial in 5, 6, evidence of their more aggressively commergants who appear chapters military leadership group free colored --- Page 297 --- 270 . Economic and Sacialdhuancommnt and 7, like Zabeau Bellanton speculative traders and Jacques immigrant. and as consumers of Coidavy, were as aggressive, both as credit, as any The relative land-hungry young white youth oft the free ternate explanation for this colored population of the cities Young people went difference in gives rise to an alin theirs search. to the cities to seek their aggressiveness fortunes between the two Once having and used groups. tire to the achieved respectable aggressive tactics and practices countryside and seek respectability wealth, they were expected to reofthe planter by: adhering to the to be the case, elite, traditional values though, as seen in progresirebrioininge this class. This turns group who scored financial chapter II. Members of the out not and gains in urban military attempt to become babitants. business did reinvest in the leadership markers of high status such They also often countryside even "whitening" as impressive possessions, sought other, non-economic seph la Bastide in strategies the in rare cases. However, the legitimate marriage, and show us that the attitudes West province and Capitaine Vincent examples of Brigadier Jotoward capital did ofthese successful Olivier in the North not military leadership tary leadership markedlychange. Even group members Vincent, did group families, like the children second-generations members not transform into and of ofmiliOn the other planter group members grandchildren in Capitaine their hand,pareemue members oft the their attitudes. children, did not planter elite, like the neurial stage before seemingly pass through much of an menagères and counterexample adopting the conservative aggressively ofJulie strategies of their entreprethe rule. She failed rather Dahey's abortive pottery shop is the group. Even the with a white in this quickly at an entrepreneurial exception that proves vative element. business. He provided the "sweat business. She was partner agricultural Following that, she invested the rest of equity-already her a conserlution enterprises that would have. funds in not intervened. The other left her a major sugarp had conservative, whom the reader has matriarchs of planter the Revoample, met, like Nanette illegitimate mixed-race were careful to stick to the Pincemaille or the widow families tional for their group. agricultural enterprises that Turgeau, for exAnother were more convenmajor area of differencel between distinguishing factor between these two groups, and The planter elite was them, was their connections perhaps the key they had family principally connected to wealthyw to the rest of society. the white members who were influential whites. white society. In many cases, relatives progenitor ofa a planter elite Even in those cases were around, as in the family was SO distant in where still invited unrelated case of the Laportes of time that few close the mosti intimate white neighbors to participate in Limonade, these families family issues. Moreover, they notarial acts dealing with were overwhelmingly likely to do them, was their connections perhaps the key they had family principally connected to wealthyw to the rest of society. the white members who were influential whites. white society. In many cases, relatives progenitor ofa a planter elite Even in those cases were around, as in the family was SO distant in where still invited unrelated case of the Laportes of time that few close the mosti intimate white neighbors to participate in Limonade, these families family issues. Moreover, they notarial acts dealing with were overwhelmingly likely to do --- Page 298 --- Conclusion . 271 business with whites or members of transacted 50 percent of their sales their own group. The oreds of their own and rental contracts Laportes, for example, partners. group. An additional 42 percent of exclusively with free colthese acts Only 8 percent of their business included white group. Thus, they had transactions were with free militaryclass orthe relatively few dealings with other coloreds not oftheir masses, With the free coloreds, planter elite almost never exception ofa either the shared fewanomalous group. Not for these people, family acts with free coloreds individuals, the Pincemaille, and except for not of their social a few other less Jean-Baptiste tice of notable Chavanne, acting as godfather or exceptions, was the Michel-Frangois social standing. marriage witness for unrelated military leaders' pracfree coloreds They also had oflower than either the seemingly cold relations with their slaves. in total than the miltarykeadenshipg group or whites. They freed fewer slaves land whites. An Theyc clearly owned was in the hands offree estimated 30 percent of the slave fewer slaves been in the hands of the coloreds by 1786. Of those, more population of the isgreater overall wealth planter elite, given their than half must have of free coloreds. as compared with both the greater total slaveholdings and the lower Thus, the bulk of slaves military leadership and the raw number of remained in the hands mass does not suggest that manumissions by free coloreds ofwhites, and SO slaves. The they were less likely than ofthe planter elite group planter greater stability of free colored whites, in proportion, to free elite, would make it less families, especially true their theiri illegitimate children likely that planter elite among the umissions by and their slave members would be whites. mistresses, an frecing of these However, it would be reasonable important motive for manhad family individuals, members especially among the new recruits to suspect that at least a few dence, that the free still in servitude. Thus, it seems, in to the the group, might have colored rate, planter elite freed their absence of solid eviIn proportionally to their smaller overall slaves at more or less the contrast, warm relations with the slavcholdings, as did whites. same military leadership group. In rest of colored society and with whites, place ofthe kinship distinguished the built networks upon which the planter elite networks, both within the offictive kin through relied, the military group witnesses at marriages, and other godfathering ofunrelated leadership group in these networks family acts. children, serving as number of were also members ofthe Although many of the those receiving militaryleadenship participants coloreds, patronage from military leaders group, a significant The free colored were lower-class free those contacts were military of leadership group had contacts with considerably lesser whites, although importance to them both socially and elite networks, both within the offictive kin through relied, the military group witnesses at marriages, and other godfathering ofunrelated leadership group in these networks family acts. children, serving as number of were also members ofthe Although many of the those receiving militaryleadenship participants coloreds, patronage from military leaders group, a significant The free colored were lower-class free those contacts were military of leadership group had contacts with considerably lesser whites, although importance to them both socially and --- Page 299 --- . Economic and Social Advancement These relations were such contacts to the planter group. contacts beeconomically than were arm's length than the warm personal businesslike and at when members ofthe military also more and their white relatives. Even to find persons tween the planters white relative, and it was not uncommon an leadership group had a member would not be such important of mixed race in this group, that the family case for the planter group. and the of their lives as would be their circle of clients, part the military leadership group enlarged slaves at a rate unsurpassed by Moreover, free coloreds as a whole, by freeing behavior toward their population of as discussed in chapter 5, their leadership other group. In addition, cultural values. The military any of African and sold slaves may betray a persistence valued them more highly, and bought slaves, more African-bor slaves, to free their creole genowned In contrast, they were more likely than was the free colored populathem more frecly. of their African-born slaves, tradition of treating erally the children betray the persistence ofthe African to sale Or direct emtion as a whole. This may in war) as "trade" slaves subject often accorded (or caprured household were slaves purchased slaves born to the master's and were not subject ployment. Meanwhile, work the land Or enjoy possessions, between certain rights, such as to The whole issue of the relationship in dire circumstances. research. This work attempts to sale except coloreds is one that calls for further with the comparison slaves and free road signs for future investigation to place some preliminary colored slave populations in chapter 5- further study is the reof white and free book raises and that will require between Another issue that this of the military. The differences between the different groups all their leaders as one undivided lationship but this analysis has treated but the differing the groups are noted, the characteristics described here, group. They all demonstrated would reward further analysis. climate of paconditions of their service ad hoc raised in a as an organization ranks. Its junior leaders were The Chascurs-Volontsises a wide variety of men to its but what led one militriotic fervor, attracted officers for the most part, like Jean-Baptiste serving militia noncommisioned to sign up, while a colleague, like Pierre Augustin, tia sergeant, Its lowest Malic, stayed home? another very different organization. supposed as he overThe maréchaussée was officeri in his own right, does the archer, was almost a noncommissioned The analysis presented here rank, activities ofa number ofsupemnumerarics. although some were quite saw the the ranks ofthe militaryleaders, were designated as notinclude the archersin communities, because officially they from the other prominent men in their was strikingly different However, the marécbausste received private soldiers. never" "at peace." " Maréchaussée supemumerariess was always acorganizationsi in thatitwas peace Or war. The maréchaussée manumission at all times, tax-free commissioned The analysis presented here rank, activities ofa number ofsupemnumerarics. although some were quite saw the the ranks ofthe militaryleaders, were designated as notinclude the archersin communities, because officially they from the other prominent men in their was strikingly different However, the marécbausste received private soldiers. never" "at peace." " Maréchaussée supemumerariess was always acorganizationsi in thatitwas peace Or war. The maréchaussée manumission at all times, tax-free --- Page 300 --- Conclusion . 273 from the point of view of the confronting the important enemy, more likely to receive pative and regularly This made maréchausée men maréchaussée anyway. acts executed by white plantocracy, whites. In fact, 51 percent ofall notarial while for militiamen, the figtronage from families included a white participant, men and their is the connecure is 33 percent. further study, and perhaps the most fruitful, and the HaiThe final avenue for colony, the revolutionary military, that between the military oft the It seems reasonable to assume tion ofthe independence period. armed forces in the COtian armed forces the leaders, of the free colored leader trying to form an the soldiers, and especially been an important asset to any use trained men lonial period would have Generals are notoriously willing to New) Model. Army during the Revolution. could form his army differences. IfCromwelle ofCzaristofficers, it seems regardless ofideological and' Trotsky! his Red Armyc out in their army for outofRoyalist prisoners, rebels in Haiti could find a place Tousreasonable to assume that slave they did just this as early as 1791, when free colored leaders. In fact, the slave leaders of the insurrection. trained as secretary to retain control of saint Louverture was employed To what extent did they does not important was their contribution? Aisen-Provence How institution in the early national period? to be hoped that Haithe army as an to answer this question. Itis to this work. contain the materials necessary that will shape the successor the archives will provide the answers to make comparisons between tian the book attempts colonies. This Finally, in a few places Domingue and that in other plantation ofgroup situation described in Saint study, butt thebroad mechanism societobe a comparative: of other slave work does not pretend be considered in the context slave reoutlined here might because ofits great formation for uniqueness has a reputation colonies oft the Americas. ties. Saint Domingue successful one in the plantation society of Saint bellion, the only wholly conditions found in the pre-revolutionary Rico owned However, many of the colonies. Free coloreds in Puerto Doresemble those in other land, much more than in Saint Domingue of the agricultural areas like Limonade. While an enormous percentage more than in the coffee highland it still experhaps even complex, produced mingue, far from the core ofthe plantation some connection Puerto Rico was and free colored farmers there had their crops during this period, elite"i in Puerto Rico? Might presence port market. Was there a "planter in that colony? Free coloreds in with the and behaviors of free coloreds to the defense oftheir explain attitudes elsewhere made important contributions with military rank Cuba,Jamaica, and society rewarded these contributions free coloreds was growcolonies. In many cases, racist discrimination: against even while "military leadership group'in and responsibility, military! leaders form a distinct ing worse. Did these their colonies? --- Page 301 --- 274 . Economic and Social. Advancement In sum, then, this book demonstrates that slave societies were not as simple as they might seem on the surface. History is complex and is carried out by individuals. Saint Domingue's free coloreds were individuals. They had distinct interests, or perceived interests, or prejudices, that led them into courses of action that make a hash of racially based or class-based analysis. This work looks at them in the aggregate and tentatively discerns some commonalties. Until we have a science of human behavior that works as rigorously as the physical sciences, this is the best that can be done. Social. Advancement In sum, then, this book demonstrates that slave societies were not as simple as they might seem on the surface. History is complex and is carried out by individuals. Saint Domingue's free coloreds were individuals. They had distinct interests, or perceived interests, or prejudices, that led them into courses of action that make a hash of racially based or class-based analysis. This work looks at them in the aggregate and tentatively discerns some commonalties. Until we have a science of human behavior that works as rigorously as the physical sciences, this is the best that can be done. --- Page 302 --- Appendix One FAMILY TREE OF THE LAPORTES OF LIMONADE Gaspard Ardisson (w) (I) 3 7 Antoine Dame Jeanne + Louis Anne (I)! (unknown) Marie Louise André Metayer LeMaire veuve Couvert Laporte (nl) (nl) Ardisson (Ardisson?) (w) Nadal (w) (I) (w) (I) (ml) (ml) (w) Elizabeth Louis Louis Marthe (unknown)- Antoine- TMarie Louise Anne Gaspard Guillaume Ardisson Ardisson Charles LeMaire (ainé) (cadet, pere)! Françoise (nl) (François) Laporte (ml) Laporte Laporte Bleakley Laporte (II) (ml) (II) (ml) (II) (ml) Castaing (II) (w) (III) (ml) (ql) - (I) (ml) (ml) Jean Louis (ainé) Laporte - (ml) Jacques Antoine -Marthe Françoise Louis Charles Louis Beatrix Françoise Gaspard Laporte (Paul Marguerite Catherine Laporte Laporte (fls,. Jean Hernandez Catherine Louis (q1) Silvestre) Richard Bleakley (V)(ql) (q1) Louis cadet) (q1) Ardisson Antoine Laporte (ml) (q) Laporte (ml) Ardisson (II) (ql) (IV)(q!) (III) (ml) Jean Elizabeth One child Jean Jeanne Marie Madelmon Sophie (unknown) Baptiste Laporte Antoinette (w) Laporte (qD Laporte (ml) Laporte (q) (ml) (militiaman) (ml) Elizabeth Louis Charles Marie Anne Marguerite Pierre Marie Louise Theolide Laporte Martial Laporte Beatrix Antoine Laporte Laporte (VI)(ql) Laporte (ql) Laporte Laporte (q1) (ql) (ql) (q)) (q1) Jean Louis Guillaume Jean Robert Charles Henry Laporte Laporte Laporte Laporte (III) (q)) (q1) (ql) (q)) Legend: ml = free mulatto nl - free black ql = free quarteron W white a illegitimate Note: women are generally identified by their maiden names, as was normal practice in notarial acts. Antoine Laporte Laporte (VI)(ql) Laporte (ql) Laporte Laporte (q1) (ql) (ql) (q)) (q1) Jean Louis Guillaume Jean Robert Charles Henry Laporte Laporte Laporte Laporte (III) (q)) (q1) (ql) (q)) Legend: ml = free mulatto nl - free black ql = free quarteron W white a illegitimate Note: women are generally identified by their maiden names, as was normal practice in notarial acts. --- Page 303 --- Two Appendix SURNAMES Elite Colored Family Names that were participants in three or more acts valThe following is a list ofthe family names or surnames members had acts. Family memberliures. A family qualified if any ofits qualifying ued at over 10,000 other evidence." The third column identifies to which group that ships were in some cases presumed from (M = Military, P = Planter). for the purposes of analysis person or family belongs PARISH GRP. PARISH GRP. NAME NAME Croix des Bouquets P Fort Dauphin M Daugé/Baugé P Baudin P Prevot Mirebalais Blot Fort Dauphin/ Limonade Dahi/Dahay Croix des Bouquets P Fort Dauphin M P Camus P May Limonade P Castaing Cap/Limonade P LeFort Limonade P Castanet Cap M Gaudé Port-au-Prince P Desrouleaux Cap P Rossignol Mirebalais P Droulliard Mirebalais P Mommereau Limonade/Cap P Juin/Houin Mirebalais/CdB Cap P Blanchard Mirebalais P La Racointe Riviere M Chavanne Limonade/Cap M Lagarde Cap/Grande M Macombe/ Port-au-Prince Magnon Cap Marombe P M Bonnet Port-au-Prince P Malic Cap/Limbé P Desmarres Croix des Bouquets M Ogé Cap Riviere M Luisante Port-au-Prince/ Olivier Cap/Grande Mirebalais Rousseau Croix des Bouquets P Cap M des P Oné M Graine Croix Bouquets P Paco Cap P Nivard Mirebalais P Pellé Mirebalais/PaP M Durieux CdB/PAP Pierre Augustin Cap/Limbé M Plaisance Croix des Bouquets P Pierre Antoine Cap P Turgeau Port-au-Prince P Pincemaille Cap/Limbé M Millet Cdb/PAP P Pirommeau Cap M Pellerin Ouest province M Pompée Cap M la Buxiere Croix des Bouquets P Provoyeur Cap/Mirebalais M Bleakley Limonade P Riché/L'Eveille Cap Limonade P Cap P Laporte P Viau M Ardisson Limonade Zabeau Bellanton Cap --- Page 304 --- Surnames : 277 Military Leaders' Names in notarial acts as leaders in the free colored units of the The following persons identified themselves been treatedi in the text as members ofthe military leadercolonial armed forces. All these persons have to define them as economic elites. some did not have the wealth necessary ship group, even though Volontaires de Saint Domingue (1779-81)and In the column for branch ofservice, C-V = Chasseurs de T'Amérique (Seven Years' War). C-R = Chasseurs-Royaux BRANCH RANK PARISH NAME Militia and C-V Caporal Cap Français unknown NCO Alloun Cap Français C-V and Militia de Augustin, Pierre Militia Marécha! to define them as economic elites. some did not have the wealth necessary ship group, even though Volontaires de Saint Domingue (1779-81)and In the column for branch ofservice, C-V = Chasseurs de T'Amérique (Seven Years' War). C-R = Chasseurs-Royaux BRANCH RANK PARISH NAME Militia and C-V Caporal Cap Français unknown NCO Alloun Cap Français C-V and Militia de Augustin, Pierre Militia Marécha! Logis Fort Dauphin Baudin,. Jean-Baptiste Limonade Militia Capitaine Bellony (dit), Etienne Auba Milita unknown NCO Cap Français Capitaine Belly, Jean-Baptiste Petite Rivière Militia Bertole (dif), Barthelemy Ibar de TArtibonite Cap Français Militia and C-V Sergent Blaise, Mathieu Fort Dauphin Militia Caporal Blanchet, Bruno Fort Dauphin Militia Sergent Camus, François Cap Français Militia and C-V Caporal Cassagne, Jean-Louis Militia Maitre de Musique Cap Français Tambour-major Cezar,. Joseph Port-au-Prince Militia Coidavid (Coidavy), Jacques North Prov. C-V (militia?) Sergent Doué, Paul Cap Français Maréchaussée Brigadier Dubreuil, (fnu) Limbé Militia Caporal Eustache, Jean Marie Mirebalais Maréchaussée Brigadier Favrel, Pierre North Prov. C-V (militia?) Caporal Felix, François Cap Français Militia Caporal Foutand, Pierre North Prov. C-V (militia?) Sergent Gautier,. Jacques Le Roy Limbé and C-V and probably Caporal Gentil, Fabien Limonade militia Port-au-Prince Militia Tambour-major Gestier (Gestieu), Antoine Croix des Marécbaussée Brigadier Guyot, François Charles Bouquets Militia Tambour-major Cap Français Hulla,. Jean Cap Français Militia Capitaine Jupiter, François Français Militia and C-V Sergent L'Eveille (din),Jean-François) Edouard Cap Maréchaussée Brigadier Joseph Croix des La Bastide (Bastille), Bouquets Fourrier Français Militia and C-V Sergent Cap Lagarde, Jean-Baptiste Cap Français C-V (militia?) Sergent LaRiviere, Etienne Fort Dauphin C-R (1760s) Sergent LaRondière, Louis Fort Dauphin Militia Ensigne unknown NCO LeMoine, Augustin Laviolette) Fort Dauphin Militia Lepine, Louis (aka Marc Français Militia Sergent Malic (di),Jean-Baptiste Magny Cap Militia Lieutenant Fort Dauphin Manigat, Guillaume Cap Français Militia Capitaine Milloy, Laurent Cap Français Militia Sergent Monteil, Nicolas Cap Français Militia Capitaine Olivier, Vincent TAcul du Nord C-V (militia?) Sergent Oné,Jean North Prov. epine, Louis (aka Marc Français Militia Sergent Malic (di),Jean-Baptiste Magny Cap Militia Lieutenant Fort Dauphin Manigat, Guillaume Cap Français Militia Capitaine Milloy, Laurent Cap Français Militia Sergent Monteil, Nicolas Cap Français Militia Capitaine Olivier, Vincent TAcul du Nord C-V (militia?) Sergent Oné,Jean North Prov. C-V (militia?) Caporal Pellerin, Joseph --- Page 305 --- 278 . Appendix Two Military Leaders' Names (continued) BRANCH RANK PARISH NAME C-V Caporal Pyracmour, Joseph Cap Français Militia and C-V Sergent Riché (dit), Jean-Baptiste L'Eveille Cap Français Militia unknown NCO Roussame, Manuel Louis Cap Français Militia Caporal Brisetous Mirebalais unknown NCO Titus (dif)Jacques Marion Cap Français Militia Yari (dit), Pierre L'Eveille Français Militia unknown NCO Zogo, Pierre Simon Cap Militia Membership by Parish Notarial. Acts Reporting of militia rank in the nodifference in self-identification Itis very important to note a striking regional officers in the West province were much less! likely tarial archives. Free colored militia noncommissionede in the North. The following table themselves' by their rank in notarials than their colleagues to identify suggests the scale ofthis difference: NUMBER OF TOTAL ACTS ACTS BY BY FREE MILITIA ACTS COLOREDS AS % OF TOTAL MILITIAMEN PROVINCE PARISH 10.3 Total 14.0 North Cap 13.5 Limonade 17.7 Fort Dauphin 1.1 West Port au Prince 3.2 Croix des Bouquets 2.4 Mirebalais militiamen includes all acts by militiamen, whether The column for number of acts by for this difference by reference to stanidentified as leaders or not. Itis difficult to account identified himself as a militiaman in dards of free colored society. Almost no free colored colored militia exthere is plenty ofevidence that companies the West province, although rank in them. This difference can isted there and that free coloreds held noncommissioned: and each provincial Conseil Suin terms of data collection. Each notary, only be explained of correct usage. All notarial acts which oversaw the notaries, had its own standards ofthe périeur, and registered at the Greffe, or secretariat, had to be approved by the Conseil Supérieur than their northNotaries in the West province were much more punctilious local court. the proof of free status of people of color who for example, about including Sieur or ern colleagues, Northerners were more likely to refer to free coloreds as performed notarial acts. were more likely to include Demoiselle ift their social status allowed it. Westerners generally being Michel ofPort-aupiece ofland (the most striking example the owmernhiphisoryofap Greffe, or secretariat, had to be approved by the Conseil Supérieur than their northNotaries in the West province were much more punctilious local court. the proof of free status of people of color who for example, about including Sieur or ern colleagues, Northerners were more likely to refer to free coloreds as performed notarial acts. were more likely to include Demoiselle ift their social status allowed it. Westerners generally being Michel ofPort-aupiece ofland (the most striking example the owmernhiphisoryofap --- Page 306 --- Surnames . 279 authorities formalism on the part of the Port-au-Prince Prince). All these bespeak a greater toidentify themselves through also led them to be unwilling to permit persons in the that perhaps rank. There do not seem to be any examples reference to militia noncommissioned identified by! his title either. There were, officer West of a white militia noncommissioned including some free coloreds, who the other hand, of western militia officers, beon plenty commissioned rank in the militia identified themselves as such in the notarial archives, of colored militiamen from social cachet. Most of the few examples ing a very important their liberties as a result of militia service. Thus, the West province are people who gained These cases were a small minority in their militia status was germane to the particular act. the North. those in the free colored group who identified themwhether Itremains an open question of the group as a noncommissioned officers were truly representative selves as military leaders who had more extensive contacts with whites whole. Perhaps those colored military! self-identification of their"condithemselves social status through chose other ways to give "self-made" men would lay explicit claim to their tion."1 Perhaps onlyt those leaders who were connections with the white militia officers military rank. Perhaps they were stressing their because they had no other whites with whom to identify. who identified themprecisely however, those noncommissioned. officers In the case ofthe militia, that rank for social advantage, vis-à-vis selves by their military rank were laying claim to whites, in a way very much similar to other free coloreds for the most part but also toward men who formed, with their militia officers who did the same thing. These were the white both from white society and from the mulatto plantocracy. families, a separate elite, distinct in that elite. Their militia status served to validate their membership Marchande Names or shopkeepers, in at least one noThe following is a list of names ofwomen identified as marchandes, tarial act. NAME PARISH PARISH NAME Marie Jeanne Cap Bonne Femme veuve) Jolicoeur Cap Port-au-Prince Marie Jacques Fort Dauphin Bréthoux Victoire Fontaine Port-au-Prince Cadiagnon/Kadijatou Cap Concongnan Fort Dauphin Port-au-Prince Cap Dupré Cap Sarazin Elisabeth Port-au-Prince Rozette Cap Marie Barra Bellanton Cap Cap Port-au-Prince Zanguoe/Zanquoe North Province Dougé/Daugin Zulica veuve) Jolicoeur Cap Port-au-Prince Marie Jacques Fort Dauphin Bréthoux Victoire Fontaine Port-au-Prince Cadiagnon/Kadijatou Cap Concongnan Fort Dauphin Port-au-Prince Cap Dupré Cap Sarazin Elisabeth Port-au-Prince Rozette Cap Marie Barra Bellanton Cap Cap Port-au-Prince Zanguoe/Zanquoe North Province Dougé/Daugin Zulica --- Page 307 --- 280 . Appendix Two Menagère Names The following women were identified in notarial acts as being employed as menagères, or housekeepers. Names identified with an asterisk (*) were employed by free coloreds. NAME PARISH NAME PARISH Catin Romeus Cap Marie Louise à Traitte* Borgne Grasse dite Balanquin Limonade Hélène* Cap Jeannette Canibon Cap Laurence Mirebalais Marie Marguerite Zubin Mirebalais Louise Croix des Bouquets Julie Dahey Croix des Marie Anne Lefèvre Mirebalais Marie Geneviève Mirebalais Bouquets Marie Richard Mirebalais Marguerite I'Hermite Mirebalais Marie Zabeth Port-au-Prince Sanitte l'Islet Mirebalais Nannette à Savie Cap Rose Merza Cap Nicolle Collette Fort Dauphin Marie Jeanne Port-au-Prince Rose Croix des Bouquets Marie Magdeleine Garrette* Cap Zabelle Bayeux Cap Manon Quila Port-au-Prince --- Page 308 --- Appendix Three INCORPORATION PAPERS OF THE GRASSERIE This account of the MARIE JOSEPHE starting stock ofthe store owned is drawn from the Archives Nationales byl Marie Josephe and Sieur Guillemet Françaises, Section Domingue 1298n, 12/7/85. Thes symbols for livres, Outremer, Notariat de Saint Contribution fMarie sols, and. deniers Josephe: a barrel of wine are,respectively #s, and d. demi-johns, 24# ISS; 25 pounds of morne @ 61# containing 6d IO' demi-johns, 66#; 3 full cheese @ 20s/pound, 25#; a pound ofp 17S the quintal, 15# 8s 3d; 25 pounds of @ 25S, S#; 2 goblets, I5#; I entomier, pepper, 3#;r2 large plates @ 255, 15#; 4 large oval candle 4# 2S 6d; 12 pots of plates wax @ 255, 7# IOS; one duedane of cooking oil @ 20S, 12#;5 pounds of empty demi-johns @ 12#, 204#;; 7 echelles (shelf grease, 3#;5 50 empty bottles @ 7S 6d, 18# I5S; 17 @ ISS the French foot, 25# I5S; feet units?) @ 6# 5S, 57# I5S; 4 boards 9 feet 52 off planks @ long ture, Oi# IOS, 15#; two 7s 6d, I9# IOS; IO others of balle tables, one missing its legs, with two for garnisure, I# IOS; 31 pots ofolive oil, 4# IOS; pair ofs scales in empty barrels, 18#; a pint meaI cabbage (pound? the French foot, 25# I5S; feet units?) @ 6# 5S, 57# I5S; 4 boards 9 feet 52 off planks @ long ture, Oi# IOS, 15#; two 7s 6d, I9# IOS; IO others of balle tables, one missing its legs, with two for garnisure, I# IOS; 31 pots ofolive oil, 4# IOS; pair ofs scales in empty barrels, 18#; a pint meaI cabbage (pound? barrel of sauerkraut? iron, 8# 5S; II pounds ofweights, 8# France, or is it chalk?), 3#; I 5S; 4# 2S; 2 chairs, 8# 5S; Iwicker cover I# large jar, 49# IOS; I terrine de forms, 6#; 2 demi-johns ofvinegar, forjar, IOS; I large scale in wood with two 30#; total contribution platContribution efSieur Guillemet: 84 feet of wood ofMarie Josephe: 838#. I pair of scales and 14 pounds of at 7S 6d, 41#; I table and two barrels, 8#; bottles @ 7S 6d, 18# weights, 44# I5S; 4 chairs @ 4# 2S 6d, 16# I5S; II demi-johns, some some IOS; 50 empty I gaudet, I pinte, 6#; I jar , 27#; I small jarre de empty, full, I5#, 165#; I small entommier, I block of sugar, 42 pounds @ Provence, for butter, 12#; I coffee 20S, 42#;7 (illeg.) @ mill, 16#; plates @ 20S, 3#; 8 plates @ IOS, 3#, 21#; 9 oval plates @ 25S, Io#; 3 small IO# IOS; 18 pots of (illeg.), 9#; 4#:55 pots ofg grease @ 25S, 67# IOS; 71 pots off fine oil @ I# @ 17 bottles of fine oil @ 33# the IOS, 3#IoS, 14#; % a ream ofp paper, 6#;1 (illeg.) doz., 45#; 4 sirzaim de Casthe johns 85#; 47 bts. of thread ofTaffia, 66#; I barrel @ 16# IS, 74# 5S; 8 demiof macoute @ ofTaffia, 92#; I small table, 12#; 4 S# 5S, IO# IOS; I sack oflentils, 8# shelves @ 8# 5S, 33#; 2 pieces 12#; total contribution of Sieur Guillemet: 5S; 31 panniers ofpomponilles 4# IOS; some rice, Marie Josephe also put in 232# in cash to 1062# make IOS. ciety, or partnership, 230# more in cash, to be immediate purchases and loaned the soConditions ofsociety: Sieur returned to her at the first accounting. Guillemet will manage. To do business in the magasin rented --- Page 309 --- 282 . Appendix Three by Marie Josephe, rent 5 gourdes (= IOO#) per month. There is a kitchen, small room, and street-front gallery that the two associates will share. Starting now, the society will pay the rent. Merchandise will be bought in Cap, and bill must be signed by both associates before it can be paid. Sieur Guillemet is forbidden to give credit to anyone. Monthly accountings. The society will rent a slave. --- Page 310 --- Four Appendix SALE CONTRACT FOR A HOUSE NOTARIZED of sale for a house in Port-au-Prince. The contract is quite The following is a notarized act several features that have used for this book and contains important typical of the sources used is the "second minute," the copy kept by the nobeen indicated by footnotes. The text in a large folio volume and was probtary and sent to the national archives. et is forbidden to give credit to anyone. Monthly accountings. The society will rent a slave. --- Page 310 --- Four Appendix SALE CONTRACT FOR A HOUSE NOTARIZED of sale for a house in Port-au-Prince. The contract is quite The following is a notarized act several features that have used for this book and contains important typical of the sources used is the "second minute," the copy kept by the nobeen indicated by footnotes. The text in a large folio volume and was probtary and sent to the national archives. Itis reproduced this copy was not signed by the ably written at the time the contract was made, although This contract was copied out by the principals as was the case with some second minutes. spelling, word usage, and handeducated man. By this time, French grammar, notary, an the educated elite, sO translation posed little diffiwriting had been standardized among and merely formalized and arSome notarized acts were written out by the principals reader. culty. and these offer a greater challenge to the non-Francophone chived by the notary, island and French ofthe Conseil Supérieur ofPort au Prince, Before the notary general in the senécbausée of the said town, ofSaint Domingue, and his colleague, notary coast undersigned wife ofDaguin, marchande? living in Were present: the nomméel Elisabeth Dougé, name of and acting with the ad Notre Dame de l'Assomption, in the this town, parish habitant in Nippes, dated last March rzth, hoc power of the nommé Daguin, her son, first minute of this act, for the which she showed us and which we attached to the The said (Dougé] in this carecord, after we certified it as true and correctly signed. let and transported in declares that this day she has sold, ceded, given up, go, oflaw, pacity and for ever, with promise and all guarantees full property, in perpetuity, free living in this town, here to the nommée Luce, known as Rasteau, quarteronne, and for her creditors, and accepting in her own name, for her own, on the present located in the new town ofPort-au-Prince, number 274 To wit: halfof a lot the half sold, 60 feet wide by plan [of the redeveloped section of town], containing, the south the rue de Provence, bordered on the east by Sieur Chatele, on by 120 deep, Sieur Gaudé, and on the north by Sieur Pierroux. on the west by oftwo chambers, equipped with On the said half of a lot there is a case, composed ofwhich is a small windows that latch, roofed in shingles, in the courtyard doors and used as a kitchen, and a well to be building, also of two chambers, of which one is free black, owner of the other shared with the seller, and the nommée Marie Therese, with its circumstances and half of the lot; the whole in the state in which it is found, it from the to the said Daguin for having acquired dependencies. The lot belonging --- Page 311 --- 284 . Appendix Four before Maitre Poul and his here present, in an act made the said Luce having said Luce Rasteau, purchaser the 2grd of March, 1776, act made benotaries in this jurisdiction, freel black, by colleague, the nommée Marthe known as Marthonne, the gth of August, 1774 acquired it from notaries in this jurisdiction, before Maitre fore Maitre Poul and his colleague, Etienne, Royal Surveyor, by act passed entire lot bewho had it from Sieur Augustin the joth ofJuly, 1763, to whom the General Fillegue, notary in this jurisdiction, accorded byl MM. grd of March, 1776, act made benotaries in this jurisdiction, freel black, by colleague, the nommée Marthe known as Marthonne, the gth of August, 1774 acquired it from notaries in this jurisdiction, before Maitre fore Maitre Poul and his colleague, Etienne, Royal Surveyor, by act passed entire lot bewho had it from Sieur Augustin the joth ofJuly, 1763, to whom the General Fillegue, notary in this jurisdiction, accorded byl MM. Bart and (indeipherablel longed by virtue of a concession colonyt to Sieur Alemand, the sth offebnwary.760, act ofsale Ondonnaterofthisc Etiennel by private and Commisaire to the said Sieur. Augustin 1761. The said the concession the 14th of August, who transferred said concession and dated 1776, to Sieur written on the back ofthes act before us on the 2sth ofMarch, an sold the propertyins an the to Daguin this day in Louis Daguin in this town, who returned property out to him before Perotte, negociant'i of liures, which was counted before us in return for the sum 3300 act notaries. andi is content and satisfied with us, the said declares that she knows well, from having All ofwhich the buyer circumstances, and dependencies, and said of a lot, buildings, day in and real possession the portion them, and being this good visited, and examined seen, the consent oft the parties, for the tenancy. sale is thus made at the will and with declares having this day received in The present livres, which the said seller value in this colprice and sum of 6000 of Spanish gold and coins having cash 9 from the said buyeri in specie the said name good and valuable discharge. and ofwhich sum she gives her in seller in the said name lets go, releases, ony the said that the said Louis By means of which payment rights and any other pretensions in property and tenancy circumstances and dependencies, renounces said ofland, buildings, ofit as her own Daguin has to the portion for her part will enjoy, use, and dispose favor oft the said purchaser, who the said seller has property properly acquired. rights to the said portion of a lot Andi in order to justify property before us, the said notaries:10 this instant given the said purchaser at Marthonne and Sieur. Augustin Etiofsale between the nommée in this jurisI. A copyo ofan act Maitre Fillegue and his colleague, notaries drawn from the fles of enne ofJuly, 1763, the nommée Luce known as Rasdiction, the 3ISt made by the nommée Marthonne to in this jurisdiction, the 2. Ofthe sale Poul, and his colleague, notaries teau from the files of Maitre half of the lot hereby sold, in an act before gth of April, 1774, of the Luce to the nommée Louis Daguin fils Oft that made by the said 3the zgrd of March, 1776, Louis Daguin to Sieur Perotte, busithe same notary the act ofs sale made by the said from the files of these no4- And finally, of the same piece ofl land, in an act with the possibility of nessman in this town, month, for the price of 3300 liures, Perotte of the taries, the 2sth of the same act of return made by the said Sieur following which is the repurchase, aguin fils Oft that made by the said 3the zgrd of March, 1776, Louis Daguin to Sieur Perotte, busithe same notary the act ofs sale made by the said from the files of these no4- And finally, of the same piece ofl land, in an act with the possibility of nessman in this town, month, for the price of 3300 liures, Perotte of the taries, the 2sth of the same act of return made by the said Sieur following which is the repurchase, --- Page 312 --- Notarized Sale Contractfor a House . 285 livres which was paid to him by Claude said piece ofland in return for the sum of 3300 undersigned on this day. Deroux.' 11 The said return made before us, notary general, being in due and titles of the said purchaser acknowledges All of which property the said seller. possession and ofwhich she discharges and his proper and in the study of the aforementioned notary general Performed passed with us, the said seller decolleague, the 2grd ofJune, 1777- The said purchaser signed to herin how to sign and the document was interpreted clared that she did not know accordance with the ordinance.' 12 Signed, Luce Rasteau, DeGrandpré, Michel NOTES formulaic title generally reserved for free I. The nommée, or the "so-called," was a coloreds. retail trade and al lower order than The marchande, or merchant, was a term suggesting 2. that later in the document. the haughty négociant, a term appears AN SOM is the second minute, so unfortunately: many 3- The copyi in the registerin the having been retained by the parties. documents are unavailable, seemingly oft the supporting that there are creditors expression, not necessarily indicating 4- This is a boilerplate Luce is "known as" Rasteau while Elisabeth is "wife seeking the property. Note also that the surnames of their white parents if Free coloreds were not supposed to use of" Daugin. around the rule with this official phrasing (while, they were illegitimate, but they often got outside the pages of the notary's journal), alremaining plain Luce Rasteau racial one presumes, Rasteau's superior Elisabeth's marriage is a social plus, possibly outweighing though title. as "a vast Tartar camp, 1 there had been con5- Despite the reputation ofPort-au-Prince: of the neighborhoods were surveyed. Titles siderable effort to plan the city, and many clearer here than in the older Cap Français. one sometimes appear for places of considerable luxury (as this 6. A case, or hut, is a term used very broadly roofs. To term one's residence a maison, to be) as well as for tiny shacks with straw appears is to make a claim to wealth and social status. or house, signifies a higher status than a lowly merchant. 7. The term negociant, or businessman, trade and land speculation and frequently servIt denotes someone involved in wholesale for an French trading house. ing as an agent important credit, especiallyin the towns, was to sell property 8. A frequent means ofestablishing As in this case, the cash paid out on the "with right of repurchase," in essence, to pawn. and the lender had less than the market value ofthe property, pawn was often considerably! of the loan. Often the property would be rented the use oft the property during the period there is no evidence that this occurred in back to its original owner, the borrower, although this case. clearly stated. The sample This statement is not necessarily true, even though enough 9. to collect debts in which the money supposedly contained several examples of people trying ing As in this case, the cash paid out on the "with right of repurchase," in essence, to pawn. and the lender had less than the market value ofthe property, pawn was often considerably! of the loan. Often the property would be rented the use oft the property during the period there is no evidence that this occurred in back to its original owner, the borrower, although this case. clearly stated. The sample This statement is not necessarily true, even though enough 9. to collect debts in which the money supposedly contained several examples of people trying --- Page 313 --- 286 . Appendix Four act of sale was in fact a promise to pay. Ifthe act says paid in cash according to the original of the pawn of the land in the notaries," as with Daguin's redemption "counted out before in cash. In general, cash very likely that the sum was actually paid this case, then it appears exchange of personal paper containing most acts of sale were settled by payment was rare; promises to pay. the ownership history of land in all careful to detail IO. This notary was exceptionally former owners. Most other noNote that more than half of the act details his acts of sale. the name ofthei immediately preceding owner and taries would satisfy themselves by noting conceded by the government. the act by which it was originally who owed Dauguin or his mother Who is Claude Deroux? Probably somebody II. This act does not say, but according to the formula, money or maybe their new creditor. his quality, estate, obligations vis-à-vis since Deroux is an important secondary participant, the other parties, etc., should have been spelled out. marker of social least the ability to sign one's name, was an important 12. Literacy, or at who signed this act while the quarteronne status. Note that it was the socially climbing and write. marchande at least claimed to be unable to read plebian --- Page 314 --- Notes ABRREVIATIONS abbreviations are used throughout the notes. The following Archives Nationales Françaises, Section Outremer AN SOM des Fortifications des Colonies DFC Depot E.C. Etat Civil de Saint-Domingue Not. Notariat de Saint-Domingue INTRODUCTION AN SOM Not. vol. 693, dated 9/8/80 (all dates are dd/mm/yy). I. 2. AN SOM Gr 495a. at the burial of fellow militia noncommissioned 3. For example, he was chief mourner SOM E.C. 20, 20/5/83), stood as godfather to Pyracmour's wife (AN officer (NCO) Joseph witness at the marriage of felRobert Sicart (E.C. 20, 29/1/83), was principal transaca younggrifs, Mali's ward (Not. 174n, 29/1/78), and guaranteed a low militia NCO Jean-Baptiste for whom the tutor was his militia colleague Pierre tion by the Desrouleaux minor children, Attila and the curator, Mali (Not. 1532, 23/7178). of documents that forms the baalmost ninety times in the set 4- The Laportes appear oftheir notarized transactions was 21,098 lirures, more sis ofthis book. The average cash value than three times the average for the entire sample. 5- Not. 1402n, 24/1/85. time with the seminal work ofFrank' Tannen6. Pertinent scholarship began some ago and continues more recently with David baum, Slave and Citizen: Thel Negroi in the Americas, Freedman Descent in the Neither Slave nor Free: The efAfrican Cohen and Jack Greene, eds., dissertation, "A Struggle for Respect: The Slave Societies eftbe New World. sis ofthis book. The average cash value than three times the average for the entire sample. 5- Not. 1402n, 24/1/85. time with the seminal work ofFrank' Tannen6. Pertinent scholarship began some ago and continues more recently with David baum, Slave and Citizen: Thel Negroi in the Americas, Freedman Descent in the Neither Slave nor Free: The efAfrican Cohen and Jack Greene, eds., dissertation, "A Struggle for Respect: The Slave Societies eftbe New World. John Garrigus's * deals specifically with Saint Domingue, 1760-1769, Free Coloreds of Pre-Revolutionary those of the South province. A the situation of Saint Domingue's free coloreds, especially the Odds: Free Blacks in the Slave Somore recent general work is Jane Landers, ed., Against in many general studies of Americas. The subject is treated more peripherally cieties efthe Slave Society in Cuba during the Nineteenth Century. slave societies such as Franklin Knight, Cohen and Greene, Neither Slave nor Hall, in his piece entitled "Jamaica'in from the 7. Douglas strategy to distinguish themselves Free, 201-203, attributed this to a conscious rural agricultural laborers. slaves, who were predominantly --- Page 315 --- . 288 Notes to Pages xi-xix Societies of St. Kitts and Grenada, 1763-1833 Cox, Free Coloreds in the Slave 8. Edward table 4-1). Neither Slave nor 60 (figures from in Cohen and Greene, 30 -31, "Colonial Brazil," 9. A.J. R. Rusel-Wood, Neither Slave nor Free, Free, 98-108. article "Cuba," in Cohen and Greene, 1O. See Franklin Knight's Free, 1-18. 278 -3o8. Cohen and Greene, Neither Slave nor Saved the Pato Legion II. See the introduction "How the Black St. Domingo "The Haitian G. Steward, David Geggus, 12. See Theophilous ofSavannah, 1779, or, more recently, which he says the "muster triot Army in the Siege Caribbean, ed. Franklin Knight, 2s,in n UnfortuRevolution," " in Thel Modern reads like a roll call off future revolutionaries." roll [ofthe Chaseun-Valonaueil: find this muster roll in AN SOM. nately, I was unable to pour l'année 1788 AN SOM D2C 41. la Colonie de S. Domingue 13du Recensement Général de * AN SOM Gi 509, 38. 14. "Extrait les blancs et les gens de couleur libres," consistently underreported en ce qui concerne has noted that the general census figures the of Nippes in 1753, the 15. John Garrigus of color. In his example, for parish local use by the militia of free persons for the population less than figures compiled census figure was almost 30 percent for Respect," n 63-65Debien, Une plantation commander. Garrigus, "Struggle this class, see, for example, Gabriel "A Sugar on and Robert Forster, 16. For more background Galbaud du Fort, 1690 -1802, La Sucrerie à Saint-Domingue: Domingue. M from 4:452 in 1752 to 7,912 Plantation on Saint of the colony increased increased The adult white male population the adult male free colored population 17increase of 77 percent, while Gi 509 pieces 28 and 31. in 1775, an increase of 48 percent. AN SOM translations contained from 1,332 to 1,976, an and all other French or Haitian creole more likely to have 18. Not. 82n, 1/2/79- This otherwise stated. The cause of death was the doctor's diagnoin this work are my own, unless infection than simple starvation, but he died alone by the tract by the fact that been some gastrointesinal can be reinforced sis that his death was due to poverty French Law: The roadside and no kin could be found. Sue Peabody, "Race, Slavery, and 19. ,332 to 1,976, an and all other French or Haitian creole more likely to have 18. Not. 82n, 1/2/79- This otherwise stated. The cause of death was the doctor's diagnoin this work are my own, unless infection than simple starvation, but he died alone by the tract by the fact that been some gastrointesinal can be reinforced sis that his death was due to poverty French Law: The roadside and no kin could be found. Sue Peabody, "Race, Slavery, and 19. On the French regulations, Noirs." see n de la ofthe Police des et T'Administration Legal Concept de Réglement pour le Gouvernement dans la et Colonie The "Edit servant Nègres province 20. et le Commerce des Esclaves et constitutions des coloniesfranJustice, Police, Discipline Louis Moreau de St. Méry, Loix The Louisiana law, claimed de la Louisiane'i in Médéric holds this is Article 52. was cited in a few çaises de LAmérique sou5 le vent, 3:88-95, law for Saint Domingue as well, not de St. Méry to be customary This provision was clearly by Moreau he cites to buttress his claim. particular court cases, which Michel Réné Hilliard d'Auberobserved there. in this context to tache inefagable 1:7421. Iowe the expression de la colonie frangaise de Saint-Domingue, et T'Administrateuil, Considerations sur l'état présent de Réglement pour le Gouvernement la et "Code Noir ou Edit servant de TAmérique, et pour Discipline 22. et de la Police des Isles Françoises tion de la Justice clearly by Moreau he cites to buttress his claim. particular court cases, which Michel Réné Hilliard d'Auberobserved there. in this context to tache inefagable 1:7421. Iowe the expression de la colonie frangaise de Saint-Domingue, et T'Administrateuil, Considerations sur l'état présent de Réglement pour le Gouvernement la et "Code Noir ou Edit servant de TAmérique, et pour Discipline 22. et de la Police des Isles Françoises tion de la Justice --- Page 316 --- Notes to Pages xx-14 . 289 le Commerce des Negres et Esclaves dans l'edit Loix et constitutions, 1:417. Pays," March 1685, in Moreau de St. Méry, 23. See Tannenbaum, Slave and Citizen. 24. See, for example, C. L. R. James, Black Domingo Revolution, which treats the free Jacobins: Toussaint L'Ouverture and the San middle class in a strongly Marxist people of color as a relatively undifferentiated analysis. 25. This is the attitude, for example, of. Médéric Louis cription topograpbique, physique, civile, Moreau de St. Méryin his DesSaint-Domingue Julien Raimond, in his politique et bistorique de la partie frangaise de TIsle de député à PAssemblée national Réponse auxconsidtrations deM. Moreau sur les colonies par M. Raimond, ditSt. Méry, Domingue, starts from an unspoken citoyen de couleur de Saint26. Philip Curtin, The Atlantic assumption of the superiority of the mixed race. 27. Robert Slave Trade: A Census, 268. Stein, The French Slave Trade in the ness, 32,. 38. Eigbteentb Century: An Old Regime BusiCHAPTER ONE. THE NOTARIAL RECORD AND FREE COLOREDS I. Moreau de St. Méry states in his Loix et scale for 1775 was the for constitutions that the authorized notarial for following: a marriage contract fee a will, 8 liores/hour; for a sales taken in the notary's office, 66 liures; a contract, I2 livres; for travel "simple act," 12 liures; for per diem, 60 ift the research, 3 liures if the year of the act livres/day, for year was not known (5:619-39). Given the wide was known, 6 liores/hour the notary's fee was written in the margin ofthe variation of prices for acts in which clude that what Moreau de St. has copy in the register, it is reasonable to conlike all professional fees then and Méry cited were guidelines only, and the fee now, on the client's depended, 2. A carreau is a piece of land IOO ability to pay. it is enough for comfortable subsistence paces (each pace being about I.5 meters) on a side; and flat. farming for a family if the land is well watered 3- Garrigus, "Struggle for Respect." 4- Claude de Ferrière, La science parfaite des notaires 5. Jean-Paul Poisson, ou le parfait notaire. Notaires et. société: Travaux d'bistoire 302. et de sociologie notariales, 2976. Not. 87n, 8/7/87. 7. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 8. Garrigus, "Struggle for Respect, 7 5:448-49. 9. AN SOM Gr 509 piece 31, "Recensement 139. de IO. Not. 1396n, 14/4/80, and Not. la paroisse de Cap Français 1775-" II. AN SOM Gr 1394n, 8/4/78. 509 piece 32, "Recensement 12. Not. 1383n item 34, 15/2/78. General : . pour l'année 1780." I3. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 14. No examples of colored priests 1:422. appears to have forbidden it. appear in the records, although no royal or papal rule 15. These are included under the notarial acts in table I. There were 16 in the sample. . AN SOM Gr 1394n, 8/4/78. 509 piece 32, "Recensement 12. Not. 1383n item 34, 15/2/78. General : . pour l'année 1780." I3. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 14. No examples of colored priests 1:422. appears to have forbidden it. appear in the records, although no royal or papal rule 15. These are included under the notarial acts in table I. There were 16 in the sample. --- Page 317 --- 290 . Notes to Pages 17-25 CHAPTER TWO. THE LAND I. Garrigus, "Struggle for Respect," which discusses political activistJulien Raimond, residents the wealthy free colored family of 2. Paul Butel, "L'Essor ofAquin on the southern peninsula ofthe Antilles Antillais au XVIIIe siècle,' > in Pierre colony. et de la Guyane, II3. Pluchon, ed., Histoire des 3- Michel-Rolph Trouillot, "Motion in the System: Eijghteenth-Century: Saint Domingue," Coffee, Color, and Slavery in 331-88. 4. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie 5- Spanish imperial theory in the late fifteenth Française, 1:294. the treaty ofTordesillas granted all land in the New through seventeenth centuries held that Spain did not accept the legality of World west of Brazil to Spain. Thus, most the end of the seventeenth any non-Spanish colonies in the New World until alof Hispaniola and century. Nonetheless, the French settled the adjoining islands starting in the western part were regularly assigned to the "Isle et Côte 1620S, and French colonial governors vember of 1641, when Levasseur Française de Saint-Domingue" in was named to this title. starting Noattempts to evict the French settlers from Isle de Spain made several unsuccessful Domingue during the seventeenth la Tortue and the main island of Saint ders between their century before accepting their presence, and territories, in the Treaty of fixing bor6. The capsule economic Ryswick, 1697. history oft the colony that follows sources, principally Moreau de St. Méry, is drawn from a number of scribes the economies ofthe various Description de la partie) française, in which he deprovince in general, and Pluchon, parishes and, in the chapter on Cap Français, the North ed., Histoire des Antilles. 7. Moreau de St. Méry,. Description de la 8. Baron partie française, 1:294-95. Alexandre-Stanisas de XVIIle siècle: Richesse et Wimpffen, Voyage à in Haiti une au Saint-Domingue, esclavage dans colonie ed. 9. Baudry des Lozières quoted in James E. McClellan franpaise, Pluchon, 239-40. Domingue in the Old Regime, 83. III, Colonialism and Science: Saint IO. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la II. Moreau de St. Méry, partie) Française, 300. construction of the Description de la partie française, 333-34, bemoans the bastard sanctuary. 12. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la 24/3/61. partie fangaise, 481, citing an ordinance of 13. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie) 14. The notarial registers total 106 for frangaise, I0O2. produced lots of notarial activity after Port-au-Prince and 95 for Cap. Port-au-Prince the North concentrated 1789, when the insurgency in the and in ing from after activity there, while very few notarial countryside 1789 have survived. As a result, registers from the North datthan Cap, although we are only concerned Port-au-Prince has many more total here with the registers 15- Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la period 1776-89. 16. Moreau de St. Méry, partie frangaise, 357. liures. Description de la partie française, 345- One piastre equaled 8.25 17. McClellan, Colonialism and Science, especially part 3- while very few notarial countryside 1789 have survived. As a result, registers from the North datthan Cap, although we are only concerned Port-au-Prince has many more total here with the registers 15- Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la period 1776-89. 16. Moreau de St. Méry, partie frangaise, 357. liures. Description de la partie française, 345- One piastre equaled 8.25 17. McClellan, Colonialism and Science, especially part 3- --- Page 318 --- Notes to Pages 26- -42 . 291 The Haitian Maroons: Liberty Or Death. noted 18. Jean Fouchard, AN SOM Gi 495a. The race of the owner was usually 19. The cadastral surveyi is SO was the race ofthe occupant. in the cadastral survey, and in many cases, 1776). That is approximately AN SOM Gr 495a (cadastral survey of Cap Français, 20. each substantial by any standards. the price of one slave year, pretty du recensement général . 1780." 2I. AN SOM Gi 509 piece 32, "Récapitulation 213-15, and Samuel M. WilMoreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie frangaise, 22. Caribbean Chiefdoms in the. Age of Columbus, 69-71. son, Hispaniola: de la partie française, 222. 23. Moreau de St. Méry, Description This source combines census AN SOM Gt509 piece 32, 1780 Census Compilation. 24. divisions consisting of one or more parishes data by quartiers, which were administrative Ofthe parishes studied for this work, under the jurisdiction of a single sénécbaussée court. Limonade was combined with and Mirebalais were the only parishes in their quartier, was combined Cap of similar size and economic profile, Fort Dauphin l'Acul du Nord, a parish border, and Port-au-Prince and Croix with Ouanaminthe, a small rural area on the Spanish des Bouquets formed a quartier. 125. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie frangaise, 25de la partie) française, 132. 26. Moreau de St. Méry, Description are difficult to estimate since many AN SOM Gr 509 piece 38. Slave populations when in fact they 27. would be listed as resident on a rural babitation slaves, for tax purposes, urban residence. worked as domestics in the babitant's Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partief frangaise, 13328. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partiefrangaise, 136. 29. 30. AN SOM Gi 509 piece 32. 980-81. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partiefrangaise, siècle, 31. in Pluchon, Haiti au XVIIle 17532. Wimpffen, Voyage à Saint-Demingue, 980. Moreau de St. Méry, Desription de la partie frangaise, scandal at 33description of the embezzlement Moreau de St. Méry gives a tragicomic 34- Comédie, Description de la partie) frangaise, 988-89. the de St. Méry, Description de la partie frangaise, 962. 35- Moreau 36. AN SOM Gi 509 piece 32. 37- Not. 1538n. 3/8/31. 38. Census figures from AN SOM Gi 509 piece Rise Free Col38. "Blue and Brown: Contraband) Indigo and the ofal 39. See] John Garrigus, n for a discussion of the part the interloper ored Planter Class in French Saint Domingue," in the South province. in the economic viability of indigo planting trade played 40. AN SOM Gr 509 piece 32. 41. Not. II77n, 22/8/81. CHAPTER THREE. THE PEOPLE Note that the sum at the bottom of the "Recapitulation" I. AN SOM Gr 509 piece 31. than the total ofthe figures for the different refor adult free colored women is 1,000 fewer gions. I have used the regional figures. for a discussion of the part the interloper ored Planter Class in French Saint Domingue," in the South province. in the economic viability of indigo planting trade played 40. AN SOM Gr 509 piece 32. 41. Not. II77n, 22/8/81. CHAPTER THREE. THE PEOPLE Note that the sum at the bottom of the "Recapitulation" I. AN SOM Gr 509 piece 31. than the total ofthe figures for the different refor adult free colored women is 1,000 fewer gions. I have used the regional figures. --- Page 319 --- 292 . Notes to Pages 42 -S4 2. AN SOM Gr 509 piece 32. 3- AN SOM Gi 509 piece 38. Garrigus, "Struggle for Respect, 63-65. 4. AN SOM Gr 509 pieces 31 (1T75), 32 (1780), and 38 (1788). 5These figures represent the socially adult, excludinggar6. AN SOM Gi 509 31, 33, 38. andfilles à marier, or marriageable girls. arms, or boys capable ofbearing arms, statistics çons portant Saint Domingue (E.C.) registers 17-21. Population 7- AN SOM Etat Civil, from AN SOM Gr 509 31, 33,38. from census figures for 1775, 1780, and 1788 all the contributors to David Cohen and 8. This phenomenon is reported by virtually eds., Neither Slave nor Free, and in the introduction, 4Jack Greene, 9. AN SOM Gi 509 31, 33, 38. The Saint Domingue Revolution for Carolyn Fick, The Making ofHaiti: IO. See, example, from Below, 92. II. Fouchard, Haitian Maroons. obtained by! linear progression from the 1775 numbers 12. Based on estimated population (for and E.C. II9 (for Limonade). Bapand 1780 figures cited above and on E.C. 17 Cap) children were not baptized at birth as records ofbirths because many tisms are problematic infant mortality, and also because some, espebut months or years later, disguising some native in Saint Domingue but in cially white, children were baptized not in their parishes if their fathers were powerful France. Free colored children, on the other hand, especially in the countryside in orbe baptized in the regional center even ifborn white men, might large public ceremony. der to provide an opportunity for a status-enhancing Charles Ducatel, a reasonably well-off farmer This was the case with the burial of to the curé, 13. December 1779 and whose burial was reported who died in Sainte-Suzanne on 5 Father Michaud, on 16 December. E.C. I19, 16/12/7914- E.C. II9 and 120. ofl Fort Dauphin vary between the three census 15- The units used to report population the of the parishes ofFort Dauhere include population tables used. The figures presented inland along the Spanish border). and Ounanaminthe (a veryi isolated rural parish phin COLOREDS IN THE COLONIAL ARMED FORCES CHAPTER FOUR. FREE letter to Minister of Marine Maurepas, Governor de Fayet of Saint Domingue I. received, AN SOM CgA no. 37. 16/5/1733, transcript in state correspondence 2. Not. 1402n I1/3/85. Colored Militia ofCuba, 1568- -1868,"1 17-27. 3- Herbert S. Klein, "The in the ColonialAmeriPeter M. Voelz, Slave and Soldier: The Military Impact efBlacks with 4broad but this book deals almost exclusively The subtitle suggests a study, made of in cas, 44-45the United States. Mention is occasionally conditions the British colonies and but the weakness of Voelz's work as reespecially during the Revolution, Saint Domingue, I attempt to address in this book. gards Saint Domingue is one thing Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie frangaise, 229. 56. AN SOM Not. 1533, 21/6/79. Soldier: The Military Impact efBlacks with 4broad but this book deals almost exclusively The subtitle suggests a study, made of in cas, 44-45the United States. Mention is occasionally conditions the British colonies and but the weakness of Voelz's work as reespecially during the Revolution, Saint Domingue, I attempt to address in this book. gards Saint Domingue is one thing Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie frangaise, 229. 56. AN SOM Not. 1533, 21/6/79. --- Page 320 --- Notes to Pages SS-61 . 293 7. Voelz, Slave and Soldier, 8. Moreau de St. 41-42. 9. Not. 848, Méry, Loix et constitutions, 1:416. 28/10/79. IO. Moreau de St. Méry, to the high numbers of Description de la partie Frangaise, 85. The throughout this period. manumissions, but taxed as well as tax-free data bear him out as II. acts increased "Ordonnance du rapidly de cinq Commandant en Chef Compagnies de par Couleur," > Chaseun-Ropaus tirés des interim, concernans 5/16/s8o, in Moreau de St. Compagnies de T'établissement 12. "Arrêt de Méry, Loix et Milices des Gens de Loix et Réglement du conseil de constitutions, 6:22-29. constitutions, 2:25-27. Léogane . 16/3/s705, in 13. A Spanish Moreau de St. custom, Méry, Council of the Indies, was generallyimposedt that slaves by gubernatorial fiat rather became Catholics. who fled to Spanish than edict from the turned, but in the Occasionally, Spain would agree territory would be freed if Caribbean such by treaty that they 14. "Ordonnance des agreements were hard to enforce, runaways would be re27/3/1721, in Moreau de St. Administrateurs pour l'établissement I5. The private soldier Méry, Loix et constitutions, d'une of maréchaussée," he was to be the maréhausée was called 2:716-33. in eguipped with most a veritable walking musket, two pistols, machete, sources an archer, rowed from the arsenal, but not a bow or arrow in saber, cartridge box, and although bayonet metropolitan sight. 16. Moreau de St. maréchausée and suggesting the Clearly another term bor17. "Arrêtdu Méry, Loix et constitutions, venerability of the Conseil du 2:726 -33. institution. de Maréchausséc," n Port-au-Princes sur la 18. 21/7/1767, in Moreau de St. composition et. la distribution des Marquis de Fayet and Méry Loix et Brigades nance portant Duclos, general and intendant constitutions, of 5:119-21. tions, reetablissement de la Saint 6:344-49. maréhaussée" in Moreau de St. Domingue, "Ordon19. There were 219,698 Méry, Loix et constitu509 piece 30. slaves in 1771 according to the census in 20. Julien Raimond, that year. AN SOM Gr "Troisième nistre et Secrétaire d'État Mémoire à au Monseigneur le 2I. Not. 128gn 6/s/7. Département de la Marine," > AN SOM Maréchal de Castries Mi22. As described in Charles F/3/gt 190- -92. XVIIe siècles, Frostin, Les Révoltes blanches à 23. This Saint-Domingue aux practice was XVIleMoreau de St. Méry, Loix regularized in an act by the Conseil 24. "Arrêt du Conseil et constitutions, 6:546. Supérieur du Cap in 1790, in constitutions, 6:632. touchant les jeux defendus," in Moreau 25. AN SOM F/3/91, de St. Méry, Loix et 26. The term "slaves ofthe 145-54. The entire story appears in in John Garrigus, state" and the general chapter 6 ofthis book. Battle of Savannah, "Catalyst or Catastrophe? Saint disrespect for servicemen are discussed 1779-1782," II2. Domingue's Free Men 27. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix ofColor and the et constitutions, describes a local militia commander who au 25. AN SOM F/3/91, de St. Méry, Loix et 26. The term "slaves ofthe 145-54. The entire story appears in in John Garrigus, state" and the general chapter 6 ofthis book. Battle of Savannah, "Catalyst or Catastrophe? Saint disrespect for servicemen are discussed 1779-1782," II2. Domingue's Free Men 27. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix ofColor and the et constitutions, describes a local militia commander who --- Page 321 --- 294 . Notes to Pages 61-66 inheritance when such cases for having taken jurisdiction over a disputed is reprimanded and a similar case (3:395). were to have gone to the court (2:275) La Société et la Vie créoles sous l'ancien régime, 28. Pierre de Vaissière, Saint-Domingue: 1629-1789, I12-14objects du service des états M. le Comte de Nolivos, "Instructions . sur quelques SOM DFC, 29. des 2/12/70, manuscript in AN majors des colonies, des troupes, et milices," carton I, no. 58. n in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et consti- "Ordonnance générale des Milices," 15/1/1765, 30. tutions, 4:812-24in his memoire of 28/9/39 about this phenome31. M. de Carnage de Mailhert complains non. AN SOM F/3/91 folio 19. consistent theme in discussions of preWhite resistance to militia reforms is a 32. ranging from Pierre de Vaissière, Saint-Domingues, revolutionary: societyin Saint Domingue,r s Frostin, Les Révoltes blanches, is the classic to John Garrigus, "Catalyst or Catastrophe." for reorganization is laid out in "Ordonnance source on this topic. The government's plan Loix et constitutions, 4:812-24n in Moreau de St. Méry, générale des Milices," 15/1/1765, colored in the anti-militia account of free participation 33- See especially Garrigus's '; also see Frostin, Les Révoltes in the South province in "Catalyst or Catastrophe" uprising blanches. de la partie franyaise, I:451. Population figures are 34- Moreau de St. Méry, Description from census data, AN SOM Gi 509 piece 38. "Instructions," > DFC Saint Domingue, 1/58, 2/12/70. on 35- Nolivos, two letters to the general commanding French troops 36. M. le Baron de Castellane, in Collection Moreau de St. Méry, AN the island, dated 6/3/86 and 1O/3/86, manuscripts SOM F/3/91, 163-65le Maréchal,". AN SOM F/3/91, 192. Raimond, "Troisième Mémoire à Monseigneur 37. undated but sometime in 1786. 38. AN SOM F/3/g1, 167, Howard, ofthe York Norman Buckley, ed., The Haitian Journal ofLieutenant 39. Roger Hussars, 1796-1798, 123Description de la partie) frangaise, 1:92. 40. Moreau de St. Méry, In "Controle des Forces"July-Aug. 1779, AN Numbers vary depending on sources: In "Etat de 41. listed as detached for service in Savannah. SOM D2C/41, 765; all ranks are M. le Comte d'Estaing,' n 14 Aug. 1779, there are troupes embarqués sur l'expedition de The second document states thati in addition, Chasseurs listed as leaving for Savannah. 772 Chasseun-Grenadien were among those in the expedition. "colonial" troops, re195 du Cap and de Port-au-Prince were regular 42. The Régiments service in the colonies. About one-quarter of their strength cruited in France especially for The other troops came from the Régiments de was detached for the Savannah expedition. Artillery. d'Agenois, and de Cambresis and the Royal of the Gatinois, Colonel Laurent François Le Noir de Rouvray, commander 43- Statement of of Marine, 12/12/79, AN SOM E278, without Chaseurs-Volontires letter to Minister has apparently not survived. listing the names. The expedition commander's report . The Régiments service in the colonies. About one-quarter of their strength cruited in France especially for The other troops came from the Régiments de was detached for the Savannah expedition. Artillery. d'Agenois, and de Cambresis and the Royal of the Gatinois, Colonel Laurent François Le Noir de Rouvray, commander 43- Statement of of Marine, 12/12/79, AN SOM E278, without Chaseurs-Volontires letter to Minister has apparently not survived. listing the names. The expedition commander's report --- Page 322 --- Notes to Pages 66 -70 - 295 Governor-General, "Ordonnance et Règlement sur 44- The original law is D'Argout, de St. Domingue" in Moreau de et les Chaseun-Volontsires les Grenadien-Yolontaitres St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:860-69. in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, D'Argout, "Ordonnance et Règlement," 453/12/79 and 21/4/79, 5:860-69. 12/12/79, AN SOM E278. 46. Le Noir de Rouvray letter, Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:587; Lettres-Patent du Roi 5/22/1775 in concernant les 47. established in Ordonnance des Administrateurs administrative structures Libertés, 1o/23/1775, 5:610-1348. Not. 850, 1o/7/79. 49. Not. 176 n, 4/8/79. AN SOM D2C I14 (3 Comp. An V[r794). 50. Not. 1616, 14/4/80, promotion to captain names for which there were more Appendix: 2 contains a list ofs 55 surnames or family families included mili5I. livres in the sample. Six ofthese than three transactions over 10,000 who joined the Chaseun-Volontaires (2 of officers, II had members intia noncommissioned and the remaining 9 were planter elites), 2 whom also had militiamen in the family, households, 4 ofwhich joined the elite durcluded maréchaussée men, 5 were female-headed from white elite men to their colored lovers, ing the time under study thanks to donations families, of the planter elite, without military and the remaining 33 were older free colored connections. n Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:861. 52. "Ordonnance et Règlement," for whom both parish of residence and company 53- Out of 26 Chasseurs-T Volontaires officers from other parishes. 14 served in companies headed by are known, Father: Gender, Race, and Citizenship in French John Garrigus, "Sons of the Same 54. Saint Domingue, 1760 -1789." 12/12/79, AN SOM E278. 55- Rouvray letter to Minister ofMarine, * in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitu- "Ordonnance générale des Milices," 15/1/65, 56. tions, 4:813. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 4:825-31. or Catas57. discusses the appeal to free colored patriotism in "Catalyst coloreds' 58. John Garrigus that the was a catastrophe for free n trophe. He comes to the conclusion expedition dreams of social advancement. 230. René was one of the VinMoreau de St. Méry, Description de la partiefrangaise, is almost certainly 59in the Savannah expedition; he cent family members who participated to whom Moreau de St. Méry refers Vincent's grandson. The other Chasseur-Volontaire remains unidentified in the notarial records. 60. Pluchon, Histoire des. Antilles, 104. 61. Pluchon, Histoire des. Antilles, 1O6. 62. Voelz, Slave and Soldier, 44-45186-87. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie frangaiss, 63. de la partie) frangaise, 229-30. 64- Moreau de St. Méry, Description 186-87. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie) frangaise, 65. ains unidentified in the notarial records. 60. Pluchon, Histoire des. Antilles, 104. 61. Pluchon, Histoire des. Antilles, 1O6. 62. Voelz, Slave and Soldier, 44-45186-87. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie frangaiss, 63. de la partie) frangaise, 229-30. 64- Moreau de St. Méry, Description 186-87. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie) frangaise, 65. --- Page 323 --- 296 . Notes to Pages 71-87 detailed in Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la 66. The construction of their camp is partiej frangaise, 180-8t. AN SOM E.C. 17, burial, 27/10/78. 67. Parish Register for Cap Français, Chasseurs Mulâtres," 28/7/79, "lettre à M. le Ministre sur les 68. M. le Comte d'Argout, AN SOMI F/3/91, piece 139- The requirement manuscriptin Collection Moreau de St. Méry, it still encountered conof service was reduced to one in the actual regulation; ofeight years siderable opposition. Chef interim, concernans Y'établissement de 69. "Ordonnance du Commandant en par de milice des gens de coude Chasseurs-Royaux, tirés des compagnies cinq compagnies Loix et constitutions, 7:22-29. leur, 5 16/5/1780, in Moreau de St. Méry, 70. Not. 1616, 6/8/80. 71. Not. 1616, 27/9/80. He is described as such in Not. 1619, 14/12/82. 72. 73- AN SOM F/3/91 142, 3/7/81. 74- Not. 1394n, 28/9/78. was tax-exempt because oftheir service. Not. 1615, 1/9/79, 75- Their act ofr manumission, Minister of Marine in 1786, AN SOM 76. As, for example, in his first memoire to the and the defense of the coast against EnF/3/91, where he cites both the pursuit of runaways glish raiders as tasks best suited to free coloreds. Nationale Française, 4, IC 12 20/20. Afiches Américaines, 30/3/79, Bibliothèque 77- "Sons of the Same Father," 15-16. 78. Cited in Garrigus, 79. AN SOM F3/188. 80. Garrigus, "Catalyst or Catastrophe," 120-23. 81. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:246-47CHAPTER FIVE. SLAVEHOLDING PRACTICES I. AN SOM Not. 18In, 29/8/82. 2. Not. 18In, 29/8/82. outbuildings, on the rue Penthièvre, Purchase of a lot and nine-room house, plus for 3. through his agent in the colony, Stanislas Foâche, from M. le Vicomte de la Belinaye, the merchant house of Faulivres in a six-month note on large 9,900 livres in cash, 2,400 merchant), 2,400liures 1,500 liures in a one-year note on Sieur Guignard (asmaller lirures in fiverierfrères, Bertrand (apparently! he was a planter), and 1,800 in a fifteen-day note on Sieur Not. 175n, 9/12/78. month paper on Sieur Gobert (unidentified). 4- Not. 176n, 7/2/80. 5- Not. 18In, 1o/8/82. 6. Not. 1403n, 26/6/86. especially chapter 2. 7. Garrigus, "Struggle for Respect," XVIle-XVIIle siècles. 8. Gabriel Debien, Les Esclaves aux. Antillesfrangaises,. Pluchon, Histoire des Antilles. 9War and Revolution: The British Occupation efSaintIO. David Patrick Geggus, Slavery, among 54 documentary sources for Domingue, 1793-1798. Geggus's bibliography, 467-80, /8/82. 6. Not. 1403n, 26/6/86. especially chapter 2. 7. Garrigus, "Struggle for Respect," XVIle-XVIIle siècles. 8. Gabriel Debien, Les Esclaves aux. Antillesfrangaises,. Pluchon, Histoire des Antilles. 9War and Revolution: The British Occupation efSaintIO. David Patrick Geggus, Slavery, among 54 documentary sources for Domingue, 1793-1798. Geggus's bibliography, 467-80, --- Page 324 --- Notes to Pages 87-91 . 297 ofwhich seem tol be AN SOM"Sainthis work, cites ten French sources, the mostimportant management of lands owned Domingue: Administration Anglaise," 15 volumes absentees recording in the part oft the colony controlled by mainly white, although not exclusively War sO, and AN SOM Saint Domingue: Dossiers "de by the British during the Revolutionary' white) landlords who were driven out by l'indemnité" relating to claims by (again mostly and who were seeking redress in the 1830S the independent Haitian government after 1804 ofits by) France. His notes indemnity funds paid by Haiti as the price recognition de out ofthe situation, reveal extensive reliance on Moreau for chapter I, on the pre-revolutionary source, but one that, as we have St. Méry's Description de la partie frangaist, an important ofthe color oftheir proprietors. Debien's seen, tends to ignore smaller operations regardless extensive work is widely cited here as well. "Coffee Planters and Coffee Slaves in II. Newer sources are Michel-Rolph Trouillot, and David P. Geggus, "Sugar and the Antilles: The Impact ofa a Secondary Crop," 124 -37, ofthe Slave Labor Force,' 73-100. Coffee Cultivation in Saint Domingue and the Shaping Saint Domingue: by David Geggus is "The Slaves of British-Occupied The general survey of Absentee Plantations, 1796-97." 5-41. An Analysis of the Workforces 197 An Economic History ofthe British West Indies, 12. Richard Sheridan, Sugar and Slavery: 1623-1775 E. Bradford 231. Burns, AP History ofBrazil, 65Pearl An13. in Cuba, 134, citing Antonio C. Gallenga, The ofthe 14- Knight, Slave Society tilles, 10O-I02. 15. Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, 90-93. slave numbers from Knight, Slave Sofrom Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, 88; 16. Imports have declined from 1841 (with the end of the lecietyin Cuba, 22. Slave populations seem to Slave Society in Cuba, 63. gal trade), reaching 287,620 in 1871: Knight, "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation," 74, 76. 17. Geggus, 18. Debien, Les Esclaves, 58-66. 81. Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation," 79, 19. 20. Debien, Les Esclaves, 342-43. 2I. Debien, Les Esclaves, 353- "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation," 79. 22. Geggus, "Sex Ratio, Age, and Ethnicity in the Atlantic 23. See, for example, David P. Geggus, Plantation Records,23-4Slave Trade: Data from French Shipping and 24- Debien, Les Esclaves, 138. 25- Debien, Les Esclaves, 348. 26. Debien, Les Esclaves, 347. "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation,' 91. 27. Geggus, Médéric Louis Elie Moreau de St. Méry, Description 28. Debien, Les Esclaves, 345, citing de la Partie Espagnole de Saint-Demingues, 214. 29. Debien, Les Esclaves, 344La sucrerie Foàche, 53Gabriel Debien, Plantations et esclaves à Saint-Domingue: 30. "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation", 87. 31. Geggus, 32. AN SOM Not. 1535n, 25/5/77- 27. Geggus, Médéric Louis Elie Moreau de St. Méry, Description 28. Debien, Les Esclaves, 345, citing de la Partie Espagnole de Saint-Demingues, 214. 29. Debien, Les Esclaves, 344La sucrerie Foàche, 53Gabriel Debien, Plantations et esclaves à Saint-Domingue: 30. "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation", 87. 31. Geggus, 32. AN SOM Not. 1535n, 25/5/77- --- Page 325 --- 298 . Notes to Pages 91-102 33- Fick, Making ofHaiti. 87. Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation," 34- 35- Not. 1391n III, October 1785 (date illeg.). would need lots of clean linen but 36. Not. 179n, 26/1/81. A wigmaker and hairdresser domestic servant. La Combe apbe ofthe economic status to be able to afford a private not possessed no other slave besides Rosalie. parently 37- Not. 1403n, 9/8/86. 38. Not. 1395n, 3/12/79, and 1404n, 21/8/87. 39. Debien, Les Esclaves, 64-65. "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation," 7940. Geggus, 41. Debien, Les Esclaves, 65Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation," 79de la 42. that follow are drawn from Moreau de St. Méry, Description 43. All the stereotypes partiefhangaist 49-59. 44. Not. 1382n 152, 15/iz/7that he is a native of"Guinée," which was a general 45- Not. 1178n, 6/1/82. He also says time. One wonders ifhe knew Lucrèce. term applied to black Africa or to west. Africa at the could be a synonym for the Jalonka, a Some authorities have suggested that Timbo 46. tribe related to the Fula. of the King of Congo': African Political Ideology 47. John Thornton, "I Am a Subject and the Haitian Revolution," 181-214. the. Atlantic World, 1400-1680, Thornton,. Africa and. Africans in the Making of 48. John especially chapters 5-10. Voodoo in the Eighteenth Century: Language, Culture, 49. David Geggus, "Haitian Resistance," 1-31. see Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la 50. For the Moreau de St. Méry fragment, partiefangaise, n. 67. See Debien, Les Esclaves, tables on pages 56-655I. "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation," 86. 52. Geggus, 53- Debien, Les Esclaves, 59-68. creoles to have been at least 25 percent more valuable 54- Moreau de St. Méry considers than bossales; see Description de la partie) frangaise, 59. del Carmen Barcia, The Cuban Slave Laird Bergad, Fe Iglesias Garcia, and Maria 55Market, 1790-1880, 67-71. in much greater detail in Martin Klein and Paul 56. The concept can be found explained to the Senegambian region, Lovejoy, "Slaveryin West Africa," and inits specific application of the colony's exisslaves who came to Saint Domingue in the early days source of many Senegambia in the Era ofthe Curtin, Economic Change in Precolonial. Africa: tence, in Philip Slave Trade. 57- Debien, Les Esclaves, 65-66. - 82. "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation," 58. Geggus, 59- Debien, Les Esclaves, 61. 60. Debien, Les Esclaves, 345- Lovejoy, "Slaveryin West Africa," and inits specific application of the colony's exisslaves who came to Saint Domingue in the early days source of many Senegambia in the Era ofthe Curtin, Economic Change in Precolonial. Africa: tence, in Philip Slave Trade. 57- Debien, Les Esclaves, 65-66. - 82. "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation," 58. Geggus, 59- Debien, Les Esclaves, 61. 60. Debien, Les Esclaves, 345- --- Page 326 --- Notes to Pages 103-109 : 299 average taking into account gender, age, value is a weighted 61. The "comparable" group and ethnic composition of the occupational group. discussed in David Eltis and Stanley 62. Gender ratios in the slave trade are extensively Transatlantic Slave Trade, 1663- "Fluctuations in Sex and Age Ratios in the Engerman, and and in Geggus, "Sex Ratio, Age, Ethnicity." 1864, 308-23, Cuban Slave Market, III-I2. 63. Bergad et al., "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation," 79females 64. Geggus, in Croix des Bouquets employed 32 males and 14 65. The habitation Baugé and the habitation Poisson in Belair, Port-au-Prince, (30 percent) on 3July: 1778 (Not.I 1536n) (Not. 139In 59). The former males and 8 females (29 percent) on I May 1785 employed 20 between two of the Baugé brothowned the Baugés but operated by a partnership was by of the slaves belonged to her. ers and a woman; some 62. 66. Bergad et al., Cuban Slave Market, 67. Debien, Les Esclaves, 66-69. The Impact of the Slave Trade on Family 68. John Thornton, "Sexual Demography: while not committing toit wholly, whereas Structure," s 39-48, suggests this line ofreasoning in the Americas: The English ExpeDavid Eltis, in his Europe and the Rise efAfrian Slavery that it was the Perspective, chapter 4, page 16 of manuscript, argues rience in Comparative for males that led to the large numbers of male slaves preferences of European slave traders in the Atlantic trade. Geggus, "Sugar and Coffee Cultivation,' 9I. 69. Time on the Cross: The Economics ofAmerican Robert Fogel and Stanley Engerman, 70. Negro Slavery, 218. to operate a small retail genNot. 1298n, 12/7/85, contract establishing a partnership Sieur Guillemet. For 71. between Marie Josephe, negresse libre, and eral store in Fort Dauphin complete text, see appendix 3de St. Loix et constitutions, 1:418. Code Noir, Art. 22, in Moreau Méry, 72. 73- Debien, Les Eesclaves, 213debtor in the amount of 1,200 liares to her son, 74- Marie appears on one occasion, as in sales contracts, Not. 12941, Godin appears three times as a principal Not. 1297n, 20/3/83. 27/5/80, 5/3/80, and Not. 1293n, I1/9/79. slave and master was sometimes made in Admission of family relationship between as 75Family relationship was presumed, previother notarial acts with the same participants. "in lieu ofsubsistence alwhen the newly freed person received a donation ously explained, father suggestive ofa familyrelationship. lowance," or through other actions bythe presumed Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:587, "Lettres-Patent du Roi," s/az/s75inl 76. in "Ordonnance des Administrateurs included in Saint Domingue official legal practice de St. Loix et constitutions, 5:610-13. les Libertés, Io/23/1775, in Moreau Méry, concernant 77- Debien, Les Esclaves, 374l'état des colonies. Moreau de St. Méry, Considerations sur présent Année 78. sales from "Etat de la Colonie de Saint-Domingue, 1786," 79. Figures on slave Réponse aux considérations de M. Moreau dit AN SOM G5o9 Piece 36. Julien Raimond, St. Méry, 56. :610-13. les Libertés, Io/23/1775, in Moreau Méry, concernant 77- Debien, Les Esclaves, 374l'état des colonies. Moreau de St. Méry, Considerations sur présent Année 78. sales from "Etat de la Colonie de Saint-Domingue, 1786," 79. Figures on slave Réponse aux considérations de M. Moreau dit AN SOM G5o9 Piece 36. Julien Raimond, St. Méry, 56. --- Page 327 --- 300 . Notes to Pages IIO -12I 80. Not. 524n, 1617/78. 8r. Not. 524n, 2/5/78. 82. Not. 1294n, 22/1/80. 83. Not. 524n, 1/3/78. The liberty does not, in fact, could easily have been performed before appear in the sample, although it where Malic had his habitation. another notary in Cap or else in Grand Rivière 84. Not. 524n, 20/2/77. 85. Forster, "Sugar Plantation on Saint 86. Not. 139on 18, 4/3/84. Domingue," 18 -20. 87. Not. 20on, 29/2/88. 88. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 89. Interestingly, the most striking work 5:767-68. chard's The Haitian Maroons, is also written on runaway slaves in the colony, Jean Fouments of; runaway slaves in the from indirect sources- -in his case, announce90. Not. 194n 14/3/86. The provincial official newspaper. Affiches Américaines. but it may have been executed in Port de manumission Paix. ofPierre did not appear in the sample, 91. Not. 140In, 16/g/84. 92. Three appear as adults in an act in 1788 in which property at the expiration of a long lease, they recover some of their mother's dren Poupart," Not. 1405n, 2/6/88. along with a tutor speaking for the "minor chil93- Burial was E.C. 120, 6/3/83, at Sainte-Suzanne; 94. As described in the act ofr rental, Not. inventory was Not. 1399n, 23/5/83. 95- Charles's will is Not. 1395n, 1a/5/79. 96. 525n 90, 4/8/79, Laurent's is Not. Payment of the first three years' rent is Not. 175n, 18/3/79. 97. Trouillot, "Motion in the System," 1405n, 1/12/88. 233-63. 331-88, and Garrigus, "Blue and Brown," 98. Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, 179-80. 99. AN SOM G5o9 piece 36. IOO. Debien, Plantations et esclaves. IOI. Not. 196n, 3/10/86. Twelve davy was an years old, no sign ofparents, and innkeeper as well as a slave dealer, working in al bar (Coi1O2. See, for example, Julien Raimond, and, possibly, Henry Christophe's master). les citoyens de couleur de TIsle de Réclamations addressées à PAssembléc Nationale par Saint-Domingue. IO3. See, for example, Suzanne Miers and tion of Marginality" in Slavery in Igor Kopytoff, "African Slavery: as an Instituand Kopytoff Africa: Historical and. eds., which demonstrates the Anthropological Perspectives, Miers to African masters, while the free colored overwhelming importance of social promotion needed to make profits. masters were competing in a capitalist system and CHAPTER SIX. LANDHOLDING PRACTICES I. AN SOM Not. 1538n, 4/2/82. 2. The five younger siblings of the Nivard family rented their interests in the family tion of Marginality" in Slavery in Igor Kopytoff, "African Slavery: as an Instituand Kopytoff Africa: Historical and. eds., which demonstrates the Anthropological Perspectives, Miers to African masters, while the free colored overwhelming importance of social promotion needed to make profits. masters were competing in a capitalist system and CHAPTER SIX. LANDHOLDING PRACTICES I. AN SOM Not. 1538n, 4/2/82. 2. The five younger siblings of the Nivard family rented their interests in the family --- Page 328 --- Notes to Pages 121-126 . 301 with livestock and 35 slaves, to their habitation in Mirebalais, 77 carreaux in indigo, along Not. 1168n, 2/317- The Michel Michel Apollon, for II,000 livres a year, oldest brother, rented to Louis Dattei in 1786, after the end ofthe Revobabitation, expanded and improved, The Baugé habitation in Croix des Boulutionary' War for 20,000 livres, Not. 86n, 4/4/86. be under irrigation, rented and as much land as could brought quets, 23 slaves, water rights, a number ofs structures and plant 24 carreaux for 12,000 livres plus the requirement to build habitation seems to have been in of sugar, in 1781, in the middle of the war. The Peignanan since Peignanan did not die durthe same league as these other large plantations, although, inventoried. the under study, his possessions were never ing period 3- Not. 1538, 23/11/82. 4. Not. 15371, 30/3/81. 5- Not. 1536n, 25/6/79. 6. Not. 1538n, 15/3/82. context. In sum, Saint Domingue Chapter 3 of this work discusses the comparative of the 7colony during the third quarter eighteenth sugar-producing was a highly developed Saint Domingue, exceeded even that of Jamaica century. French sugar production, led by was at the heart of the "planMintz, Sweetness and Power, 39). Saint Domingue (see Sidney its mantle to Jamaica only after 1791. tation complex" during this period, passing free in 1752 (3,819 out ofa toFree coloreds had reached 22 percent of the population the 8. out of 26,335 (26 percent) in 1775, despite tal free population of 17,745), rising to 6,897 during that period, and thererapid growth of the white population through immigration 1788. The 1752 population to more or less half of the free population by after meteorically figures are from AN SOM Gi 509 piece 24. coffee is detailed in Trouillot, "MoThe conquest ofthe highlands ofthe colony by the coffee 9. In his alternate explanation for the beginning of tion in the System," 331-88. found that the very earliest experimenters with cofboom, Trouillot points out that Debien craftsmen, and public functionaries who fee in the 1750S and 1760s were white professionals, production and were when declined in response to rapidly increasing left the trade prices Les colons de Saint-Domingue, 350). Dereplaced by the freedmen (Trouillot cites Debien, of the white participants in be more likely to describe the experience bien's sources might acknowledge, in the minority in the industry the coffee business, who were, as all sources that has been outlined above, Trouillot continues with the argument an by the end ofthe 1760s. areas when coffee became in the coffee-growing that free coloreds were already present whites (352-53). crop, giving them an advantage over late-coming important "Coffee Planters and Coffee Slaves," 127. IO. Trouillot, is obviously a rough estimate, based on the II. AN SOM Gi 509 piece 32. This figure had an equal chance of appearing assumptions that all pieces of land in coffee production and that the free coloreds in the the notarial record, that the census data is accurate, inin free colored as a whole. Still, it gives some of the population sample are representative free coloreds in the coffee industry in the colony. dication of the importance of 12. AN SOM Not. 1536n, 7/6/79. 13. Not. 1540n, 1/3/8514- Not. 1536n, 1/3/78. an equal chance of appearing assumptions that all pieces of land in coffee production and that the free coloreds in the the notarial record, that the census data is accurate, inin free colored as a whole. Still, it gives some of the population sample are representative free coloreds in the coffee industry in the colony. dication of the importance of 12. AN SOM Not. 1536n, 7/6/79. 13. Not. 1540n, 1/3/8514- Not. 1536n, 1/3/78. --- Page 329 --- 302 . Notes to Pages 126-135 1S. Not. 86n, 23/1/86. sale, Not. I178n, 7/4/82, for the Mireba16. Not 525n 86, 19/7/79 for the North province lais sale. descriptions of land verbatim Notaries would commonly copy 17. Not. 1540n, 27/3/85had made some significant improvements. from earlier acts unless the owners 18. Not. 20In, 15/6/88. 19. Not 15351, 16/1o/77. 20. Not. 1536n, 3/2179. of these cities and towns is described in The and urbanization history 2I. geography 1:12-149 (Fort Dauphin), 1:294-607 Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partiefran:aise, (Croix des Bouquets), and 2:973-1084 (Cap Français), 2:902-19 (Mirebalais), 2:936-72 summarize this extensive primary source, to (Port-au-Prince). The preceding paragraphs which the interested reader is referred. 22. Not. 1399n, 23/5/8323- Not. IgIn, 2617/85- (Saulx-Tavanes), in Robert and Elborg Forster, 24. Archives Départementales E-1715 eds., European Society in the 18th Century, 299. food supply was imported, much ofit Of course, a good deal of Saint Domingue's from 25. the northern colonies of North America. includes fallow. Pastureland in this calculation probably 26. AN SOM Gi 509 piece 32. Article 52 ofthe Louisiana Code Noir, Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 3:94, 27. ofthe old code. corresponding to Art. 57 in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 4:609. 28. "Arrêt du Conseil," s/xo/75, because of its size and because of the celebrated Moreau de St. Méry chose this example than the cousins in Most white heirs gave up somewhat more gracefully nature of the case. less. this case-but then, most others gave up 29. Not. 174n, 7/5/78. six-room house in the rue St. Joseph (a new area at 30. Not. 1770, 22/8/80, rental of a moderate) evaluated at the south end of the town where property values were generally in the rue de Penthievre (a some14-760 lirvres; Not. 1751, 9/12/78, sale of a six-room house sale of a large eight-room for 18,000 livres; Not. 177n, 31/3/81, what tonier neighborhood) for 45,500 livres. house in the rue St. Pierre (a mixed neighborhood) 28/2/82 and 677-78 29/9/84AN SOM Greffe de Port-au-Prince (Grz) I18, 31. 32. Not. 178n, 8/8/81. 33- Not. 1537n, 12/3/81. clear in describing her as a free person. By 34- Not. 1538n, 18/12/82. Both acts were quite remainder ofhis time in the colony, he claiming that she was required to serve him for the that she was required to repay that he had made advance payment of wages was alleging through her labor. 35- Not. 1399n, 23/5/83. 36. Not. 1394n, 1/11/79. 37. AN SOM F/3/91, 143- 12/3/81. clear in describing her as a free person. By 34- Not. 1538n, 18/12/82. Both acts were quite remainder ofhis time in the colony, he claiming that she was required to serve him for the that she was required to repay that he had made advance payment of wages was alleging through her labor. 35- Not. 1399n, 23/5/83. 36. Not. 1394n, 1/11/79. 37. AN SOM F/3/91, 143- --- Page 330 --- Notes to Pages 135-146 : 303 3/12/79, and one or the other sister appears as habitant 38. The rental was Not. 13951, several times, the latest in Not. 1405n, 31/3/88. 39- Not. 168n, I/s/7740. Not. 2oon, I1/4/88. "Milla" on the rue St. Laurent no. 7, or enAs, for example, AN SOM Gi 495, entry 41. ci-devant la Fleur" on the rue de la Providence no. 7. try "Marcon 42. Not. IgIn, 14/7/85, 15/7/85, and 15/9/85. 8/4/84, and was located in the rue EsThe 64,000 livre house appears in Not. 186n, 43It rented for 7,200 livres a year on a long-term contract. pagnolle, at no. 73344- Not. 138In 33 29/3/85. 45. Not. 14021, 20/1o/85. 46. Not. 14031, 9/2/86. in Pluchon, Haiti au XVIIle siècle, 243-49. 47. Wimpffen, Voyage à Saint-Domingue, 48. Not. 86n, 20/5/8749. Not. 1397n, 23/1/81. Collection Moreau de St. Méry, 145-5550. Found in AN SOM F/3/91, CHAPTER SEVEN. ENTREPRENEDRSHIP The land is mentioned in Not. II7on, 14/6/78. I. 2. Not. I170n, 14/6/78. Not. 1388n 31, 9/3/82, for the pastureNot. 87n, I/II/87, for the coffee plantation; in 3for a developed urban property Port-auland in Port-au-Prince; Not. 1387n 127, 13/x1/81, lot low rent, next to the municipal sewer) Prince; and Not. 87n, 23/7/87, for an urban (very! in Mirebalais. in Pluchon, Haiti au XVIIle Siecle, 134-38, 4- Wimpffen, Voyage à Saint-Domingue, 237-42; quote, 138. les habitants de Saint-Domingue font de F. G. Brueys d'Aigalliers, "Del l'emploi que 5from Oeuvres choisies de F G. Brueys d'Aigalliers, S-s.reproduced leur revenus, année 1764," in Pluchon, Haiti au XVIIle siècle, 291-92. The Depont Family in EigbteenthLandlords, Magistrates: 6. Robert Forster, Merchants, Century France, especially chapter I. - in Pluchon, Histoire des Antilles, 132. 7- Butel, "L'Essor Antillais," involved in a disputed inheritance in 8. Such as a parcel of IOO carreaux in Plaisance Not. 13991, 15/5/83. 9. AN SOM F/3/91, 148. Credit was occasionally extended but IO. Based on 562 acts ofsale ofland from 1776 5-91. cannot be measured noted in the notarial act; the extent oft this phenomenon not officially the of regular and overt credit. here but may be assumed to follow pattern Pluchon, ed., Histoire desAntilles, 203-4 II. Pierre Pluchon, "Le Spectacle Colonial'in with slave demography. oft this work, see the section dealing 12. In chapter 5 13. AN SOM F/3/91 folio 19, 28/9/39. on 562 acts ofsale ofland from 1776 5-91. cannot be measured noted in the notarial act; the extent oft this phenomenon not officially the of regular and overt credit. here but may be assumed to follow pattern Pluchon, ed., Histoire desAntilles, 203-4 II. Pierre Pluchon, "Le Spectacle Colonial'in with slave demography. oft this work, see the section dealing 12. In chapter 5 13. AN SOM F/3/91 folio 19, 28/9/39. --- Page 331 --- 304 . Notes to Pages 147-156 14. AN SOM Gr 509 piece 32. 15- Wimpffen, Voyage à Saint-Domingue, in 16. Not. 15351, 10/8/77. Pluchon, Haiti au XVIILe Siècle, 122 -27. 17. Not. 203n, 26/12/88. 18. Renewals in Not. 1384n 174, 4/11/78; I9. Not. 1399n, 5/3/83. He is sometimes 1389n I05, 21/r/83; 1392n 84, 9/x/86. though he got to be fairly well referred to as "formerly known as known as Pavie as his Cochet," al20. See Wimpffen, in his plantations made money. chapter on the establishment of a new Saint-Domingue, in Pluchon, Haiti au XVIIle siècle, plantation, Voyage à 21. Forster, Merchants, Landlords, 243-49. 22. Wimpffen, Magistrates, 62. Voyage à Saint-Domingue, in 23. N = 2II sales of slaves by free coloreds Pluchon, Haiti au XVIIle siècle, 244. and 268 sales between free coloreds. to whites, 140 sales by whites to free fined as noncredit Sales described as comptant, or on coloreds, sales, as they were, in account, were deof creation of new ones. Pawns principle anyway, repayments of old debts mated market value were defined as credit sales for the instead of the slave that was not proportion of the estiment was promised within fifteen paid out at the time of the pawn. If final were considered cash days or on the day the purchaser took paysales. possession, the acts 24. Cornelius de Pauw, "The White Creoles," " in 25. Peabody, "Race, Slavery and French Law," Pluchon, Haitiau. XVIIle siecle, 292-94. 26. Among them, Julien Raimond, in his 4. F/3/g1 I90 -92. mémoires to the Minister of Marine, AN SOM 27. AN SOM Gis 509 pieces 31 and 38. 28. Not. 187n, 1/7/84. 29. Not. 1298n, 12/7/85; see appendix 330. Not. 1538n, 15/3/82. 31. In his will, and at the beginning of the last 32. Not. 199n, 4/12/87. chapter: Not. 1538n, 4/2/82. 33- Jacques Ménétra,Journal de ma vie, is the life of great light on the institution as a whole. story one such compagnon that casts 34- Not. 186n, 8/5/84. This slave cost for female slaves without 3,000 liures, at least 50 percent over the special talents. going price 35. Not. 693, 9/8/80. 36. Out of II sociétés in my sample that were were dissolved during this period, of founded during the period under 4 these before their study, 5 37. Not. 525n 106, 17/6/79. originally stated renewal date. 38. Not. 178n, 25/5/81. 39. Not. 524n, 14/xx/78. The house was to be solidly sonry foundation with a tile roof. it constructed of hardwood on a makitchen. It However, was rather small, with one seemingly was of respectable value large room and a small houses in Cap rented for although no specific figure was stated; other 400 -IOOO liures a year, e.g., Not. 1617, 30/1r/81, two cabi- renewal date. 38. Not. 178n, 25/5/81. 39. Not. 524n, 14/xx/78. The house was to be solidly sonry foundation with a tile roof. it constructed of hardwood on a makitchen. It However, was rather small, with one seemingly was of respectable value large room and a small houses in Cap rented for although no specific figure was stated; other 400 -IOOO liures a year, e.g., Not. 1617, 30/1r/81, two cabi- --- Page 332 --- Notes to Pages 156-163 . 305 in masonry, repairs required, for nets for 400 liures/yr.; Not. 1532, IX/7/78, one chambre in for 1,044 liures/yr. Not. 176n, 3/11/79, chambre and cabinet masonry 500 livres/yr.; 40. Not. 1616, 14/5/80. 41. Not. 182n, 9/2/83. COMPONENTS OF SOCIAL STATUS CHAPTER EIGHT. NON-ECONOMIC second and third memoirs to the Minister ofMarine, ca. Raimond, I. EspeciallyJulien Rédlamations addressées à PAssemblée. Nationale (Paris: 1783, AN SOM F/3/91 nos. 185 and 186, du (Paris: n.p., 1791). and his Observations SUT Torigine et les progrés préjugé n.p., 1790), third memoir to the Minister ofMarine. 2. Raimond, limited themselves to legitimate quarMembers of the Chambre de T'Agriculture 3. terons born free. AN SOM F/3/125 44. 83-101. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie frangaise, 4- Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie frangaise, 91. 5Considerations SUT T'état, 1:746. Hilliard d'Auberteuil, discussed (and condemned) in Hilliard This case and the whole phenomenon are 7. Considerations Sur l'état, 1:82-83. d'Auberteuil, Nouveau voyage aux Isles de PAmérigue (Paris: n.p., 1742), 8. R.P.Jean-Baptiste Labat, 114-15du critère ethnique dans un ordrejuridique esYvan Debbasch, Couleur et liberté: Lejeu 9. clavagiste, 48. de la partie française, I:IOO. IO. Moreau de St. Méry, Description 2/1/1779, and "Arrêt du Conseil d'Etat," II. "Arrêt du Conseil Superieur du Cap," and 6:500 -50I. in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:879-82 4/13/1784, 12. James, Black, Jacobins, 38-4313. AN SOM Not. 1404n, 14/2/87. be absolutely never had chilWhite women in Saint Domingue, the reader can sure, that identified as such 14or at least not children were dren of color, legitimate or otherwise, consider the possibility. In the section on records. Moreau de St. Méry did not even of in the he describes the various outcomes of the coupling the various shadings of free coloreds, with women of color and between the masculine pronoun and adjective) white men (using (using both grammatical forms) but never various shades of people of color ofboth genders between white women and men of color. 15. Not. 525n 90, 4/8/79. 16. As in Not. 782, 614/89. 17. Not. 1626, 3/5/88. in Not. 86n, 8/1/86, 3/2/86, 13/2/86, 1/3/86, 18. The family of Alexis Duchemin appear 4/5/86, 21/6/86, 2/12/86, I/6/87 Not. 87n, 23/11/88, 9/2/88. cited in Frostin, Les Révoltes de Brueys d'A 'Aigalliers in 1763, 19. Versel by Gabriel-François blanches, 319- 86n, 8/1/86, 3/2/86, 13/2/86, 1/3/86, 18. The family of Alexis Duchemin appear 4/5/86, 21/6/86, 2/12/86, I/6/87 Not. 87n, 23/11/88, 9/2/88. cited in Frostin, Les Révoltes de Brueys d'A 'Aigalliers in 1763, 19. Versel by Gabriel-François blanches, 319- --- Page 333 --- 306 . Notes to Pages 163-170 in which Marthe Castaing's brother Guillaume 20. See, for example, Not. 1398n, 17/8/82, received a gift of slaves from their mother. that title in Cap in Not. 1616, 14/5/80. rented an apartment under 2I. Guillaume 22. See, for example, Not. 178n, 17/7/81. AN SOM E.C. 120, Marriage, 31/1o/85and his Ob23ofJulien Raimond, in his Réclamations, 3-4 24. Once again to the outrage de couleur who were surgeons before the 1764 servations, 8. He cites the names of two gens du Roi Concernant la Chirugerie aux regulation. The regulation appears as "Ordonnance Colonies," n in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 4:724. and perhaps the (date illeg.). The son joined the Chascun-Volontaires, his 25. Not. 525n 74 would be sufficient to support him and father anticipated that the military position mother. concernant le Gens de Couleur Libres," 24/6/1773 26. "Reglement des Administrateurs in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:448-50. and 1617/173, 27. Not. 86n, 24/4/86. 28. Not. 86n, 4/5/86. Garrigus, "Struggle for Respect, 13929. 30. Not. 525n 74. 31. Not. Igon, 23/6/85and French Law." 32. Peabody, "Race, Slavery, 33- Not. 139In 67, I5/5/85. concernant le Luxe des Gens de Cou- "Règlement Provisoire des Administrateurs leur," 34- in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:855-57- with Julien Raimond, who might The prohibition on coaches was a very sore point 3-4 35. one; he mentions it both in his Réclamations, have been expected to be able to afford and his Observations, IO. 36. Not. 14035, 26/6/86. 37- Not. 1402n, 21/7/8538. Not. 12gon, 1/12/77Michelle Bennett Duvalier, owned The First Lady ofHaiti during the 1970S to 1984, 39. in her "summer house" in the (somewhat cooler) heights a large collection offur coats, kept holds that she and her friends used to turn overlooking Port-au-Prince. An urban legend the and wear the coats. conditioning as high as it would go, light a frein fireplace, up the air the other inhabitants oft the island, the cighteenth century Unfortunately for LeMoine and LeMoine's son traveled widely, as a noncommishad not yet developed air conditioning. Merchant Marine, and possibly Augustin had done sioned officer in the French Navy and he would need a warm coat. in his youth to places where some voyaging Description de la partiefrangaise, 105-6. 40. Moreau de St. Méry, 41. Not. 140In, 16/9/8442. Not. 1299n, 1/2/87. 43- Not. I3oon, 29/9/88. ine and LeMoine's son traveled widely, as a noncommishad not yet developed air conditioning. Merchant Marine, and possibly Augustin had done sioned officer in the French Navy and he would need a warm coat. in his youth to places where some voyaging Description de la partiefrangaise, 105-6. 40. Moreau de St. Méry, 41. Not. 140In, 16/9/8442. Not. 1299n, 1/2/87. 43- Not. I3oon, 29/9/88. --- Page 334 --- Notes to Pages 171-178 . 307 numerals distinguish individuals in the 44- Not. 1399n, 12/4/83- The parenthesized roman was the third-oldest extended family who share the same name. Young Gaspard Laporte member of the clan to hold that name. See appendix I. 45. Not. 176n, 12/8/79. 46. Not. 1635n, 1517178. 47- Not. 1299n, 31/3/87d'une maréchaussée, n Art. 25, "Ordonnance des Administrateurs) pourlétablissemente 48. in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 2:731. n Art. 32, 3/27/1721, d'une maréchaussée, "Ordonnance des Administrateurs pourlétablissemente 49. in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 2:732. 3/27/1721, du touchant la Porte d'armes et qui l'interdit expressément 50. "Arrêt du Conseil Cap Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 4:342-43aux Negres et Mulâtres libres," 2/3/1761, 229-30 (Vincent) and 186-87 Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie) frangaise, SI. (Auba). 52. Not. 12gon, 1/12/77. in "Sons of the Same Father." The phenomenon is discussed Garrigus, 5354- Not. 1399n, 14/2/83de la partiej française, IO3. 55- Moreau de St. Méry, Description 56. Not. 694, I/g/81. 57- Not. 1536n, 2/3/78. 58. Not. 1399n, 12/4/8359- Not. 1536n, 3/217960. Not. 86n, I/5/86. 61. Not. 1394, 6/2/86. 62. Not. 196n, 17/1o/86. 63. Not. I178n, 29/3/82. 64. Not. 177n, 31/3/81. Loix et constitutions, 1:415. 65. Art. 3, Moreau de St. Méry, 33966. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partief frangaise, Haiti au XVIIle siècle, 222. Wimpffen, Voyage à Saint-Domingue, in Pluchon, 67. 68. Not. I1751, 13/ro/80. 17/12/76, the will of one Dame Marie Anne Charlotte 69. See, for example, in Not. 1289n, Dèpe, a white woman. for Augustin and Not. 1295n, 25/1o/80, for Bertrand 70. The wills- -Not. 129on, 18/g/7, were both notarized by the good Catholic Leprestre. notarial acts: Not. 525n I06, Toussaint appeared as principal actor in the following 18/8/79. 7I. Not. 178n, 31/7/8I; Not. 694, 9/2/81; Not. 525n 109, 17/8/79; Not. 178n, 25/5/81; 72. Not. 189n, 24/3/8573- Not. 194n, 6/4/86. 74- Not. 525n 26, 24/2/79. 75- Not. 525n 52, 3014179. actor in the following 18/8/79. 7I. Not. 178n, 31/7/8I; Not. 694, 9/2/81; Not. 525n 109, 17/8/79; Not. 178n, 25/5/81; 72. Not. 189n, 24/3/8573- Not. 194n, 6/4/86. 74- Not. 525n 26, 24/2/79. 75- Not. 525n 52, 3014179. --- Page 335 --- 308 . Notes to Pages 178-185 76. Not. 525n 132, 7/1/79. 77- E.C. 19, 9/1/81. 78. E.C. 20,4/4/82. RELATIONSNIPS AND SOCIAL ADVANCEMENT CHAPTER NINE. FAMILY I. Not. 1168n, 4/s/77. IOI, 104. Raimond, Réponse aux Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partiefrangaise, 2. considérations. in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 1:416. 3- Code Noir, Art. II, recently freed in 1779, purchased Alexis Phaeton and Marie Angelique Angerone, and 4from their former master; Not. 12931, 9/7/79. Ladouceur their two legitimate children married, but no date given, were sold, possibly Therese, noted in the record as legitimately Boue and Toinette, still slaves in 1786, auin Cap in 178I; Not. 178n, 21/8/81. to a relative, Manda's marriage to his slave, Marianne thorized their free, minor, legitimate son Joseph Fanchon's son Jacques, a free Quinque in Cap; Not. 195n, 9/6/86. Philippe and legitimate Zelimé in 1787, his parents living in Petite Anse, married Marie Jeanne Negre carpenter some before; Not. 198n, 15/8/87having died in slavery years 1:416. Art. 9, Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, his slave 5ofSanto Domingo, married 6. Francois Bernard, native of the Spanish colony black Creole, in Mirebalais in 1788, Not. 87n, 9/11/88. Catin, a Arada, married his mistress, Magdelaine, of"na7- Jean dit Lafortune, slave of"nation" children Michel, Magdelaine, Marie Noelle, legitimizing their tion" Congo, on rJuly 1784, children's do not appear in the act, but the bride Nicolas, Toussaint, and Modeste. The ages and the groom 50. E.C. 120, 12/7/84des Adwas aged 40 de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 1:416, "Ordonnance 8. Code Noir, Moreau les esclaves," 18/12/13, in Moreau de St. Méry, ministrateurs concernant le concubinage avec Loix et constitutions, 2:406. de St. Loix et constitutions, 4:520. "Alliance" "Lettre du Ministre," in Moreau Méry, exists that it was 9. alliance; this is unclear from context. No evidence may mean matrimonial ever enforced in either sense. for James, Black Jacobins, 32. IO. Sec, example, in which the author's ancestor Kissy is for Alex Haley, Roots, 427-28, II. See, example, white admixture to the heritage ofthe Haley family. Alraped byl her master, contributing a for n Roots represents described byits author as "not history, but a legend my people," toward the though especially the African American public, question attitudes oft the general public, of miscegenation under slavery. Considerations sur Tétat, 2:94. 12. Hilliard d'Auberteuil, whereas the average age of all The average age of the freed children was II.9 years, 13slave children was 7-914- Not. 1396n, 3/8/80. 15- Not. 2oon, 27/3/88. Roots represents described byits author as "not history, but a legend my people," toward the though especially the African American public, question attitudes oft the general public, of miscegenation under slavery. Considerations sur Tétat, 2:94. 12. Hilliard d'Auberteuil, whereas the average age of all The average age of the freed children was II.9 years, 13slave children was 7-914- Not. 1396n, 3/8/80. 15- Not. 2oon, 27/3/88. --- Page 336 --- Notes to Pages 185-207 . 309 Loix et constitutions, 4:609. "Arrêt du Conseil," n s/ro/75, in Moreau de St. Méry, 16. 17- Not. I3oon, 13/ro/88. 18. Not. 1396n, 15/7/80. citing his notarial sample from the 1760S in Garrigus, "Sons of the Same Father," 14, whites par19. for this work do not include acts in which only the South province. The sources about 6 percent (22 out of 383) of the white participated, but white women made up only with both white and free colored participants. ticipants in sales ofland 20. AN SOM Gi 495a. 21. AN SOM G1495a. 22. Not. 195n, 21/8/86. 23. Not. 1951, 3r/8/86. 24. Not. r88n, 27/12/8425- AN SOM Greffe 2, 254-55107. 26. Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie frangaise, Not even the population figures were right. 27. James, Black) Jacobins, 32. 28. Not. 1971, 18/1/87. 29. Not. 182n, 27/2/83. (inventory). Not. 1396n, 6/3/80 (will) and 1o/3/80 30. 31. Not. 195n, 3/8/86. 32. Not. 2oon, 28/1/88. 33- Not. 139In 134, (date illeg.) December 1785. Raimond, Observations SUT Torigine. 3435- Not. 1388n 47, 2/4/82. 36. Not. 168n, 2/317737. Not. 1168n, 1/6/7738. Not. 87n, 717/88. 39- Not. II7InN, 217178. reducing the value of gifts promised with a Value of contribution was estimated by the value for 40. per year, by evaluating land at average delay of more than a year by IO percent in the act, and by evaluating slaves at and description of land if not evaluated that parish substantially equal in their terms if estimated 2,000 livres each. Contracts were deemed the other's by more than 25 percent. Only contribution did not exceed value of one party's of property were taken into account. amounts entering into a community 41. Not. Igon, 21/5/85. 42. Not. 140In, 16/9/84. CHAPTER TEN. PLANTER ELITES I. Not. 15351, 16/10/77. 2. Not. 1537n, 31/3/81. 16/2/78, and Not. 1535n, 22/12/73. Rentals ofland: Not. 1535n, de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 4:609. "Arrêt du Conseil," 5/1o/75, in Moreau 4- /85. 42. Not. 140In, 16/9/84. CHAPTER TEN. PLANTER ELITES I. Not. 15351, 16/10/77. 2. Not. 1537n, 31/3/81. 16/2/78, and Not. 1535n, 22/12/73. Rentals ofland: Not. 1535n, de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 4:609. "Arrêt du Conseil," 5/1o/75, in Moreau 4- --- Page 337 --- 310 . Notes to Pages 207-219 in AN SOM Not. 15351, 22/12/7, for 200 carreaux and 15355, 5. Rental contracts found 16/10/77, for at least 24 carreaux of sugar cane fields. 6. Not. 1537, 617/847. Not. 1616, 14/5/80. of Gabriel Debien's Plantations et esclaves. 8. The Foâche sugar plantation is the subject 9. AN SOM Gi 495a. IO. Not. 19In, 26/7/85II. Not. 15371, 30/3/81. and codicil, 23/11/82, in which Not. 4/2/82, in which he gives the plantation, 12. 1538n, liures, and a collection of high-status household goods. he substitutes the slaves, 12,000 and dissolved in Not. 1538n, 15/3/82. Society formed in Not. 1536n, 20/7/79, 13. 14- Not. 1538n, 15/3/82. 15- Not. 1537n, 30/3/81. 16. Not. 13941, 25/9/78. 17. Not. 1536n, 3/2179de la Bannière, Limbé, to M. le Commandant du 18. Letter from Commandant Mailly (Paul Cairou), AN SOM F/3/g1 156. of former Quartier Not. 1/12/81, where he was a witness at the marriage 19. See, for example, Chasseur-Volontaire) Jean-Baptiste Lagarde. of Pierre dit Franjou, Pincemaille as witness, for example, at the marriage or at 20. appeared Colette, nation Mandingue, Not. 1624, 2/5/87, mason, to his slave Marie Therèse dite AN SOM E.C. II9, 24/11/78. ofJean Baptiste Balazar to his slave Françoise, the marriage two cited in the previous note, This of 2I includes such things as the marriages 21. figure Chavanne, was present of the planter and merchant group,Jean-Baptiste where a member slave to her master-hardly playwitnessed the manumission of a through marriage at and indicative ofhis personal and somewhat peculiar (for ing a key role in the process although bridges to lower-class free coloreds. and merchant elite) interest in building and the planter which he transferred the land and slaves has not survived 22. The document under wealth is revealed, Not. 1400n, 22/10/83, cited in the act in which the family is not properly for 28 carreaux with 10,000 trade the land they got from him to a white neighbor where they coffee trees. to Free growing for Respect," 5 and also his paper titled "Some Background 23- Garrigus, "Struggle Raimond in Saint Domingue, 1744-1784." Colored Political Activism: Julien Forster focuses on the Deponts, who over Forster, Merchants, Landlords, Magistrates. and the 24. went from merchants trading between La Rochelle a period of three generations ofextensive landholdings in the colonies to robe nobles in the parlement of Paris, by way hinterland ofLa Rochelle and local officcholding in that city. donations, and other tenure is based on analysis of 222 sales, 25- This figure for average donor obtained the land was given. transfers ofland where the date the seller or and Brueys d'Aigalliers, "De 26. Baron de Wimpffen, Voyage à Saint-Demingues, 131-42, Pluchon (ed.), Haiti au XVIIle siècle. both reproduced in l'emploi que les habitants," 55-58, Paris, by way hinterland ofLa Rochelle and local officcholding in that city. donations, and other tenure is based on analysis of 222 sales, 25- This figure for average donor obtained the land was given. transfers ofland where the date the seller or and Brueys d'Aigalliers, "De 26. Baron de Wimpffen, Voyage à Saint-Demingues, 131-42, Pluchon (ed.), Haiti au XVIIle siècle. both reproduced in l'emploi que les habitants," 55-58, --- Page 338 --- Notes to Pages 220 -234 : 31I 27. Not. 1535n, 16/10/77. 28. Not. 1536n, 317178. 29. Not. 1537n, 31/3/81. 30. Not. 1394, 6/2/86. of Achile Chavanne, Not. 1537, 6/7/84. 31. See the marriage contract 32. Not. 1393n, 7/9/77of Marine, AN SOM F/3/gi no. 186, and Raimond, third memoir to the Minister 33du Cap memorandum, AN SOM F/3/125 no. 44 Chambre de T'Agriculture for 17,000 liures, the IOO carThe Turgeau house sold in Not. 1388n 162, 16/12/82, 34. I1/6/87, the 96 carreaux in Not. 1390n 69, 20/6/84. reaux appear in Not. 86n, 4/11/78; 1389n I05, 21/11/83; 1392n 84, The contract was renewed in Not. 1384n 174, 9/11/77, 35in Not. 1388n 141, 13/11/82; 1382n 146, 9/11/86. Annual accountings were performed 21/11/84; 139In II7, 9/11/85. 1385n 128, n/n/79; 1386n I07, 9/11/80; 1390n 153, LEADERSHIP GROUP CHAPTER ELEVEN. THE MILITARY Moreau de St. Méry, Description de la partie frangaise, 229-30. I. 2. AN SOM Not. 524n, 16/5/78. AN SOM Gi 495a, cadastral survey of 27/6176. 34. AN SOM E.C.17, 16/1/79the chevalier that mentions the adjacency. No Not. 1396n, 1/s/80, an act of sale by 5under study deals with the babitation itself. notarial act during the period 6. Not. 52411, II/12/78. Pluchon, Histoire desAntilles et de la Guyane, 95-106. in the 7. of vibrant families, whereas many individuals military 8. Planter elites were part ties at all. This is one of the most interestleadership group had little or no formal family ing characteristics ofthe group. Michel François Pincemaille, a See chapter 8. Among these acts were many by 9. veteran who came from a prominent planting Chaseun-Volontsires noncommissioned social behaviors of the military leadership group. family but who shared many ofthe Not. 174n, 29/1/78; E. C. 17, 24/2/78; AN SOM Not. 1771, 8/7/80; IO. Marriages: AN SOM E.C. 17, 5/x/79; E. C.19, Not. 524n, 6/3178; burial: E. C. 17, 18/3/78; baptisms: 16/1/81; and E. C.17,1 15/5/77II. Not. 525n I, s/1/79. 12. Not. 178n, 3/7/81. and Not. 202n, 13/9/88, for the final act. 13. Not. 189n, 31/3/85, for the procuration, 14. Not. 203n, 23/10/88. 15. Not. 176n, 25/4/80. second will. 16. See Not. 187n, 6/7/84 for the 17. Not. 178n, 6/7/81. much detail in Martin Klein and Paul 18. The concept can be found explained in greater /81. and Not. 202n, 13/9/88, for the final act. 13. Not. 189n, 31/3/85, for the procuration, 14. Not. 203n, 23/10/88. 15. Not. 176n, 25/4/80. second will. 16. See Not. 187n, 6/7/84 for the 17. Not. 178n, 6/7/81. much detail in Martin Klein and Paul 18. The concept can be found explained in greater --- Page 339 --- 312 . Notes to Pages 235-240 region, West Africa," n and in its specific application to the Senegambian exisLovejoy, "Slaveryin' Saint in the early days oft the colony's source of many slaves who came to Domingue Curtin, Economic Change in Precolonial. Africa. tence, in Philip 3:828. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 19. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 4:86420. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:25-26. 21. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:246-4722. 23- Not. 1384n 186, 26/11/78. 24. Not. 12951, 19/11/80. 25. Not. 24/4/82. 26. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 3:244-46. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 4:119. 27. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 6:344-49. 28. 29. Not. 1398n, 19/t0/82. " Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et consti30. "Ordonnance Portant Reestablissement . ecu in the records. It is a seventeenthThis is the only reference to an or tutions 6:344-49worth, depending on the source, either 3 licures century term for a money of account context. livres. It is unclear what this would mean in a late-eighteenth-centuy is not 3-33 6:344-49. This distribution system Moreau de St. Mery, Loix et constitutions or 31. context of the times. Prize money paid for captured ships sO unfair as it seems, in the the time was distributed according to a similar other enemy property in the British Navy at of the value of the prize. The maréchaussée enlisted sailors shared about one-fourth ofwhom were system; have a better deal than the British sailors, most men actually seem to gotten white. P in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix Conseil Supérieur de Cap, "Arrêt qui defend . 1790, 32. et constitutions, 6:546. The beaver coat was much more valuable: 33 liures. 33- Not. 1290n, 13/1z/7. 34- Not. 1399n, 12/4/83. 3 liures, though, and was described in Not. 1402n, 25/7/85- His musket went for only 35poor repair. "Memoire sur les maréchaussées et les piquets de gens de 36. M. de Carnage de Mailhert, Moreau de St. Méry, F/3/91 folio19. n couleur," 28/9/1739, manuscripti in AN SOM Collection "Memoire sur les defauts de la police des Chambre de T'Agriculture du Cap Français, folio 80. 37AN SOM Collection Moreau de St. Méry, F/3/126 negres," 7 2/6/85, manuscript in 38. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 2:756. commanding French troops on M.le Baron de Castellane, two letters to the general Moreau de St. Méry, AN 39and 10/3/86, manuscripts in Collection the island, dated 6/3/86 is not recorded, but Captain The outcome of this case unfortunately SOM F/3/91, 163-65- list of militia officers in Port-de-Paix. Audige appears on a 1789 "Arrêt. . touchant le paiement des appointe40. Conseil Supérieur du Cap Français, Ofc course, all this became des maréchausée, n Loix et constitutions, 6:134 -35, 141. mens : but the regulation illustrates a preexisting problem. academic shortly thereafter, , dated 6/3/86 is not recorded, but Captain The outcome of this case unfortunately SOM F/3/91, 163-65- list of militia officers in Port-de-Paix. Audige appears on a 1789 "Arrêt. . touchant le paiement des appointe40. Conseil Supérieur du Cap Français, Ofc course, all this became des maréchausée, n Loix et constitutions, 6:134 -35, 141. mens : but the regulation illustrates a preexisting problem. academic shortly thereafter, --- Page 340 --- Notes to Pages 241-253 . 313 in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et les defendus," 41. "Arrêt du Conseil : - touchant jeux constitutions, 6:632. Moreau de St. Méry, F/3/91, folio 15442. Collection , Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitu- "Ordonnance portant re-etablissement : American 43. complaint against slave catchers in the tions, 3:344-49. This was also a common South. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 6:718. 44touchant les excès commis sur un habitant . 14/12/80, 45- "Arrêt du Conseil du Cap Furthermore, note that this case in Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 6:86-90. is, in the North province under the jurisdiction of the Conseil du Cap-that dead took place and less well-organized. In addition, the man where gens de couleur were less numerous Nonetheless, the police role of the free as an habitant, that is, a landowner. was described coloreds was obviously crucial. Considerations sur Tétat, 2:74, where he stated 46. Michel Réné Hilliard d'Auberteuil, that the sentence was amputhat if a free colored struck a white, colonial custom required tation of the hand or death. 47. Not. 1665, 1g/g/80. 48. Not. 1388n 158, 12/12/82. 49. Not. 15371, 7/4/80. 50. Not. 1538n, 8/6/82. Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 3:244-46. 51. 52. Not. 850, 7/8/79the original request to the government for permis53- Not. 1616, 1o/5/80. Interestingly, Gentil was himself still a slave. So much for the sion to free the slave Jean was made while incompetence of slaves to perform notarial acts. legal 54- Not. 1396n, 30/11/80. 55- Not. 1404n, 9/6/86. 56. Not. 140In, II/12/849/6/87. The sale of the land is in Not. 1402n, 9/3/85; recovery of pawn, Not. 1404n, This latter act marks 57dated 9/3/85 and placed in the archives 24/5/85. a separate, private act, Petrouille épouse Gentil. the first appearance of Elisabeth LeMoine's beaver coat. 58. With the exception, of course, of Augustin ofPierre does not appeari in the sample, Not. 194n 14/3/86. The official manumission but 59. it may have been executed in Port-de-Paix. merchandise is listed, although it is 60. Not. 129on, I/iz/7. It is worth noting that no traded overseas. Itapthe that LeMoine was a merchant and seemingly clear from papers warehouse distinct from his residence that that LeMoine had a place of business or pears was not inventoried. 61. Not. 1290n, 13/12/77. 62. Not. 1295n, 25/1o/80. 63- Not. 12951, 25/to/80. 64- Not. 1297n, 12/8/82. 129on, I/iz/7. It is worth noting that no traded overseas. Itapthe that LeMoine was a merchant and seemingly clear from papers warehouse distinct from his residence that that LeMoine had a place of business or pears was not inventoried. 61. Not. 1290n, 13/12/77. 62. Not. 1295n, 25/1o/80. 63- Not. 12951, 25/to/80. 64- Not. 1297n, 12/8/82. --- Page 341 --- 314 . Notes to Pages 254-264 military leaders in the sample are listed in ap65. The names and ranks of identified pendix 2. "shed" with connotations of ruin and disorder. 66. AN SOM G1495a. Barraque means 67. Not. 5241, 20/2/77. 68. Not. 178n, 20/6/81. 69. Not. 524n1, 1/3/78. credit. He rented places and sublet them. He Lots ofhis speculations were done on endless lists ofout70. business or at least collected on some ofthose may! have sold his grocery is lost without an account book. standing debts. Such information and back rent paid. Not. 178n, 17/7/81, act in which the lease was resolved 71. 72. Not. I9In, 14/7/85. 73. Not. 188n, 27/12/8474- Not. 1741, 20/5/78. 75- Not. 178n, 17/7/81. 76. Not. 1791, 31/12/81. 77- Not. 195n, 22/9/86. 660 lires, the smallest and least desirable ofhis 78. Not. 87n, 28/5/88. Itwas worth only with his former mistress and was penthat Pierre had had a fight lots, SO one might suppose sioning her off. not the best land in the colony, but 128 carreaux 79. Not. 1388n no. 31, 9/3/82. This was ofanything is a lot ofland. 80. A sale ofland, in 1787. Not. 87n, I/11/87. 81. Not. 87n, 28/5/88. 82. Not. 1536n, 617178. 83- Not. I170n, 14/6/78. 84. Not. 84n, II/9/84in Not. 1384n 174, 4/11/78; 1389n IOS, 21/11/83; 85. Partnership between the two renewed made in Not. 1388n 141, 13/11/82; 1382n 145, 1392n 84, g/11/86. Intermediate accountings 21/II/84; 1391n II7, 9/11/85. g/x/7T 1385n 128, I/I1/79; 1386n I07, 9/II/80; 1390n 153, le Gens de Couleur Libres," 24/6/1773 des Administrateurs concernant 86. "Règlement Moreau de St. Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:448-50. and 16/7/1773, in 87. Not. 202n, 13/9/88, and Not. 203n, 23/to/88. 88. Not. 179n, 24/12/81. tons. Such a véssel would not hold Not. 108I, 21/4/82. That would be 14 displacement 89. 14 tons of cargo. and Not. 187n, 1/7/84, fort the procuration con90. Not. 184n, 2/12/83, forthe partnership taining the orders to the captain. in 87. Not. 202n, 13/9/88, and Not. 203n, 23/to/88. 88. Not. 179n, 24/12/81. tons. Such a véssel would not hold Not. 108I, 21/4/82. That would be 14 displacement 89. 14 tons of cargo. and Not. 187n, 1/7/84, fort the procuration con90. Not. 184n, 2/12/83, forthe partnership taining the orders to the captain. --- Page 342 --- Works Cited MANUSCRIPT PRIMARY SOURCES Archives Nationales Françaises. Archives chives (Section E). Saulx-Tavanes, Départementales de Loire Maritime, Private areds. European Society in the 18tb E-1715. Cited in Robert Forster and Elborg Forster, Archives Nationales Françaises. Century. New York: Harper and Row, 1969. tion G). Cadastral Section Outre-Mer. Censuses and Cadastral Archives survey ofCap Français, 1776, Gr 495a. Surveys (SecNationales Françaises. Section Outre-Mer. tion G). Census tables for 1754, Censuses and Cadastral Surveys (SecArchives Nationales Françaises. Section 1777, 1780, and 1788, Gr 509, pieces 28, 31, 36, and 38. tion F). M. de Carnage de Mailhert, Outre-Mer. Collection Moreau de St. Méry (Secgens de couleur," F/3/gr piece I9. M. le "Memoire Comte sur les maréchaussées et les piquets de Chasseurs Mulatres," F/3/g1 piece d'Argout, "Lettre a M. le Ministre sur. les commanding French 139.M.le Baron de Castellan, two letters to the 65. Julien Raimond, troops on the island, dated 6/3/86 and 10/3/86, general "Troisième mémoire a F/3/91, pieces 163nistre et Secrétaire d'État au Monseigneur le Maréchal de Castries MiDépartement de la Marine," del'Agriculture du Cap Français, F/3/gr pieces 190 -92. Chambre ture du Cap Français, "Memoire Memorandum, sur les defauts F/3/125 piece. 44. Chambre del l'AgriculArchives Nationales Françaises. Section de la police des negres, F/3/r26 piece 80. (Section D2C). Volumes: Outre-Mer. Colonial military 41, Savannah personnel records (Leclerc expedition and Santo expedition; I14, Armée de Domingo Saint-Domingue Archives Nationales Françaises. Section garrison); IIS, Militia. ual files (Section E). Colonel Laurent Francois Outre-Mer. Colonial personnel records, individChasseuns-Volontaires. de Saint-Domingue, Le Noir de Rouvray, commander of the Archives Nationales Françaises. Section Outre-Mer. E278. Saint Domingue. M. le Comte de Nolivos. Dépôt des Fortifications des Colonies. des etats majors de la colonies, des "Instructions sur quelques objects du service Archives Nationales Françaises. troupes, et des milices," n 2/12/70, carton I. nies. État Civil de Section Outre-Mer. Dépôt des Papiers Publiques des ColoSainte-Suzanne. Saint-Domingue. Volumes: 16 -21, Cap Français; 120, Limonade; 121, Archives Nationales Françaises. Section Outre-Mer. nies. Greffe de Saint-Domingue. Volumes: Dépôt des Papiers Publiques des ColoSénéchausée de Port-au-Prince. 2-4, Conseil Supérieur de Port-au-Prince; 21, --- Page 343 --- 316 . Works Cited Archives Nationales Françaises. Section Outre-Mer. nies. Notariat de Dépôt des Papiers Publiques des ColoSaint-Domingue. Français; 120, Limonade; 121, Archives Nationales Françaises. Section Outre-Mer. nies. Greffe de Saint-Domingue. Volumes: Dépôt des Papiers Publiques des ColoSénéchausée de Port-au-Prince. 2-4, Conseil Supérieur de Port-au-Prince; 21, --- Page 343 --- 316 . Works Cited Archives Nationales Françaises. Section Outre-Mer. nies. Notariat de Dépôt des Papiers Publiques des ColoSaint-Domingue. Volumes: 82-87, 173-203, Bordier Jeune, Cap Français, 1776-78; Beaudoulx, Mirebalais, 1777-92; 1168-79, Lamauve, Mirebalais, 1777-97; 524-25, Doré, Cap Français, 1755-80; 1382-92, Michel, Port-au-Prince, 1289-1301, Leprestre, Fort Dauphin, 1776-96; 1535-40, Renaudot, Croix des Bouquets, 1777-86; 1393-1405, Michel, Limonade, 1777-1801; from the following: 361-72, Cassanet, 1777-85. In addition, selected acts are cited Chapelle, Cap Français, 1776-An X; Cap Français, 1780-87, 405-14, Cormeaux de la 90, Gerard, Cap Français, 1776-1800; 659-60, Fromentin, Cap Français, 1777-86; 782IIO7, Hourclatx, Cap Français, 851-70, Grimperel, Cap Français, 1776- 5-88;1084Lamarre, Cap,179-871268, 1777-87, I083, Haumont, Le Borgne, 1781; Lemay, Plaisance, 1165-67, 1450 -SS, Mouttet, Cap Français, y8-88.1407-k.Minéel l'Acul, 178-87 37, Tach, Cap Français, 1776-88; 1778-83:1545-54 1658-8r, Rivery, Cap Français, 1772- - 88; 1622Archives Nationales Françaises. Section Thomin, Port-au-Prince, 1777-90. revolutionary, Saint Domingue (Section Outre-Mer. Incoming state correspondence, preletter to Minister of Marine CgA). Governor de Fayet of Saint Maurepas, 16/s/1733, CgA no. 37. Domingue PRINTED PRIMARY SOURCES Affrches Américaines. Cap Français, Saint Domingue, Brueys d'Aigalliers, F G. "De l'Emploi que les habitants 30/3/79. revenus, année 1764." In Oeuvres choisies de F G. de Saint-Domingue font de leur Reprinted in Haiti au XVIILe siècle: Richesse et Brucys d'Aigalliers, 55-58. Nimes, 1805. Pluchon. Paris: Karthala, 1993. esclavage dans unecoloniefrangaite, ed. Pierre Ferrière, Claude de. La Science parfaite des notaires ou le Hilliard d'Auberteuil, Michel Réné. Considerations parfait notaire. Paris, 1771. Saint-Domingue. Paris, 1777sur T'état présent de la colonie française de Labat, R. Pjean-Baptiste. Nouveau Ménétra, Jacques., de Voyage aux isles de TAmérique. Paris, Journal ma wie. Paris, 180s. 1742. Moreau de St. Méry, Médéric Louis Elie. Considerations 1791. sur l'état présent des colonies. Paris, Description de la partie espagnole de Saint-Demingue Description topograpbique, physique civile, Philadelphia, 1796. de l'isle de Saint-Domingue. Paris, 2d ed., politique et bistorique de la partiefrangaise Taillemite, Paris: Société de 1797; reprint, ed. de TAmérique. Paris, Journal ma wie. Paris, 180s. 1742. Moreau de St. Méry, Médéric Louis Elie. Considerations 1791. sur l'état présent des colonies. Paris, Description de la partie espagnole de Saint-Demingue Description topograpbique, physique civile, Philadelphia, 1796. de l'isle de Saint-Domingue. Paris, 2d ed., politique et bistorique de la partiefrangaise Taillemite, Paris: Société de 1797; reprint, ed. Blanche Maurel and Etienne I'Histoire des Colonies Loix et constitutions des colonies françaises de Françaises, 1958. Pauw, Cornelius de. "The White Creoles." n In PAmérique sous le vent. Paris, 1784-90. Interesting Notes to Serve as a History ofthe Human Philosopbical Research on the Americans, or Quoted in Haiti au XVIIle siècle: Richesse Species. Vol. 2:140-42. Berlin, Pluchon. Paris: Karthala, et esclavage dans une colonie francaise, ed. I'Histoire des Colonies Loix et constitutions des colonies françaises de Françaises, 1958. Pauw, Cornelius de. "The White Creoles." n In PAmérique sous le vent. Paris, 1784-90. Interesting Notes to Serve as a History ofthe Human Philosopbical Research on the Americans, or Quoted in Haiti au XVIIle siècle: Richesse Species. Vol. 2:140-42. Berlin, Pluchon. Paris: Karthala, et esclavage dans une colonie francaise, ed. Pierre 1774. 1993, 292-94. Raimond,Julien. Paris, Obursationsurfurigimes et les progrés du 1791. préjugécontre les bommes de couleur. --- Page 344 --- Works Cited . 317 de couleur de PIsle de nationale par les citoyens Réclamations addressées à TAssemblée national Saint-Domingut. Paris, 1790. Moreau dit St. Méry, députt à TAssemblée de M. Paris, 1791. Réponse aux considérations citoyen de couleur de Saint-Domingue. tles années 1788, sur les colonies par M. Raimond, (Baron) de. Voyagea Saint-Dominguef ependant! dans une colonie franWimpfen, Aletandre-Stanisla siècle: Richesse et esclavage Paris, 1797- In Haiti au XVIIIe 1789, 1790. Pluchon. Paris: Karthala, 1993paise, ed. Pierre SECONDARY SOURCES Cuban Slave Market, and Maria del Carmen Barcia. The Univ. Laird, Fe Iglesias Garcia, Studies Series. Cambridge: Cambridge Bergad, Cambridge Latin American 1790-1880. Howard, ofthe York Hussars, Press, 1995ed. The Haitian Journal efLieutenant Buckley, Roger Norman, Univ. of" Tennessee Press, 1985. Univ. Press, 19931796-1798. Knoxville: efBrazil. New York: Columbia Freedman ofAfrican DeBurns, E. Bradford. A History eds. Neither Slave nor Free: The Univ. Press, 1972. Cohen, David, and Jack Greene, New World. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins 1763-1833 Knoxscent in the Slave Societies ofthe Slave Societies ofSt. Kitts and Grenada, Edward. Free Coloreds in the Cox, Press, 1984Univ. ofWisconsin! Press, 1969. ville: Univ. ofTennesseel TbeAtlantic Slave Trade:d Census. Madison: in the Era of the Slave Trade. Curtin, Philipin Precolonial. Africa: Senegambia Economic Change Press, 1975Cambridge: Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Complex: Essays in Atlantic History. Rise and Fall of the Plantation New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1990. Ideas in a Tropical Colony, 1830-186s Two Jamaicas: The Role of esclavaAtheneum, 1970. Le, Jeu du critère ethnique dans un ordrejuridigue Politiques Debbasch, Yvan. Couleur et liberté: de la Faculté de Droit et des Sciences Université de Strasbourg, Annales Paris: Presses Universitaires, 1967. Paris: giste. de Strasbourg, no. 16. et la Revolution: Etudes antillaises. et Economiques Les Colons de Saint-Domingue Debien, Gabriel. Basse-Terre and Fort-deColin, 1956. XVILe-XVILe siecles. de la Martinique, Les Esclaves aux Antilla.fangaises. and Société d'Histoire Société d'Histoire de la Guadeloupe France: Cairo, La Sucrerie Galbard du fort, 1690-1802. 1974- Une Plantation à Saint-Domingu: La Sucrerie Foàche. Dakar, 1962. 1941. Plantations et esclaves à Saint-Domingue: et réalités." - Conjonction 134 (June/ Louverture avant 1789: Legendes "Toussaint Experience in July 1977). Slavery in the. Americas: The English David. Europe and the Rise efafrican Eltis, Perspective. Forthcoming. Comparative , La Sucrerie Galbard du fort, 1690-1802. 1974- Une Plantation à Saint-Domingu: La Sucrerie Foàche. Dakar, 1962. 1941. Plantations et esclaves à Saint-Domingue: et réalités." - Conjonction 134 (June/ Louverture avant 1789: Legendes "Toussaint Experience in July 1977). Slavery in the. Americas: The English David. Europe and the Rise efafrican Eltis, Perspective. Forthcoming. Comparative --- Page 345 --- 318 . Works Cited "Fluctuations in Sex and Age Ratios in the TransatEltis, David, and Stanley Engerman. 1993), 308-23. n Economic History Review, 46:2 (May lantic Slave Trade, 1663-1864. Below. Knoxville: The Saint Domingue Revolutionfrom Fick, Carolyn. The Making ofHaiti: Univ. of" Tennessee Press, 1990. Cross: The Economics of American Negro Robert, and Stanley Engerman. Time on the Fogel, Slavery. Boston: Little, Brown, 1974The Depont Family in EighteenthForster, Robert. Merchants, Landlords, Magistrates: Univ. Press, 1980. Century France. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins > Paper presented to the General Semi- "A Sugar Plantation on Saint Domingue." at, Johns Hopkins University, n.d. nar in History eds. European Society in the 18th Century. New York: Forster, Robert, and Elborg Forster, Harper and Row, 1969. Death. Trans. A. Faulkner Watts. New Fouchard, Jean. The Haitian Maroons: Liberty OT York: Blyden Press, 1981. aux XVIle-XVIIIe siècles. Paris: Frostin, Charles. Les Révoltes blanches à Saint-Domingue L'École, 1975. Antilles. London: Chapman and Hall, 1873Gallenga, Antonio C. The Pearlofthe. Indigo and the Rise ofa Free Colored Planter "Blue and Brown: Contraband) Garrigus,John. y Americas 50, no. 2 (October 1993): 233-63. Class in French Saint Domingue." Free Men of Color and the Battle "Catalyst or Catastrophe?: Saint Domingue's 1992), n Revista/Review Interamericana 22:1-2 (spring/summer of Savannah, 1779-1782." 109-125on the Eve of the Haitian Revolution: Saint Domin- "Colour, Class and Identity "InAgainst. the Odds: Free Blacks in the Slave gue's Free Colored Elite as Colons. Américains. Portland OR: Frank Cass, 1996. Societies ofthe. Americas, ed. Jane Landers, 20 - 43- Activism: Julien Raimond in Saint "Some Background to Free Colored Political of Caribbean Historians, Paper presented to the Association Domingue, 1744-1784" Martinique, April 13-17, 1987. Race, and Citizenshipin French Saint Domin- "Sons ofthe Same Father: Gender, France: Papers ofa -1789." n In Society, Politics and Culture in Eightentb-Century gue, 1760 Dr. Robert Forster, ed. Jack Censer. College Station: Conference in French History! to Honor Pennsylvania State Univ. Press, 1997. Saint Domingue, for! The Free Coloreds ofPre-Revolutionary "A Struggle Respect: 1988. 1760-1769." n Ph.D. diss.,Johns Hopkins University, Modern Caribbean, ed. Franklin Knight. David P. "Thel Haitian Revolution." "In The Geggus, Hill: Univ. ofl North Carolina Press, 1989. n Chapel Century: Language, Culture, Resistance." Jahr- "Haitian Voodooint the Eighteenth Weinamerikas 28 (1991): I-31. buchfir Geschichte von Staat, Windschaft und Geschelschaft Slave Trade: Data from French "Sex Ratio, Age, and Ethnicity in the Atlantic (1989): 23-44 and Plantation Records." Journal ofAfrican. History 30 Gaspar and Shipping Colored Women in Saint Domingue." In David B. "Slave and Free Chattel: Black Women and Slavery in the Americas, 259Darlene C. Hine, eds. More than Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1996. 78. 1991): I-31. buchfir Geschichte von Staat, Windschaft und Geschelschaft Slave Trade: Data from French "Sex Ratio, Age, and Ethnicity in the Atlantic (1989): 23-44 and Plantation Records." Journal ofAfrican. History 30 Gaspar and Shipping Colored Women in Saint Domingue." In David B. "Slave and Free Chattel: Black Women and Slavery in the Americas, 259Darlene C. Hine, eds. More than Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Press, 1996. 78. --- Page 346 --- Works Cited . 319 Slavery, War and Revolution: The British Oxford: Clarendon, 1982. Ocupation ofSaint Domingue, 1793-1798. "The Slaves of British-Occupied Saint of197. Absentee Plantations, Domingue: An Analysis of the Workforces "Sugar and Coffee 1796-97." Caribbean Studies 18 (1978): 5-41. Labor Force." In Cultivation Cultivation in Saint Domingue and the of the and Culture: Labor and Shaping Slave cas, ed. Ira Berlin and PhilipMorgan, the Shaping ofSlave Life in the Ameri- "Urban 73-97. Charlottesville: Univ. Press toire Development in 18th Century Saint s ofVirginia, 1993. des Espates. Atlantiques 5 (1990), 197-228. Domingue." Bulletin du Centre d'HisHaley, Alex. Roots. Garden City NY: - Hall, Douglas. "Jamaica." In Neither Slave Doubleday, 1976. Slave Societies ofthe New World, ed. David nor Free: The Freedman of African Descent in the Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, Cohen and Jack Greene, 201-3. Baltimore: James, C. L. R. Black Jacobins: 1972. Toussaint New York: L'Ouverture and the Santo Knopf, 1963. Domingo Revolution. King, Stewart. "Blue Coat or Lace Collar? Military and lonial Society of Saint Domingue, Civilian Free Coloreds in the Co1997. 1776- -1791." Ph.D diss., Johns Hopkins Universiry, "Discrimination: and the Growth ofan lonial Saint Domingue (1629-1790)." Intermediate Class: Gens de Couleur in CoHistory, 2 March 1993. Paper presented to the Johns Hopkins Seminar in Klein, Herbert S. "The Colored Militia of 17-27. Cuba, 1568-1868." n Caribbean Studies 6 (1966): Klein, Martin, and Paul says in the Economic Lovejoy. "Slavery in West Africa." 7 In The Uncommon Market: Esdorn, 181-212. New Historyefthe York: Academic Atlantic Slave Trade, ed. Henry Gemery: and Jan HogenKnight, Franklin. "Cuba." In Neither Slave Press, 1979. Slave Societies ofthe New World, ed. David nor Free: The Freedman efAfrican Descent in the Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, Cohen and Jack Greene, 278-308. Baltimore: 1972. Slave Society in Cuba during the Nineteenth Press, 1970. Century. Madison: Univ. ofWisconsin Landers,Jane, ed. Against the Odds: Free Blacks in the Slave OR: Frank Cass, 1996. Societies ofthe Americas. Portland McClellan, James E., III. Colonialism and Science: more: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, Saint Domingue in the Old Regime. BaltiMiers, Suzanne, and Igor Kopytof:. "African 1992. Slavery in Africa: Historical and. Slavery as an Institution of Marginality." "In Kopytoff. Madison: University Anthrepological Perspectives, ed. Suzanne Miers and Mintz, Sidney. ofWisconsin Press, 1977. Igor Stueetness and Power: The Place in Modern Hopkins Univ. Press, 1990. efSugari History. Baltimore: Johns Parker, Geoffrey. The Military Revolution. Cambridge: Peabody, Sue. "Race, Slavery, and French Law: The Cambridge Univ. Press, 1988. Paper presented to the American Historical Legal Concept of the Police des Noirs.' Association, 29 December 1992. : University Anthrepological Perspectives, ed. Suzanne Miers and Mintz, Sidney. ofWisconsin Press, 1977. Igor Stueetness and Power: The Place in Modern Hopkins Univ. Press, 1990. efSugari History. Baltimore: Johns Parker, Geoffrey. The Military Revolution. Cambridge: Peabody, Sue. "Race, Slavery, and French Law: The Cambridge Univ. Press, 1988. Paper presented to the American Historical Legal Concept of the Police des Noirs.' Association, 29 December 1992. --- Page 347 --- 320 . Works Cited Pluchon, Pierre, ed. Histoire des Antilles et de la Guyane. Univers Francophones, vol. 48. Paris: Privat, 1982. de la France et des Pays Poisson,Jean-Paul. Notaires et société: Travaux d'histoire et nomica, 1985. des sociologie notariales. Paris: EcoRussell-Wood, A.J. R. "Colonial Brazil."In Neither Slave Descent in the Slave Societies ofthe. New World, ed. nor Free: The Freedman ofAfrican Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, David Cohen and Jack Greene, Sheridan, Richard. 1972. 84-133. Sugar and Slavery: An Economic History 1775- Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, ofthe British West Indies, 1623Socolow, Susan. "Economic Roles ofthe Free Women 1974. than Chattel: Black Women and Slavery in the of Color ofCap Francais." In More Hine, 279-97. Bloomington: Indiana Univ. Americas, ed. David Gaspar and Darlene Stein, Robert. The French Slave Trade in the Press, 1996. Madison: Univ. ofWisconsin Press, Eighteenth Century: An Old Regime Business. Steward, Theophilous G. "How the Black 1979. St. in the Siege of Savannah, 1779." > Occasional Domingo Legion Saved the Patriot Army Academy, 1899. Paper no. 5. Washington: American Negro Tannenbaum, Frank. Slave and Citizen: The Negro in the House, 1945. Americas. New York: Random Thornton, John.. Africa and Africans in the Making ofthe. Atlantic bridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1992. World, 1400-1680. Cam- "IAm a Subject of the King ian Revolution." > Journal ofWorld ofCongo': African Political Ideology and the Hait- "Sexual History 4, no. 2 (1993): 181-214. Women and Demography: The Impact of the Slave Trade on Slavery inAfrica, ed. Martin Klein and Family Structure." In Univ. ofWisconsin Press, 1983. Claire Robertson, 39-48. Madison: Trouillot, Michel-Rolph."Coftel Planters and Coffee a Secondary Crop."In Cultivation and Culture: Slaves in the Antilles: The Impact of Americas, ed. Ira Berlin and Philip Morgan, Labor and the Shaping ofSlave Lijfe in the ginia, 1993. 124-37. Charlottesville: Univ. Press ofVir- "Motion in the System: Coffee, Domingue. n Review Color, and Slavery in 3 (winter 1982): 331-88. Eighteenth-Century Saint Vaissière, Pierre de. Saint-Domingue: La Société et la vie créoles 1789. Paris: Perrin et Cie, 1909. sous Tancien régieme, 1629Voelz, Peter M. Slave and Soldier: The Military Studies in African American Impact of Blacks in the Colonial Americas. Wilson, Samuel M. Hispaniola: History and Culture. New York: Garland, 1993. University of. Alabama, Caribbean Chiefdoms in the Age ofColumbus. 1990. Tuscaloosa: -Century Saint Vaissière, Pierre de. Saint-Domingue: La Société et la vie créoles 1789. Paris: Perrin et Cie, 1909. sous Tancien régieme, 1629Voelz, Peter M. Slave and Soldier: The Military Studies in African American Impact of Blacks in the Colonial Americas. Wilson, Samuel M. Hispaniola: History and Culture. New York: Garland, 1993. University of. Alabama, Caribbean Chiefdoms in the Age ofColumbus. 1990. Tuscaloosa: --- Page 348 --- Index The modifiers fnu (first name unknown), nln (no last fils (son) are used in this index. name), Inu (last name unknown), and Adhenet (fnu, maréchausée commander of Limonade), Augustin, Marie Janvier (née Benjamin), ix Adrien, Vincent, 227 Augustin, Pierre, ix-x, xii, xxiv, 154, 226, Affiches américaines, 25-26 259, 272; as military group leader, XX, 231; African cultural survivals, 98-99 racial identifier changes of, 161-62; as dit l'Allemand, Pierre, II2-13, 249 rural landholder, 156 Aman (nln, Chaseun-Volontaiteo), Augustine (wife of Pasquier), 91 American Indian ancestry, 159 Amoune, Pierre, III, 233, 257 Babet (dependent of the Pincemaille dit Ange, Pierre Medor, 26- -27 family), 85, 169-70 Apprenticeship, 91, 154 dite Balanquin, Marie Grasse, 192 Ardisson, André, 222 dit Balata, Charles, 59 Ardisson, Catherine Françoise, 156, 161, Balthazard, Pierre, 232-33 Ardisson, Gaspard (I), 222 223 Bambara.jean-Baptiste xxiv Ardisson, Gaspard (II), 222 Baptism: offree numbers, 43, 47; records, as proof Ardisson, Gaspard (III), I7I status, 9; registry act, 13 Ardisson, Marie Louise, 222 Barbancourt, Marie Magdaleine, 261 Arelise, Victoire, 189, 258 la Bastide, Joseph, 142, 145, 256, 259, 260d'Argout, M. le Comte (Governor62, 270 General), 70 la Bastide, Pierre, 142, 145, 256, 259, 260 - Armée de Saint-Domingue (ofToussaint 62, 270 Louverture): leaders in ChasseursBaucy, Marie Rose, 232 Volontaires de Baudin, Jean-Baptiste, 62 Artibonite valley, Saint-Domingue, 17, 39 XV Baugé family, 127, 205-6, 219-20 Artisans, colored apprentice and Beaudoulx (fnu, notary in Mirebalais), 4, journeyman, xviii; income of, 236; Begasse, 39 occupational term as marker of social Marie, 216 status, xxii, 164-65; Bellanton, Zabeau, 8I-84, 95, IOI, 118, II9, Attila, Pierre, 164, 231, 257-58, 259 I50, 175, 190, 268, 270 Auba, Etienne, 62, 70, 172, 248, 253 dit Belly,, Jean-Baptiste, 231 Auba, Catherine, 251, 253 Bertole, Barthelemy Ibar, 62 dit Aubry,. ii, 164-65; Bellanton, Zabeau, 8I-84, 95, IOI, 118, II9, Attila, Pierre, 164, 231, 257-58, 259 I50, 175, 190, 268, 270 Auba, Etienne, 62, 70, 172, 248, 253 dit Belly,, Jean-Baptiste, 231 Auba, Catherine, 251, 253 Bertole, Barthelemy Ibar, 62 dit Aubry,. Joseph, 154, 165, I7I Blanchard, Louis, 136 Auguste, Roger, I3I Bleakley, Marie Marguerite Jacinthe, 2II Bleakley, Marthe Françoise, 222 --- Page 349 --- 322 . Index Bleakley, dit Bois Vincent, 164, 213 Bonneau, Clair, Jean Pierre (La Bastide), 261 Chaseun-Vslontsitesd de Paul, 193 (1757-1761), TAmérique Bordier, 70-72, 235 Boussens kean-Fiangoiscens (Inu, 4, 25, 163, 176 Chaseune-lslontares de Brazil, xi, 87-88 marécbawsée), 241 (1779-171), 65-74, 244; Sain-Domingue and disease dit Bréda, Blaise, casualties, 72; pay and IO 6, 68, 235; allowances for, Bréda, Toussaint. See xiv-xv, 66, provokes colored resistance, Bréda sugar plantation, Louverture, Toussaint 76; recruitment to, 66-68; Bremond (a.k.a. 27-28, 88 segregation of, 212-13; service in, as Alexis, 126 Bourbon), Jean Baptiste demonstration ofp patriotism, British as garrisons, xiv; use of, West Indies, 54, 82-83 Chaulet, Gertrude, 179-83 162 Buccaneers, 60-61, 69-70. , provokes colored resistance, Bréda sugar plantation, Louverture, Toussaint 76; recruitment to, 66-68; Bremond (a.k.a. 27-28, 88 segregation of, 212-13; service in, as Alexis, 126 Bourbon), Jean Baptiste demonstration ofp patriotism, British as garrisons, xiv; use of, West Indies, 54, 82-83 Chaulet, Gertrude, 179-83 162 Buccaneers, 60-61, 69-70. See also Chavanne, Achile, 207 Cartagena expedition Chavanne family, 144, Buildings: construction standards and Chavanne, 163, 174, 188, 207, 221 values, 128- -29; Chavanne, Hyacinthe, 63 social value, 174-75 descriptive terms and Christophe, Jean-Baptiste, 207, 213, 225, 271 Burials: Church Henry, xv, xxiii, 28 unction, anonymous, xvi; and extreme buildings: in Cap 177; and parish Croix des Français, 24; in register act, 1331; in Bouquets, 37 in Fort de Bury, Joseph, Limonade, 28; in Dauphin, Saint-Suzanne, 29 Mirebalais, 39; in Cairou, Paul, Church offices, 14, 164 76, 22I Clement, Cap Français (modern Cap Clergy, 24; Baptiste, and 173 21-28; cadastral survey records Haitien), 4, 14, ofJesus lanti-clericalism, 176; Society colored of, 14; free (Jesuits), 182 population in, 46; land rentals Climate, 17, 19-20 138-39; rural land sales executed in, Clothing, xxii Capital flow; from whites to free in, 132 Club Massiac, 76 xvii; diacriminatoryl coloreds, Cockburn, xvi-xvi; land legislation to limit, Code Noir, Mathieu, 198 133; Louisiana Code transactions, 129, 130, xix-x; and Catholic transactions, Noir on, 130; slave 175; and free assembly of slaves, church, Cartagena II7 illegitimate children of mixed 57; and Castaing, expedition, xiv, 54, 61, 69-70 12; and marriage between race, Castaing, Guillaume (Ale), 156, 163, 208 masters and slaves, 183, 193; cohabiting and Castanet Marthe, 163 between slaves, 182; reward for marriage de family, 74-75 in, 56; and bravery Castries, Marshal, 75 also weapons restrictions, 172. See dite Cavailly, Catherine, Coeflin, Legitimate and illegitimate birth Cercle des Marie (Malic), 232, dit Cezar, Philadupbes du Cap, 25 Coffee boom, 19, 41; drives 233, 256, 259 Joseph, 231 elements and transfrontier Chambre de in away, 22; free dit lAgriculture, 26 West Province, 34, 37 coloreds, 124; Champaign, Toussaint, 74 Coidavy;) Jacques, 118, 270 Chaseun-Grenadiesd de Columbus, 65, 235 Saint-Domingue, Combe, Alexis Christopher, 28 La, 92 Chameurn-Royaure de Compagmomnag, 154 (r781-1782), xiv, 56, Sain-Domingue Conseils 72-7476;p pay, 235- Corbeille, Superieurs, Marc 24-25 Daniaud), (formerly known as 166-67 aint, 74 Coidavy;) Jacques, 118, 270 Chaseun-Grenadiesd de Columbus, 65, 235 Saint-Domingue, Combe, Alexis Christopher, 28 La, 92 Chameurn-Royaure de Compagmomnag, 154 (r781-1782), xiv, 56, Sain-Domingue Conseils 72-7476;p pay, 235- Corbeille, Superieurs, Marc 24-25 Daniaud), (formerly known as 166-67 --- Page 350 --- Index : 323 Couvert, Jeanne, 222 Credit, 145; and free coloreds, de instruments, 149150, 220, 269; Embarquadaire Limonade, 28 255-56 -50; and patronage, d'Estaing, dit Comte, 61, 62, 65, 69,75 Croix des Evil Evian, Julien, 9 population Bouquets, 4, 37-39; free colored Eye superstition, 43 138; land sales in, 49; land rentals in, 136, Exclusif, 152. See also in, 133 Smuggling Cuba, xi, 53 Fagneau Cul de Sac, parish of. See Croix Fauquet, family, II Bouquets des Favardière, Marguerite, 198 Marie, 185-86 Dada, Nanon, dit Filatre, Jean Baptiste, 196 DaheyJulie, 237 Floissac, Pierre Charles, 67 192, 208, 121-22, 136, 153-54, 155, 187, Foâche, Stanislas, 175, 208 Daugé family, 209-II, 214, 245, 270 Fontaine, Fort Jean-Baptiste, 82 Daugin, 38, 125 Dauphin (modern Fort Deism, Louis, II, 283-86 30-32; free colored Liberté), 4, DaheyJulie, 237 Floissac, Pierre Charles, 67 192, 208, 121-22, 136, 153-54, 155, 187, Foâche, Stanislas, 175, 208 Daugé family, 209-II, 214, 245, 270 Fontaine, Fort Jean-Baptiste, 82 Daugin, 38, 125 Dauphin (modern Fort Deism, Louis, II, 283-86 30-32; free colored Liberté), 4, population in, 48- - Demography Depont family, xV, xvi, 42-47, 157, 187, 208 Fortifications: Cap Français, 24; Fort Descaline, Marie 149, I5I Fortin, Dauphin, 30-32 Despines, Bernard, Louise, 140 dite Marie Zabeth, III Desroulcaux, xvi Fraicheur, Anne, 170 Desrouleaux, Louis, 163-64, 233, 257-59 François (Inu, boss slave killed by Madeleine, 163-64, maréchausée 233, 257- Free coloreds: man), 241 Dessalines, changing roles of, Disease: Jean-Jacques, xxiii urban-rural links xi-xi; in Fort Dauphin, coloreds in of, 156. See also Free casualties of, 31; military military, Free coloreds white 32, 71; and slave prices, Saint Domingue in Doré, population, effects on, 44 44; Free coloreds and slaves, II3; free Dorien, Jean-François, 4, 25 as buyers and sellers of coloreds dit Jean Charles, I7I free coloreds and creole slaves, 16-17; Drouillard, Dramanne, Jean-François, 139-40 IOI, 214; free coloreds and slaves, 87, IOO - Dubertet Antoine, 176 servants, 92; gender ratios domestic Ducasse, (fnu), 175 104-5; health of slaves, IO2; among slaves, Jean-Baptiste, 61 of free coloreds numbers Duchemin, Alexis, 162 of owning slaves, 84; dite Dufon, Louise percentage free colored property Dumoyer, Lucrèce, 168 comprised by slaves, 86; dite Duperrier, Charlotte, 196 strategies of, I06 -7 sexual pro-natalist Rosalie, 137 between, 183. See also Planter relations Dupetithouars, Antoine Augustin Aubert Free coloreds in elites Defoix, Seigneur, 67-68, to colonial military: importance of, of Fabien Gentil, 213; as patron xiii, defense, xiv; networking by, Dupré, Genevieve, 244-46, 259 67-68; as officers, xxii, 61-62; Durocher, patriotic motivations of, Durocher, Charles, IIS, 162 regular army and navy, 68-69;in Laurent, IIS, 162 racist stereotypes, xiv; XY,74 -75; and Econome, recruitment by, xiv, 66, resistance as to leaders for 73; source of Economic elites, 4 for metropolitan revolution, xv; as substitutes troops, 53. See also Chaseun-Ropaus de Saint-Doningue, , 61-62; Durocher, patriotic motivations of, Durocher, Charles, IIS, 162 regular army and navy, 68-69;in Laurent, IIS, 162 racist stereotypes, xiv; XY,74 -75; and Econome, recruitment by, xiv, 66, resistance as to leaders for 73; source of Economic elites, 4 for metropolitan revolution, xv; as substitutes troops, 53. See also Chaseun-Ropaus de Saint-Doningue, --- Page 351 --- 324 . Index Free coloreds in military (continued) Chascun-Volontaires de TAmérique, slaves, 237; in military service, 64; as Chaseun-Volontaires de Saintstatus symbols, xxii, 173-74 Domingue, Légion de Saint-Domingue, Hospitals: in Port-au-Prince, 36; Sisters of Maréchausée, Military leadership Charity in Cap Français, 24 Militia group, Housing, xxii Free coloreds in Saint Domingue: and Hulla, Jean, 56 coffee cultivation, 19-20; families of, Hypolite, Jean Baptiste, 233 186, 199-200; names of, IO, 165-66; as peasants, xviii, 135, 156; personal titles of, Illegitimacy. birth See Legitimate and illegitimate 162-64; as plantation managers, xvii, 186; prohibited from professions, 26, 164; Immigration, white (1760 -1780), 123 rights of mothers, 185-86, 199; social Indigo cultivation, 22, 262 status of, xX, 134-35, 158-62; urban role Inheritance, 130-32, 223-24, 258. See also of, xvili, 156; women in Wills and death inventories 8g. See also Demography commerce, 186 - Irrigation, 17-18, 32, 38, 124-25 Furniture, 169-71 Jamaica: hurricanes in, 19; military and Garette, Marie Magdelaine, I9I police role of free coloreds in, 54; size of Gauthier, Pierre, 73 slaveholding units in, 87; status of free dit Gautier, François Le Roy, 162 coloreds in, xi Gautier (fnu, Lt. 8g. See also Demography commerce, 186 - Irrigation, 17-18, 32, 38, 124-25 Furniture, 169-71 Jamaica: hurricanes in, 19; military and Garette, Marie Magdelaine, I9I police role of free coloreds in, 54; size of Gauthier, Pierre, 73 slaveholding units in, 87; status of free dit Gautier, François Le Roy, 162 coloreds in, xi Gautier (fnu, Lt. Colonel), XV Janvier, Xavier, 232 Gentil, Fabien (a.k.a. dit Tollo), Jean (Inu, freed slave of Fabien XV, 67, Gentil), 245 137-38, 244- - 47, 254 Jean-François (Inu, revolutionary. leader), dite Girardeau, Françoise Elizabeth, Godin, Magdeleine, Jesuits, 182 Godparenthood, 13. See 107 also Military Jewelry, 171-72 leadership group, pseudo-kinship in dite Jolicoeur, Elisabeth Bonne Femme, dit la Grande Raque, Jean Joly, 40 189, 258 Guerin (or Guerineau), Jean-Pierre, 63 Judaism, 24 Gueyin, Jean Charles Benjamin, 261 Jupiter, François, 62 Guillon, Alexis, 17I Guyany, Madelon, IIO Labattu,, Joseph, 196 Guyany, Therèse, IIO Lamauve (fnu), 4, 39 Greffe records, 14 Lamotte, Constance, 166 Lamotte, Louis, 52, 166, 167 Harbors: Cap Français, 21; Embarquadaire Lamotte, Michel, 52, 166, 167, 244 de Limonade, 28; Fort Dauphin, Lamotte, François, 244 Haut du Cap, 27-28 Land: concessions, 139, 140; donations, Hélène (Inu, housekeeper for Jean-François 129-30; rentals, 135-38, 152, 219-20; Edouard Leveille dit Riché), I9I sales, 6, 9, 132-34, 145, 217-19; squatting Hérivaux heirs, disputed inheritance, on, 139, 140; value of, 125-28, 217-19 185, 207 130, Laporte, Anne (I), 208, 222 dit Hervé, Jean-Baptiste Coutaux, Laporte, Anne (II), 223 112-13, Laporte, Charles, 161, 223 Horses: and carriages, 174; and maroon Laporte, Elizabeth Sophie, X, xii, xxvi Laporte family, xix, II, 144-45, 156, 166, 139, 140; value of, 125-28, 217-19 185, 207 130, Laporte, Anne (I), 208, 222 dit Hervé, Jean-Baptiste Coutaux, Laporte, Anne (II), 223 112-13, Laporte, Charles, 161, 223 Horses: and carriages, 174; and maroon Laporte, Elizabeth Sophie, X, xii, xxvi Laporte family, xix, II, 144-45, 156, 166, --- Page 352 --- Index . 325 194, 205, 206, 270-71; and with whites, 2I0; legitimate contacts births Louise (Inu, 195-96; marriage strategies in, 132, 192 menagère to Léonard Simiat), of, 161, 222- Louverture, Laporte, Jean-Baptiste, 63 Bréda), IO, Toussaint (a.k.a. Toussaint Laporte, Louis 27-28, 156, 267; Laporte, (),x, 222 policies of, as conservative Louis (II, or ainé), de Libertat, Governor, >xiii; and Laporte, Louis 222, 223 xx, soxii, 147; Bayon (III, or cadet), 222 >xii, 177 literacy of, Laroche, Laporte, Marie Anne, 156, 174 Lucrèce (Inu, free black), 98 dit Leclerc, Marie Jeanne, 175 dit Leclerc, Auguste, IIO Magnon, Jacques, 231 Légion de Julienne, IIO Maignan, Jean, II2 Saint-Domingue 36, 69, 235 dit Malic, Legitimate and illegitimate birth: 168, Jean-Baptiste Magny, 4, III, 164, component of social as dite 231-32, 256 - 60, 272 donation of capital status, xxii; and Manigat, Malic, Marguerite, III, 257 among free coloreds, goods, 129- -30, 200; Guillaume, 62, 253 of slave 195; and free fathers Manumission: creoles children, 184; and predominate, 44; off parents, II-12; identification documentary coloreds and proofs of, 9, II2; by free recognition of children, legitimation and in, 44, 48, I08; whites, 108; gender ratios 99, 257; living allowances II-12, 13, 198military informal, III-12; for 12, 184;and or alternatives, service, 56, 67, I09; names, 187. Manumission: creoles children, 184; and predominate, 44; off parents, II-12; identification documentary coloreds and proofs of, 9, II2; by free recognition of children, legitimation and in, 44, 48, I08; whites, 108; gender ratios 99, 257; living allowances II-12, 13, 198military informal, III-12; for 12, 184;and or alternatives, service, 56, 67, I09; names, 187. See also property rights of women, procedure, I08- -9; self-purchases, 263; LeMaire, Marriage Mankbauds, 46; arcbers or IIO-II Antoine, 222 and bribes, cavaliers in, 234; LeMaire, Elizabeth, 222, 223 57; and extortion, 240-41; enlisted ranks of, xiv, LeMoine, Augustin, 62, 74, 170, 240; and police 241; and pay, 236, 239, 250-53 172, 176, private security brutality case, 242; and LeMoine, Bertrand, work, 238; and dite Léonore, 74, 176, 250, 252 57,58, 237-38; rewards, dite Léonore, Barbe, IIO-II 59, II3, 243; and supernumeraries, tax on 56, 58Leprestre, Guittonne, IIO -II 40, 244 slaveowners, 239- - Leprestre André, 4, 32, 176 Marie Jeanne (Inu, (father of André), colored independent urban free LeRoy, Charlotte, 243, 261 Marie woman), 170 LeRoy, Josephe (Inu, retail Jacques, 162 Dauphin), merchant in Fort LeRoy, Nicholas, 171 Marie Therèse 152-53, 155, 189, 281-82 Lesser Antilles, Marie Celine, I18 coloreds English: rural role of free Therèse (Inu, retail in, xi Port-au-Prince), merchant in Lestrade, M. le Baron de, 54 Maroons: confused 137 with. L'Eveille, Jean-Baptiste, 147, 178, Croix des defacto free, II2; in L'Eveille, Jean-François Riché, 253 xii; in Bouquets, 38, 26r; in Jamaica, 178, I9I, 231, 253-54 xY;, 147, 171, coffee Port-au-Prince, boom, 36-37 at time of Library ofCap and 19; urban, 46 Limonade, Français, 25 Marriage: free 4, 28-30: free colored between free and coloreds, slave, 18I-82, 195; population in, 46-48; land free coloreds and 181, 183; between land sales in, 132-33 prices in, 6; 2II; between whites, xvi, 193-95, Literacy, xoci-xxi, 177-78, 261 9, 169, 171, 194, slaves, 182; contracts, X, 8and legitimacy of 197-99; dowries, 197, 198; partner, 198, 222-23; 18I-82, 195; population in, 46-48; land free coloreds and 181, 183; between land sales in, 132-33 prices in, 6; 2II; between whites, xvi, 193-95, Literacy, xoci-xxi, 177-78, 261 9, 169, 171, 194, slaves, 182; contracts, X, 8and legitimacy of 197-99; dowries, 197, 198; partner, 198, 222-23; --- Page 353 --- 326 . Index Marriage (continued) and parish register act, 13; and Names, IO-II, 165-66 preservation of Navidad, 28 relocation, property, 222-23; and Navy, French 157; as social advancement, Nivard, Royal, 74 xxii, 82, 222-23 Jean-Baptiste, 196 Martinique, 83 Notarial acts, >xiv, 162-64; archiving of, in Maubonne, Etienne, xvi France, 3-4; color of actors cited in, 8; May,, Jean Jacques, 2II and free status, 9, II2; private acts ofsale Menagères, xxiii, 187, I9I formalized by, 9; use of, by free coloreds, dite Merthille, Marie Françoise, xix, 6 Merza, Rose, 193 174 -75 Notaries, 3,. xiv, 162-64; archiving of, in Maubonne, Etienne, xvi France, 3-4; color of actors cited in, 8; May,, Jean Jacques, 2II and free status, 9, II2; private acts ofsale Menagères, xxiii, 187, I9I formalized by, 9; use of, by free coloreds, dite Merthille, Marie Françoise, xix, 6 Merza, Rose, 193 174 -75 Notaries, 3,. 5-6 Mesnier, Jacques, 73 Michel (fnu), 4, 35 Ogé (fnu, Vincent Ogés mother), 208 Michel, Jean-Louis, 4, 29,52, 16I Ogé, Vincent, 5, I16, 129, 137, 150, 152, 153, Military: bandsmen, 55; fortification 155, 161, 164, I9I, 225, 258; and interservice, 56-57 white service in, 53, 61, 62 island shipping trade, 263-64; as urban Milituryleadership group, xii-xiii, XXrepresentative of planter elite, 208-9 xxi, 228-29; and creole slaves, D'Ogeron, Bertrand, 22, 69 entrepreneurship of, xvii, xxi, 228; 233-34; and Olivier, Maturin, 253 group identification, 228; literacyin, Olivier, Pierre, 196, 253 248-49; and manumission, Olivier, René, 253 marriage, 182; 229; and Olivier, Vincent, military rank as status 196, 54, 62, 69, 70, 75, I14, 172, symbol in, xxii, 260; and names, 248, 226-28, 248, 250, 260, 270 256, 262-63; as patrons, 255; pseudoParish kinship in, 13, 228-29, registers, xxiv, 12 whites, xxiii 230-31, 244; and Pavie, Jean Pierre, 148 Military rank, free colored: Peace of Ryswick, 2I noncommissioned officers, xxii, 254; Peignanan, Thomas, 121, I31 officer rank abolished 1765, 62; officers, Pellerin, Pierre, 243-44, 256 xxii, 61-62, 250- -54 Perodin, Pierre, 140-41, 145 Militia, 60-61, 160, 247; garrison duty in, Petignyjean-Baptiste Pétion, I7I 63-64; loot and rewards in, 242; pay for Alexandre, XV extra dutyin, 235; proposal to "whiten" Petit,, Jean Baptiste, 258 veterans in, 69; reorganization of, 62; Pierre Pierre (Inu, carpenter ofLimonade), 170 resistance to changes in, xiv, 63, 75; (Inu, maréchausés, maroon slave), segregation of, 212 II2-13, 249 Milloy, Laurent, 62 Pierret, Charlotte, 180 Mirebalais, 4, 22, 29-4 40; free colored Pierret,, Jean (fils), 180, 185 population in, 49-50; land rentals in, Pierrot (slave oft the Poupart family), 93, 136; land sales in, 133 II4 Mirebalezia, Pierre Guillaume, 156 Pincemaille, Marie Françoise, 200, 215 Money shortage, 149 Pincemaille, Michel François, 170, 200, 213 Moreau de St. ais, 4, 22, 29-4 40; free colored Pierret,, Jean (fils), 180, 185 population in, 49-50; land rentals in, Pierrot (slave oft the Poupart family), 93, 136; land sales in, 133 II4 Mirebalezia, Pierre Guillaume, 156 Pincemaille, Marie Françoise, 200, 215 Money shortage, 149 Pincemaille, Michel François, 170, 200, 213 Moreau de St. Méry, Médéric Louis Elie, Pincemaille, Nanette, I13-14, 170, 187, 200, xxiv, 14-I5 208, 270, 271 dit Morin, Joseph, 185 Plaine du Cul de Sac, 17, 34, 38 Plaine du Nord, 17, 22, 32 --- Page 354 --- Index - 327 dite Plaisance, Marie Magdelaine Guiot, la Rondière, Louis, 72, 231 Planter elites, xii, xxi, 206; access to land Rosalie (Inu, washerwoman and slave of of, 123; and creole slaves, 214; economic Alexis la Combe), 92 strategies of, xvii, xxii; and free coloreds, dite Rossignol, Anne, 188-89 2I1-14; and manumission, 213; menagères, dite Rossignol, Marie Adelaide, 188-89 xxiii, 187, I91; mentality, 206 -7, 257, 269; de Roussame, Manuel Louis, 208 and slaves, 214; and whites, xvi, xvii, Rouvray, Le Noir, 67, 68 soxii-xxii, 210-II, 215 Roux, Pierre, 173 Plantations: management, xvii, Roy, Anne Françoise, 174, 211-12 44, 145, 146-47, 215-16, 236; size, 142, 14332, 37,40 29-30, Sainte-Suzanne, 14, 25, 29-30, 47 Poor whites, 123, 145 dit Salmigoudy, François Thomas, 98 Port-au-Prince, 4, 33-37, 49 Sanitte, Jeanne, 245, 246 Poupart family, IO-II, 29, 93, I14, 129, 144, Santo Sanitte, Marie Josephe, 245, 246 174, 196 Domingo: hurricanes in, 19-20; and Printing, 25-26 maroon slaves, 58, 261; trade in horses in, Prisons, 36 64; trade through Fort Dauphin, 30, 31; Property, 168-74, 248 trade through Mirebalais, 39-40; trade Protestantism, 24, 176 with Saint Domingue, 20 Provenchère, III Sarazin, Geneviève Zangoué, 232 Puisaye, Chevalier de (fnu), Saulx-Tavanes, Duc de, 60, 140- - 41 Savannah expedition, xiv, 129 15, 75,65-69 dite Quercy, Marie Petit, 196 Savanne de Limonade, 29 Scipion, Alexandre, 231 Race, 158-62 Segregation, residential, 26-27,3 36, la Racointe, Françoise, 136Raimond Seven Years' family, IO, 158, 163, 166, 194, 216 Sing, War, 70 -72, 124 Raimond, Julien, 13, 59, 63, 75, 109, 158-59, Skin Jacques, 259 225, 267 color, 158-62 Rasteau, Luce, IO, 283-86 Slaves: demography of, 88- 3-90, 105-7; Régiment de Port-au-Prince, 36, 7I domestic, 90-91, 92; ethnic origins of, Régiment de Querci, 7I 88, 93-103; family structures of, 182-83; Régiment du Cap, 24, 32, 71 health of, IO2; occupational titles and Reine, Jeannette, 177-78 value of, 91, IO3; owners of, 84; pawning, Religion, Traditional, 98-99 82, 118; in peasant households, 92-93, Religious picty (in Catholic Church), >xii, I14; prices of, 6; rental of, 115-16; sexual 14, 74, 81-82, 175-77 exploitation of, 93, 183-184; skills of, Renaudot (fnu), 4, 38 xviii Repussard, Pierre Dicudonné, 261 Smuggling, 20, 34, 83 Restaveks, II4 dit Sorlier, Antoine, 54-55 Rigaud, Religious picty (in Catholic Church), >xii, I14; prices of, 6; rental of, 115-16; sexual 14, 74, 81-82, 175-77 exploitation of, 93, 183-184; skills of, Renaudot (fnu), 4, 38 xviii Repussard, Pierre Dicudonné, 261 Smuggling, 20, 34, 83 Restaveks, II4 dit Sorlier, Antoine, 54-55 Rigaud, Andre, xv, 267 Souffrière, Jean Baptiste Martin, 185 dit La Rivière, Etienne, 112-13, Streets, paved, Cap Français and Port-auRobineau,, Jean-Louis, Prince, 23 de Rohan, (fnu), 62 137, 212-13 Sugar revolution, 18, 22, 69 Surveyor, public (arpenteur),7,139 --- Page 355 --- 328 . Index Theater: ofCap Français, 25, 82; ofl Portau-Prince, 35 Viau, Gilbert, I31 Thelemaque (Inu, employee ofJulie Viau, Jean, 131 Dahey), 153 Viau, Jean-Baptiste, 131 Theron,, Jean Louis Martin, 52 Vigreux, François, 213 Thoreau,. Jean-François, 166-67 Titles, 162-64 War of American Independence, xvii, 253; Tobacco cultivation, 22, 69 effect on economy, 224, 259; Savannah à Traitte, Marie Louise, 193 expedition, IS, 65-69, 75; Savannah Transportation, within the colony: expedition in, xiv difficulties in Mirebalais, 40; by sea, Water supply in Port-au-Prince, 36 20-21, 263-64 Weapons: issued, xxii, 171-73, 238 Travel of free coloreds to France, xvi, xxii, "Whitening" ideology, II9, 158-59, 223 150, 168 Wills and death inventories, 81, 169, 185Treaty of Ryswick, 58 86, 199-200 Trou du Nord, 32, 7I Woodland, 126 Turgeau, Marie Louise, 194, 198 Turgeau, Marie Madelaine Duchemin, Xaragua, 34 147-48, 161, 187-8 88, 199, 223-24 262, 270 Turgeau, Pierre, 147-48, 161, 187-88, 199, Zazon (Inu, maréchausée), 241 223-24, 262, 270 Zogo, Pierre Simon, 232, 262-64 Zogo, Reine, 232 Ulisse, Pierre, 232, 263 Uniform, military, xxii, 238, 243